BURMA DIGEST » Book Club

Feraya’s World

taisamyone — Fri, 03 Feb 2012 19:32:20 +0000

Feraya’s World by Feraya Ullathorne | Make Your Own Book

This just published this book with some of Feraya’s paintings with relevant information on Shan State, Burma, including various personal subjects. If you like the paintings, and would like to help a good cause, you are very welcome to order the book. It’s available in soft cover and hard cover.

With information on the life, human rights, environmental and current living situation of the people of Shan State.

Thank you very much. ~ ? ~

NOWHERE TO BE HOME: NARRATIVES FROM SURVIVORS OF BURMA’S MILITARY REGIME

taisamyone — Thu, 09 Jun 2011 12:11:40 +0000

AVAILABLE NOW FROM VOICE OF WITNESS

NOWHERE TO BE HOME: NARRATIVES FROM SURVIVORS OF BURMA’S MILITARY REGIME

Edited by Maggie Lemere and Zoë West

ABOUT THE BOOK:

The seventh volume in the Voice of Witness series presents the narratives of former political prisoners and refugees from Burma. Decades of military oppression in Burma have led to the systematic destruction of over 3,000 ethnic minority villages, one of the largest numbers of child soldiers in the world, and the displacement of millions of people internally and across borders. The narratives in this book offer a powerful depiction of daily life within Burma as well as the tenuous border regions to which an estimated 1-2 million have fled. In their own words, men and women from Burma describe how their lives have been deeply altered by the country’s current military regime: refugees who have fled military-sponsored violence and ethnic and religious persecution; political dissidents jailed and tortured for their actions and youth and community leaders working for solutions at great personal risk. Their stories reveal the human toll exacted by the country’s regime, with intersecting issues of forced labor, sexual violence, displacement, environmental degradation, the drug trade and HIV/AIDS. This book is a unique compilation of stories from Burma, as seen through different lenses of gender, location, education, political opinion, and ethnicity. Woven together, these stories are testament to the complexity and magnitude of the human rights crisis in Burma, as well as to the resilience of its people.

To read an excerpt from the book, click here.

ABOUT THE EDITORS:

Maggie Lemere has traveled and worked in Asia, Africa, and Latin America. She holds an MA in international peace & conflict resolution from American University in Washington DC. Maggie focuses her writing and photography projects on human rights; she has worked on Burma issues in the US and Southeast Asia. She lives in Washington, DC.

Zoë West is a writer whose work investigates social issues and cultural exchange. Zoë grew up in the U.S. and has since lived and worked in Southeast Asia, Europe, and Central America. She is pursuing graduate studies in social anthropology at the University of Oxford.

Click here to order a copy of Nowhere to be Home from the McSweeney’s Store.

Click here for UK Amazon

Product details

Hardcover: 256 pages
Publisher: McSweeney’s Publishing (28 April 2011)
Language English
ISBN-10: 1934781959
ISBN-13: 978-1934781951

Burma’s Missing Dots – The Emerging Face of Genocide

taisamyone — Sat, 02 Oct 2010 18:36:15 +0000

This book is a damning account of the twists and tricks of racists in Burma, including the SPDC, to pervert the history of Arakan to dehumanise the Rohingya people. It comprises a number of scholarly and assorted articles by Dr. Abid Bahar who has researched the plight of the Rohingya people since 1978, when he witnessed first hand one of the many periods of expulsion of Rohingya from Burma.

Dr. Bahar’s works details the plight of the refugees and also seeks to unearth the history of the Rohingya people, and the attempts over many years to deny the Rohingya citizenship of Burma, and the acts of genocide committed by the SPDC and their cohorts among fascist Rakhine ultranationalists. In this book, Dr.Bahar’s version of history gives a rationale for explaining how the Rohingya came to Arakan as early as the eighth century. This obviously doesn’t sit well with the SPDC whose tame scholars claim that Rohingyas first came to Burma following the first Anglo-Burmese war in 1824-26 – a blinkered reading of historical documents to implement persecution of Rohingya Muslims by the xenophobic SPDC and it’s predecessors.

Dr. Bahar also describes what for me are works more akin to Nazi propaganda than history – the works of Rakhine ultranationalists who persist in demonising Rohingya in attempts to support the SPDC racist theories. In fact the works refer to Rohingya as a ‘virus’ – a term used by German Nazis when referring to Jews. I think that this disgusting term when applied to our fellow human beings says all I need to say about the racists who use it!

There are some criticisms of Dr. Bahar’s work; but which mostly do not detract from the thesis: that Rohingya’s are a native people of Burma with as much right to respect and human rights as other peoples of Burma. Firstly regarding the admittedly controversial aspect of the history of migration of peoples and the timeframe within which Rohingya and Rakhine peoples came to Arakan; Dr. Bahar’s historically valid evidence is slight (as most histories acknowledge) and he calls on word similarities to support his theory – this at best to my way to thinking is of secondary support. It must be clear to all who study this area of Burma that with written documents few and far between, there is an urgent need for further academic study (preferably by independent scholars respected by all parties) and for archaeological excavations in appropriate places – something which the SPDC will thwart as it promises to uncover their lies and deceptions.

As a collection of articles written over a number of years, there is, unsurprisingly, repetition of much of the material. It would have been better to Dr. Bahar to produce some more original articles covering other aspects of his work.

Lastly, there are numerous spelling mistakes (including one of dates out by a century!) which can lead to some confusion – better proof-reading, particularly of translated material is essential!

Despite the criticisms, I would recommend this book to anyone truly interested in Burma’s history and in uncovering the history of the Arakan and the Rohingya people. It certainly uncovers the crude machinations of racists masquerading as democracy activists!

Burma’s Missing Dots

Author: Dr. Abid Bahar
Paperback: 262 pages
Publisher: Xlibris Corporation (6 April 2010)
Language: English
ISBN-10: 1441593780
ISBN-13: 978-1441593788
Amazon (UK): http://www.amazon.co.uk/Burmas-Missing-Dots-Abid-Bahar/dp/1441593780

Warrior Odyssey : New book talks about conflict in Shan State

taisamyone — Fri, 30 Jul 2010 18:38:09 +0000

by Antonnio Graceffo

This book release, written by my publisher, is about my new book, Warrior Odyssey (available at www.blackbeltmag.com/warrior_odyssey) which covers my first many years in Asia. Although the book is told from a martial arts perspective, I tried to include as much about the conflict in Burma as possible, to help bring attention and garner support for the people suffering at the hands of the military junta.

The book talks about the lives of internally displaced people, soldiers, and orphans, living in Shan State. It also contains information about Lai Tai, Shan Kung Fu, which was previously unknown outside of Shan State.

Anyone who hears about the situation inside of Burma will usually agree that it is horrible, and that it needs to be changed. The problem is getting people to listen. The film Rambo IV used violence, action, and Sylvester Stallone to get people to listen about Burma. Through an action movie, Sylvester Stallone was able to reach an audience who don’t normally read the international news, or know much about Burma.

My book has a similar aim. I am hoping that people will pick up the book because they are interested in martial arts or Asian culture in general, but when they reach the chapters about Burma, I hope they will learn about the injustices there, and that they will take action.

People know me from my youtube video series “Martial Arts Odyssey”, “Brooklyn Monk in Asia”, and “Shanland”. I have dedicated every single one of my videos to the people of Burma.

I hope that my book, Warrior Odyssey, will take people a step further toward taking action on the war in Burma.

As always, I ask, “Please say a prayer for the people of Shan State and all of the people of Burma.”

Antonio Graceffo

FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE

Read the Greatest Martial Arts Adventure Ever

Black Belt’s newest book illustrates how culture, communication and martial arts meet through author Antonio Graceffo’s decade-long adventures in Asia.

Valencia, Calif. (BLACK BELT) July 24, 2010—Warrior Odyssey: The Travels of a Martial Artist Through Asia captures one man’s ongoing and decade-long adventure across the Far East. After 9/11, Antonio Graceffo quits his financial job in New York to pursue his dream: to study kung fu at the legendary Shaolin Temple in China. The autobiography then traces his expedition through nine countries, which include Hong Kong, Cambodia, Korea, the Philippines, Vietnam, Laos and Burma.

Beginning in Taiwan, Warrior Odyssey chronicles how the protagonist learns the Chinese language, kung fu and twe so, then journeys on to the Shaolin Temple in mainland China. From there, Graceffo embraces an even greater adventure, which is to study the martial arts and learn from the martial arts masters that represent the 10 locations he visits all over Asia.

During his time in Asia, Graceffo studies the following martial arts: kung fu, Western boxing, tai chi, modern arnis, kuk sool, escrima, muay Thai and military combatives, as well as rarer martial arts like muay Thai boran, krabi krabong, muay Thai Sangha, twe so, Khmer kickboxing, Khmer wrestling, bokator, taekkyon, ssireum wrestling, vovinam, muay Lao, kuntaw, thieu lam and lai tai. He also learns from well-known instructors like bokator grandmaster San Kim Sean, muay Thai Sangha master Pedro Villalobos and kuntaw master Frank Ayococh

No matter whether Graceffo is learning the almost extinct art of bokator in Cambodia, crossing into rebel camps in Burma or absorbing the knowledge of disciples of ancient wisdom in Taiwan, Warrior Odyssey is like no other quest written about before or since.

Warrior Odyssey: The Travels of a Martial Artist Through Asia

by Antonio Graceffo

$16.95 | Code 514

296 pgs. | B/W pictures

ISBN: 978-0-89750-190-3

www.blackbeltmag.com/warrior_odyssey

About the Author

Antonio Graceffo has been traveling, living and studying martial arts in Asia for the last decade. He is a monthly travel columnist for Black Belt and is a frequent call-in guest on regional radio talk shows in the United States. He has worked as a martial arts consultant for The History Channel and the Discovery Channel. He has studied martial arts for more than 20 years.

About Black Belt

Black Belt is the world’s leading martial arts magazine and is dedicated to the classical and the eclectic martial arts. First published in 1961, Black Belt features interviews with the world’s most prestigious martial artists and historical pieces on the philosophies of various combat styles, as well as in-depth coverage of the latest techniques, weapons, self-defense systems, training regimens and industry trends. It also continues to publish instructional books and DVDs from a variety of disciplines, including jujutsu, mixed martial arts, reality-based self-defense, grappling, jeet kune do and more. For more on Black Belt and its line of books and DVDs, visit www.blackbeltmag.com.

Contact

Sarah Dzida

Book Editor

(661) 257-4066 ext. 1635

sdzida@aimmedia.com

BURMA RELATED NEWS – APRIL 29, 2010

taisamyone — Thu, 29 Apr 2010 18:57:01 +0000

AFP – Suu Kyi asks court to stop party dissolution

AP – US panel names 13 countries as religious violators

AP – Myanmar TV says pro-junta group registers for vote

UPI – Activists say Myanmar still too repressive

Reuters AlertNet – Repression continues, humanitarian space narrowing in Myanmar – report

EarthTimes – Myanmar’s premier registers party to contest upcoming polls

USA Today – Obama blasted on religious freedom

MSN Philippines News – Myanmar aid barriers hinder cyclone recovery: HRW

The Economist – Myanmar’s evil junta, The paucity of hope

Asia Times Online – Myanmar ceasefires on a tripwire

Strategy Page – The Bombs Of Spring

Bernama – Myanmar Cajoles SAARC, Eyes Memberrhip

TODAYonline – Indonesia’s quest for a ‘middle way’ for Myanmar

Independent Online – Moderate quake hits Myanmar

IPS – Pressure Mounts on Energy Giant Chevron to Disclose Revenue

The Jakarta Post – US mulls more sanctions on Myanmar

Mizzima News – DVB reporter’s appeal rejected

The Irrawaddy – Hundreds Flee Threat of War in Shan State

The Irrawaddy – Rift between Junta and DKBA Deepens

DVB News – Trade hit by border guard furore

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Suu Kyi asks court to stop party dissolution
2 hrs 41 mins ago

YANGON (AFP) – Pro-democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi filed a lawsuit with Myanmar’s Supreme Court Thursday in an attempt to prevent the dissolution of her party under a controversial new election law.

The detained pro-democracy icon’s lawyer said two suits were submitted against the top junta leader Senior General Than Shwe, one on behalf of Suu Kyi herself and the other by her party, the National League for Democracy (NLD).

The Nobel peace laureate asked the court to annul the part of the election law that would have forced the party to oust its detained leader in order to participate in the first polls to be held in two decades.

Instead, her party decided last month to boycott the elections, which are expected to be later this year. The NLD faces dissolution if it fails to re-register by May 6.

In addition, the lawsuits asked for the formation of a parliament made up of lawmakers who won in 1990 elections, her lawyer Kyi Win told reporters.

The Supreme Court is expected to announce Friday whether it will accept the request to hear the matter, he said.

Suu Kyi’s party won a landslide victory in the 1990 polls, but the junta never allowed it to take office, and placed her under house arrest for 14 of the next 20 years.

Myanmar’s new election law nullifies the result of the 1990 polls.

“You can’t change the rules during the game,” Kyi Win said of the new legislation. “We have to say these matters at the high court if we are allowed.”

In February the Supreme Court rejected an appeal by Suu Kyi against her extended house arrest.

The 64-year-old opposition leader had her incarceration lengthened by 18 months in August after being convicted over a bizarre incident in which an American man swam to her lakeside home in Yangon.

Critics dismiss the planned elections as a sham designed to entrench the power of the military which has ruled since 1962.

Myanmar’s prime minister and 22 other ministers retired from their military posts this week, in a move seen as converting the leadership to civilian form ahead of elections due this year.

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US panel names 13 countries as religious violators
By WILLIAM C. MANN, Associated Press Writer – Thu Apr 29, 12:02 am ET

WASHINGTON (AP) – Saudi Arabia and China are among 13 countries a U.S. government panel named on Thursday as serious violators of religious freedom.

The panel’s report also criticized the current and former administrations in Washington for doing far too little to make basic religious rights universal.

That is the goal of the congressional act that founded the U.S. Commission on International Religious Freedom in 1998. The commission investigates conditions in what it calls “hot spots,” where religious freedom is endangered. Its job is to recommend U.S. government policies to improve conditions.

It is a “small but critically important point of intersection of foreign policy, national security and international religious freedom standards,” the report said. “Regrettably that small point seems to shrink year-after-year for the White House and he State Department.”

This year’s list of 13 “countries of particular concern” included all eight named last year — Myanmar, also known as Burma; China; Eritrea; Iran; North Korea; Saudi Arabia; Sudan; and Uzbekistan — plus Iraq, Nigeria, Pakistan, Turkmenistan and Vietnam.

U.S. actions currently in force against the original eight include embargoes, often on top of existing sanctions, and denial of military or financial aid. Sanctions have been waived indefinitely for Saudi Arabia, and Uzbekistan has a waiver of 180 days which remains in force.

President Barack Obama’s administration has not officially accepted the 2009 findings or named the specified countries as violators of religious rights. Neither did the administration of President George W. Bush between November 2006 and January 2009.

In addition to the 13 designated the worst violators, the report identified 12 countries on a watch list: Afghanistan, Belarus, Cuba, Egypt, India, Indonesia, Laos, Russia, Somalia, Tajikistan, Turkey and Venezuela.

Thursday’s report described violations of religious freedom in Saudi Arabia as “systematic, egregious and ongoing” despite limited reforms implemented by King Abdullah.

“In China, the government continues to engage in systematic and egregious violations of the freedom of religion or belief,” the report said. It alleged “a marked deterioration in the past year, particularly in Tibetan Buddhist and Uighur Muslim areas.”

It had similar observations for the other countries listed. In Iran, it noted “prolonged detention, torture and executions based primarily or entirely upon the religion of the accused.” It said the Tehran government’s record deteriorated after contentious elections in June.

The commission’s chairman, Leonard Leo, said in a statement that visits to the “hot spots” had found situations “where freedom of religion is obstructed and related human rights are trampled.”

He said the report offers important foreign policy solutions that should be implemented. “The report’s conclusion is clear,” Leo said: “the administration must do more.”

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Myanmar TV says pro-junta group registers for vote
AP – 1 hour 2 minutes ago

YANGON, Myanmar (AP) – A group aligned with Myanmar’s ruling military junta has applied for registration as a political party, the first step to participate in upcoming elections.

Myanmar state television reported the Union Solidarity and Development Party applied Thursday with the Election Commission. It said party leader Thein Sein applied with 26 other members, but gave no further details.

Thein Sein resigned from his military post on Monday along with 22 other Cabinet members in uniform.

The ruling junta founded the Union Solidarity and Development Association, a mass social organization, in 1993.

The elections planned sometime this year are Myanmar’s first since 1990. The opposition won those polls, but the military refused to cede power.

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Activists say Myanmar still too repressive
Published: April 29, 2010 at 12:05 AM

NAYPYIDAW, Myanmar, April 28 (UPI) — Human Rights Watch called Thursday for international pressure on the Myanmar government to loosen restrictions on aid workers helping rebuild the country.

The international rights organization alleged in a release the government in Myanmar, formerly known as Burma, continues to deny basic freedoms and place undue restrictions on aid agencies working in the country since Cyclone Nargis struck May 8, 2008, killing about 140,000 people and affecting about 2.4 million more.

Human Rights Watch called for renewed efforts to free more than 20 imprisoned local aid workers, along with other political prisoners, and to ensure humanitarian aid reaches the entire country.

“Two years after one of the world’s worst natural disasters, local aid workers still feel the brunt of continued repression by the military authorities, ” said Elaine Pearson, the group’s deputy Asia director.

The group’s report details what it says are continuing violations of rights to free expression, association and movement against aid workers and their organizations by Myanmar’s State Peace and Development Council.

Human Rights Watch said there are ongoing difficulties of reconstruction in the country’s delta region, including access to water and sanitation, housing, health needs and employment.

The group says the council is failing to use revenues from natural gas sales to adequately support reconstruction efforts and that millions of people are “living in unnecessary poverty fueled by systematic corruption and repression.”

“The humanitarian needs of Burma’s people for food, clean water, and basic health care are immense because the military government has for so long mismanaged the
economy and put stringent conditions on aid,” Pearson said.

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Reuters AlertNet – Repression continues, humanitarian space narrowing in Myanmar – report
29 Apr 2010 15:35:00 GMT
Written by: Thin Lei Win

BANGKOK (AlertNet) – Almost two years after Cyclone Nargis killed nearly 140,000 people in Myanmar, the repression of rights in areas hit by the cyclone continues and the humanitarian space in the country is shrinking instead of growing as originally hoped, a report released on Thursday said.

“Civilians in cyclone-affected areas continue to be subjected to various forms of forced labour, everyday restrictions on movements, and infringements of the rights to freedom of expression and association, ” according to Human Rights Watch’s new report.

It said ongoing international recovery efforts are not accompanied by measures to protect human rights and 21 people who were arrested in the immediate aftermath of the cyclone, for speaking out against the iron-fisted junta’s handling of relief efforts, remain in jail.

The report called for their release as well as those of nearly 2,100 political prisoners. It cautioned that while the rise of civil society groups in Myanmar – formed to provide relief to cyclone survivors in the first few weeks before international aid was allowed in – is to be applauded, their existence remains extremely fragile.

The cyclone was the worst to hit Asia since 1991, and the country’s ruling generals came under harsh international criticism for initially refusing to allow foreign aid workers into the country.

The government finally relented but progress was slow. Without the government’s stringent restrictions in the aftermath of Cyclone Nargis, the survivors would be much farther down the road to recovery, the report said.

Despite estimated foreign reserves of US$5 billion and income from lucrative natural gas sales, “the Burmese government has failed to adequately support reconstruction efforts that benefit the population,” it added, calling the country by its former name.

According to the report, the junta had allocated a mere 5 million kyats (US$50,000) to an emergency fund immediately after the storm.

Aid agencies also have not been able to replicate the same kind of assistance in other parts of Myanmar, the report quoted aid workers as saying. Approximately a third of Myanmar’s population lives below the poverty line and maternal mortality is the worst in Asia after Afghanistan.

TRAVEL RESTRICTIONS

Elaine Pearson, HRW’s deputy director for Asia, said humanitarian needs are high in Northern Rakhine State, Shan State, eastern Myanmar and the dry zone in Central Myanmar, yet “foreigners continue to face unnecessary travel delays and the need for travel permits” to visit these areas.

“Locals continue to face obstructions, preventing them from reaching and accessing local conditions. Unreasonable bureaucratic delays delayed the renewal of some MOUs (memorandum of understanding) and agreements in order to provide humanitarian assistance,” she said.

“It’s really a constant negotiation for space and this can be restricted or refused at any time.”

According to David Mathieson, co-author of the report, most aid workers expect the humanitarian space to narrow considerably or freeze completely closer to the elections, likely to be held in late 2010.

“Once again, we’re seeing that the Myanmar government is putting its sham political process ahead of the needs of its people,” Pearson said.

“And this really creates a vicious cycle. As the regime increases the repression and oppression on aid efforts, then donors simply cut or refused to pledge the funds that are really needed to extend humanitarian access.”

SMALL IS BEAUTIFUL

Mathieson said international donors should also be aware of the realities on the ground in Myanmar especially when it comes to giving out grants. He pointed out the example of Paung Ku, a major local non-government organisation (NGO) which provides micro grants.

The average size of an aid grant according to Paung Ku was about $3,000 – an amount small village initiatives could absorb – and most of it was in cash, Mathieson said.

“A lot of donors going to Burma do have large grants and $100,000 is very difficult to actually be absorbed in a local community especially for a school, a health clinic or an orphanage,” he said.

“People should start thinking a bit smaller, it is the only way for a lot of these (civil society) groups to avoid attention from the central government.”

The report also urged international donors to provide the full amounts needed for recovery efforts which are currently under-funded and press the junta to increase its financial contributions.

“The whole country is in urgent need,” Mathieson said. “It’s not just reaching areas of acute need. It’s about consolidating the gains that have already been made. It’s really about trying to formalise a lot of the (NGO) presences and slowly expanding.”

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EarthTimes – Myanmar’s premier registers party to contest upcoming polls
Posted : Thu, 29 Apr 2010 14:48:43 GMT

Yangon – Myanmar Prime Minister Thein Sein on Thursday registered a new political party to contest a general election scheduled at an unspecified date this year, state media reports said.

Thein Sein and 27 other ministers and deputy ministers have joined the Union Solidarity and Development Party to contest the polls, Myanmar TV announced.

The announcement followed a mass resignation of former general Thein Sein and more than 22 other government ministers from their army posts on Monday, providing them with the civilian status needed to contest a general election.

Their party is believed to be a new form of the Union Solidarity and Development Association (USDA), a pro-military mass organization that claims more than 20 million members in Myanmar, where the total population is close to 56 million.

Myanmar’s ruling junta has promised an election this year as part of the regime’s “seven-step road map to democracy” but the date has not yet been set.

Candidates are not allowed to hold a military rank.

Among those who resigned were Major General Nyan Win, minister of foreign affairs, Colonel Zaw Min, minister for electrical power, former Major General Khin Mg Myint,
Major General Hla Tun, minister for finance and revenue, Brigadier General Thein Zaw, minister of communication and Brigadier General Tin Naing Thein, minister of commerce, said the official, who asked to remain anonymous.

Also on the list were the ministers of interior, social welfare and tourism, four deputy ministers, four members of the public service selection board and two director generals.
In March, the junta passed legislation on the registration of political parties that essentially forced the National League for Democracy (NLD) opposition party to choose between dumping their leader, Nobel laureate Aung San Suu Kyi, or not contesting the polls.

Under the registration rules, people currently serving prison terms are not permitted to be members of political parties contesting the election. Suu Kyi is currently serving an 18-month house detention term.

The NLD, which won Myanmar’s last polls in 1990 by a landslide, has opted not to contest this year’s election.

Observers believe that without the NLD and Suu Kyi in the contest, the polls are likely to be neither free nor fair nor anything more than a sham exercise in democracy to cement the military’s control over the country’s political future.

Myanmar has been ruled by military dictatorships since 1962.

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Obama blasted on religious freedom
Updated 11h 29m ago
By Aamer Madhani, USA TODAY

A bipartisan U.S. commission on religious freedom says President Obama is softening his stand on protecting the right to one’s faith at a time when religious persecution is on the rise, according to an annual report to be released today.

The 11th annual report by the U.S. Commission on International Religious Freedom says Obama’s recent call for nations to respect “freedom of worship” rather than “religious freedom” allows regimes to claim they are not oppressing certain religions if those faiths exist in a form acceptable to the regime.

“When you start narrowing the discussion, the signal the administration is sending to the international community is that as long as they prop up a few churches or houses of worship (of minority faiths), there isn’t going to be a problem,” Leonard Leo, the chairman of the commission, told USA TODAY.

The report also criticizes the administration for failing to nominate an ambassador-at- large for religious freedom.

The ambassador-at- large post, which falls under the State Department, is a requirement of a 1998 law that mandated religious freedom be an aim of U.S. diplomacy.

The commission was established to monitor religious freedom and issue an annual report on U.S. efforts in that area. Commission members are appointed by Congress and the White House. It recommends which countries should be named “countries of particular concern” (or CPCs) for egregious violations and suggests penalties.

Among the 13 countries that the State Department has already named CPCs are Burma, China, Iran, North Korea and Saudi Arabia. The label requires the administration to consider whether to levy sanctions against the nations.

The 2010 annual report notes that Obama spoke about the importance of religious freedom in speeches in Ankara, Turkey, and Cairo early in his term. But since then, Obama has stopped using the term, it says.

The White House disagreed. “The president has spoken clearly and unequivocally about his support for religious freedom,” White House spokesman Tommy Vietor said.

Steven Groves, an analyst at the Heritage Foundation, a conservative Washington think tank, said the change in the phrase raises a question about the administration’ s commitment to confront regimes in the Middle East and elsewhere, especially in Iraq and Iran where minority Christian and Muslim sects have been oppressed and even attacked.

“The term religious freedom carries with it a certain understanding in the international community that is a much broader right than the freedom of worship,” Groves said.
The commission report slams U.S.-supported nations, such as Iraq and Pakistan, for failing to protect members of minority faiths who have been targeted with violence or discrimination.

In April 2009 in Ankara, Obama said that “freedom of religion and expression lead to a strong and vibrant civil society that only strengthens the state.”

In subsequent speeches in China and Japan, Obama appeared to dial back his vision on religious freedom, according to the report. He referred to “freedom of worship” in Japan on Nov. 14 and used the same phrase in a town hall meeting with Chinese students two days later.

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By Agence France-Presse, Updated: 4/29/2010
MSN Philippines News – Myanmar aid barriers hinder cyclone recovery: HRW

Two years after a devastating cyclone struck Myanmar its military regime is continuing to frustrate efforts to provide humanitarian aid to survivors, a leading rights group said Thursday.

With elections expected by the end of the year, 22 aid workers remain behind bars while restrictions on travel are further hampering efforts to deliver much-needed assistance, Human Rights Watch (HRW) said.

Officials are slow to issue travel permits required to transport aid, while the state is taking a more central role in running humanitarian operations, fanning fears of manipulation, the New York-based group said in a report.

Humanitarian access to the country is “again narrowing ahead of elections,” it said.

Restraints on aid delivery and oppressive election regulations targeting opposition political parties show that the junta’s mindset “emphasises maintenance of control over the well-being of its citizens,” it added.

The military government faced a storm of international criticism over its slow aid response to Cyclone Nargis, which hit the country on May 2-3, 2008, killing more than 138,000 people and severely affecting 2.4 million people.

A deal struck between the international community and the Myanmar government led to an opening up of aid channels, but hopes that could lead to greater access in the future were never realised, HRW said.

UN figures estimate that 100,000 people are still without adequate shelter as the 2010 monsoon season approaches, while the agricultural, health and education sectors remain in dire straits.

International donors should renew pressure on the ruling junta to ensure that aid provisions are increased and political prisoners released ahead of this year’s polls, HRW said.

More than 20 aid workers and 2,000 political prisoners are behind bars in the military-ruled country, it noted.

They include well-known comedian and activist Zarganar, who helped organise aid deliveries to victims of the cyclone and is serving a 35-year prison sentence for criticising the generals’ response to the disaster.

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The Economist – Myanmar’s evil junta, The paucity of hope
Apr 29th 2010 | From The Economist print edition

BACK in 1995, The Economist asked Aung San Suu Kyi, Myanmar’s opposition leader, now under house arrest, if she saw any hope for her benighted country. “I do not hope,” she replied in her crisp, rather school-mistressy way. “I persevere.” Fifteen years on, hope still seems a frivolous indulgence, despite plans by the ruling junta to stage an election this year that will lead to a notionally civilian government.

This moving account of the regime’s response to a devastating cyclone two years ago is a timely warning against optimism. What kind of government actively impedes the delivery of life-saving aid to its people? By its own, probably drastically understated guess, 138,300 people died or went missing when Cyclone Nargis struck the Irrawaddy delta in May 2008. Yet the junta rejected most foreign offers of assistance. Help from the United Nations, countless NGOs and even the American navy was rebuffed. By the time some aid was allowed in, it was too late for many.

Emma Larkin is the nom de plume of an American living in Bangkok who wrote an earlier book about George Orwell’s links with the country. She secured a visa to visit Myanmar in the aftermath of the cyclone, providing her with a close-up view of the clash between an isolationist regime and an often ignorant outside world. “Does anyone know where I can access the data?” asks a forlorn, newly arrived NGO worker. In Myanmar there are no reliable data, and if there were, access would be denied by the regime.

That makes it hard to write a book whose central question is why the junta behaved so callously. Perhaps it really did fear that the aid effort might provide a pretext for invasion. More likely it was paranoid about allowing foreigners in after the brutality used against rebellious Buddhist monks in September 2007 had outraged popular opinion.

The author is reduced to passing on rumours to explain the inexplicable. There is not much doubt, for example, that the generals are superstitious. But is it really true that, late one night in 2007, the wife of the dictator, “senior general” Than Shwe, went for a walk in Yangon around the Shwedagon, Myanmar’s holiest pagoda, with a dog and a pig on leads? The story is, apparently, widely believed: a dog signifies Monday, a pig Wednesday. Miss Suu Kyi was born on a Tuesday, so the perambulation bound her into powerlessness.

Perhaps soothsayers advised against accepting foreign aid. A cruder suggestion is voiced by a Burmese friend of the author. Than Shwe sees himself as an incarnation of ancient kings, and a king does not bother about how his slaves are doing: “Their death or hardship is not his concern.” That does not stop another story emerging: about the human decency and compassion of a people colonised by their own army who did their best for their afflicted compatriots. Myanmar is indeed an object lesson in perseverance.

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Apr 30, 2010
Asia Times Online – Myanmar ceasefires on a tripwire
By Brian McCartan

BANGKOK – Yet another deadline has passed for ethnic ceasefire groups in Myanmar to join the military as part of a new government-controll ed Border Guard Force (BGF). With the rainy season approaching and a transition from military to civilian rule underway, opportunities are dwindling for the ruling junta to force the groups to agree before elections are held later this year.

The former ceasefire groups, including the Kachin Independence Organization/ Army (KIO/KIA), the United Wa State Army (UWSA) and the National Democratic Alliance Army-Eastern Shan State (NDAA) are the largest of more than 25 groups that have agreed to suspend their armed struggles since 1989.

The Karen National Union (KNU) and the Shan State Army-South (SSA-S), as well as several other smaller groups, continue to fight the regime in eastern Myanmar. The ceasefire groups were told by the regime’s negotiator, Lieutenant General Ye Myint, they had until April 22 to announce their decisions on joining the military or face military offensives. The deadline was later extended to yesterday.

Observers note that it was the fifth deadline set by the government and question how committed the regime is to backing its threats with force. Four previous deadlines, in October and December 2009 and February and March 2010, passed without consequence. Prior to yesterday’s deadline, negotiations between junta and ceasefire group representatives have been inconclusive.

The groups were told that failure to comply by the deadline would result in revocation of their ceasefire status and they would be considered illegal organizations. With that designation, they would be forced to surrender without the option of retaining their arms. The situation has left many with the feeling that while the conversion of the ceasefire groups to BGFs is a step on the regime’s so-called “roadmap to democracy”, the generals are not prepared to resume full-scale hostilities while managing the delicate democratic transition.

From a military perspective, analysts belie’e the generals’ window of opportunity has narrowed. The rainy season is only weeks away and most analysts believe there is not enough time for the army to carry out a knockout offensive. The rains make the largely unpaved roads and trails in ceasefire groups’ territories almost impassable, preventing the effective supply of military units to carry out offensive operations.

Two minor skirmishes on April 23 and 24 between the Myanmar Army and the United Wa State Army (UWSA) near the Thai border resulted in no casualties and an army admission that it had made a mistake, thinking their opponents were the still-insurgent SSA-South. Although Wa in areas along the Thai border have started to flee to areas closer to the border or even into Thailand, the armed exchange did not indicate the beginning of full-blown offensive military operations.

The deadline and the expected outlawing of the ceasefire groups will effectively put them outside the election process and ensure that their political wings are unable to form parties and contest the polls, the country’s first since 1990. The military annulled the results of those polls and has since maintained an iron-clad grip on power. There is even some question of whether campaigning and voting will take place in the areas controlled by the groups.

The international community will also pay closer attention to Myanmar during the campaign period and the regime is anxious to win a stamp of approval for their tightly controlled transition towards democratic rule. A military campaign with its attendant casualties and human rights abuses would distract international attention from the elections and likely spark new criticism of the junta.

Ethnic aspirations
Under the proposed BGF arrangement, ethnic rebel armies would be reduced in size and their fighters reorganized into battalions under the command of a department in the military. Myanmar officers and non-commissioned officers would be assigned to each battalion, largely in specialist and logistics roles, and the government would be responsible for training, equipping and paying the new units.

The ethnic groups have argued that they cannot allow their military wings to come under government control while issues are still outstanding regarding guarantees for ethnic rights and a hoped for move towards federalism. They say the 2008 constitution, passed in what many consider to have been a rigged referendum, does not do enough to guarantee ethnic rights.

Rather than reject the BGF plan outright, each of the three main ceasefire groups – the Kachin Independence Organization/ Army, the UWSA and the National Democratic Alliance Army-Eastern Shan State – have offered counter-proposals.

The Kachin, probably the most politically savvy of the three and the least tainted by allegations of drug trafficking, have called for discussions to amend the constitution to better reflect ethnic aspirations of federalism. They have called for a return to the “Panglong spirit”, referring to an agreement reached in 1947 between independence leader General Aung San and representatives from various ethnic groups, including the Kachin and the Shan, that was supposed to guarantee a form of federalism for the country’s ethnic groups.

Pressure on the then democratic government to better implement the federalism enshrined in the Panglong Agreement was one of the reasons for the 1962 coup that turned the country into a military dictatorship. This led directly to the Kachin’s revolt and enflamed rebellion in nearby Shan State.

As a concession, the Kachin have recently offered to integrate their troops into a “federal army” that would include separate Kachin battalions. The government has rejected the Kachin proposals and Lieutenant General Ye Myint has said in response that “the Panglong era is over”.

The UWSA, widely regarded as the world’s largest narco-trafficking militia, presented the regime with a nine-point proposal in November that it has been presented at each follow-up meeting with the regime. They have indicated they would be willing to join the BGF as long as their concerns in the proposal are addressed.
The main points of contention are the control of an area in the south of Shan State along the border with Thailand known as the UWSA’s 171 Military Region, the UWSA’s control of two townships along the Chinese border that abut on territory controlled by its ally, the NDAA, and, most significantly, its disagreement with assigning Myanmar army officers to BGF battalions.

The Wa believe the area along the Thai border was given as compensation by the regime for the Wa’s role in a seven-year war fought against former Mong Thai army leader and drug lord Khun Sa. In 1999, tens of thousands of Wa farmers were relocated to the region, a move the Wa say would be impossible to reverse.

The UWSA revised its proposal in a submission to the junta on April 1, saying it was willing to concede control of two areas along the Thai border and allow for certain positions within the new border guard battalions for Myanmar army officers. The offer was turned down by a junta delegation on April 9 with the demand that the Wa abide by the BGF proposal without any changes. A similar proposal put forward by the NDAA was also rejected.

Prior to each elapsed deadline, reports have circulated of Myanmar Army reinforcements arriving opposite the position of the ethnic fighters and heightened tension among residents in nearby towns and villages. Junta checkpoints have been set up to block the flow of food and other supplies, although this has been largely countered by sourcing items from across the border in China.

Following the March deadline, the junta ordered civil officials and staff of non-governmental organizations working in the area to leave Wa areas by March 24. However, by April 6, United Nations and NGO staff involved in development and opium substitution projects had returned to resume their work.

The army’s August 2009 offensive against the Myanmar National Democratic Alliance Army (MNDAA) in the Kokang region of northern Myanmar seems to have had little effect on the resolve of the groups to oppose the BGF scheme.

According to Shan and Western observers, the groups have instead learned from the event and taken steps to strengthen cooperation, especially between the UWSA and NDAA. With the deadline looming, the UWSA hosted a meeting with its allies last week to discuss the possibility of Myanmar military operations.

The threats apparently did influence one group, the Shan State Army-North (SSA-N). Its top commander, Major General Loimao, agreed to join the BGF in an April 22 meeting in Lashio with the Myanmar Army’s Northeast Command commander, Major General Aung Than Tut. A ceremony was held on April 25 to formalize the transformation of Loimao’s headquarters security unit into the Hsengkeow Home Guard Force.

The agreement, however, has reportedly split the 5,000 man SSA-N. The 1st Brigade, the SSA-N’s strongest, with some 2,500 fighters under Major General Parngfa, has declared that it will not join the BGF. Soldiers from the SSA-N’s other units are reportedly leaving their units to join Parngfa. The group’s leader, Major General Hso Ten, is serving a 106-year prison sentence for political offenses.

China factor
Developments in Myanmar’s northern border region are of immense importance to China, which has extensive and growing investments in the country’s natural resources. Not least of these is the dual oil and gas pipeline from Myanmar’s western coast to Kunming in China’s southwest. The pipelines, which are expected to go online in 2013, will supply China with oil and gas from the controversial Shwe Gas field off Myanmar’s coast as well as from tankers, which will no longer have to travel around the strategically vulnerable Malacca Strait.

In addition to the pipelines and resource extraction projects, China sees Myanmar as a conduit for products from its landlocked southwestern regions to the outside world and is anxious to prevent any disruption in such flows. China is also known to be concerned about the possibility of instability along the border with its southwest region, which is home to numerous ethnic groups and has had a restive past.

China would like to avoid a repeat of the influx of some 30,000 refugees in the wake of last August’s attack in Kokang. Analysts and relief workers believe that fighting against the KIA, UWSA and NDAA would result in many times that number and a refugee problem that could last for years.

Beijing issued a rare rebuke against the junta immediately after the attack on the Kokang and has since increased its military presence along the border. Several visits by high-ranking Chinese officials in the months since are believed to have included discussion of the ethnic ceasefire groups.

Chinese officials and military officers have acted as mediators in discussions between the ceasefire groups and the junta in an attempt to get both sides to soften their positions. One delegation reportedly accompanied the UWSA to talks in February.

The situation of the ceasefire groups will likely be one of the first important issues dealt with by Myanmar’s newly elected government next year. Once the elections, expected to take place in October, are over and the new government is installed, the military can resume its pressure on the groups or take military action, analysts suggest.

By then the army will supposedly be under civilian rule in a democratic country rather than the footsoliders of a military dictatorship bent on crushing all of those opposed to its power. It’s a distinction the ceasefire groups are no doubt weighing in their refusal to put down their arms and join the BGFs.

Brian McCartan is a Bangkok-based freelance journalist. He may be reached at brianpm@comcast. net.

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Strategy Page – The Bombs Of Spring
April 29, 2010:

The five tribal militias that were supposed to turn themselves over to government control yesterday, refused to. So the government has to decide if there will be another military campaign to persuade the tribes to obey. The tribes have been saying “no” for decades. While the tribes are outnumbered about ten to one by the 400,000 troops in the Burmese army, what counts is how many fighters you can put into the rugged hills of northern Burma. In this case, all the 40,000 or so tribal gunmen are there and ready to fight. The government has a hard time getting even 100,000 troops into the region (lack of roads and towns makes supplying the soldiers difficult). Most of the troops are tied down protecting military supply lines and bases. In the past, the army has had some success by concentrating on one tribe at a time, but even this was not a complete success. Half the tribal militiamen belong to one group, the UWSA (United Wa State Army). The Wa are ethnic Chinese, and many Wa live across the border in China. The Chinese has made it clear to the Burmese government that any attack on the Wa would not be appreciated. The government has tried interfering with trucks (carrying food and other goods) entering Wa territory. The Wa simply get what they need from China, although some Burmese Wa live closer to roads coming from the south, rather than those coming from China.

Bowing to international pressure, the government has agreed to hold national elections later this year, to elect a civilian government to replace the military dictatorship that has ruled for over half a century. However, the generals apparently plan to rig the election, so they, or people they control, get elected. This in itself is not unusual, it goes on in many parts of the world. But the Burmese generals are going to do it right in front of the world community and are daring the righteous to do something about it.
Meanwhile, there has been a sharp increase in terrorist bombs. No one has taken credit, but in the past this violence was either the work of separatist rebels from the north, or anti-dictatorship rebels in the south. Neither group has had much success in overthrowing the military government.

April 28, 2010: In the east, a man being questioned (but apparently not searched) by police in a police station, set off a bomb he was carrying. The bomber was killed and
four policemen wounded.

April 27, 2010: Someone threw several hand grenades at workers on a hydroelectric dam site in the northeast. Four workers were wounded.

April 26, 2010: About two dozen of the most senior government officials resigned from the army. This is so these men can run in the upcoming elections as civilians, and keep their jobs.

April 17, 2010: Four bombs went off on a hydroelectric dam site in the northeast. One worker was wounded, and there was some property damage.

April 15, 2010: During the annual water festival in Rangoon (Yangon, largest city in Burma), three bombs went off, killing ten and wounding nearly 200. This was the worst terrorist attack in five years.

April 11, 2010: The government has called on India to provide military assistance (a bribe) so that both countries can go into their mutual border area and destroy camps (on the Burmese side of the frontier) used by Indian rebels.

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April 29, 2010 17:20 PM
Myanmar Cajoles SAARC, Eyes Memberrhip
By P. Vijian

THIMPHU, April 29 (Bernama) — Military-ruled Myanmar is cozying up to South Asian leaders to entice deeper ties.

One of the oldest members of the 10-member Asean grouping, it has expressed interest to ramp up closer relations with the South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC) — a region to which the country has century-old cultural and trade ties.

“In view of the geographical proximity, cultural and historical linkages, we have a strong desire to promote closer relations with SAARC member states. That is why we have joined SAARC as an observer.

“Myanmar’s close cooperation with SAARC will provide us the opportunity to serve as the gateway for South Asia to Southeast Asia, and also to East Asian countries for the common benefit of the people in the region,” U Nyan Win, Myanmar’s Foreign Affairs Minister said in his speech at the 16th SAARC Summit in Thimphu.

Myanmar, for the first time, became an observer country at this summit, among other nations — including Australia, Iran, and Japan. South Korea, Mauritius and the United States.

Last year, reports had surfaced that Myanmar, isolated by the international community for its poor human rights records and choppy relations with some Asean members, had signaled to be part of the SAARC grouping.

Myanmar military leaders, who are more close to India and Pakistan, had expressed interest to become a full member in 2008, but currently, it is accorded observer status.

India, with close trade and historical ties with Rangoon, was reported to be backing Myanmar’s entry into SAARC.

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TODAYonline – Indonesia’s quest for a ‘middle way’ for Myanmar
by Evan A Laksmana
Updated 02:11 PM Apr 29, 2010

THE issue of Myanmar and its future political development came up once again during the 16th Summit of the Association of South-east Asian Nations (Asean) in Hanoi earlier this month.

And according to the local press in Jakarta, there now appears more expectation for Indonesia to play a bigger, more decisive role in pushing the matter forward.

In fact, with Indonesia set to take over the Asean Chair next year – following an unusual swap with Brunei – some are speculating whether Jakarta might use the opportunity to launch a new bilateral or regional initiative to press on for more meaningful change in Myanmar.

Such expectations could either be a recognition of Jakarta’s regional leadership capability, or simply the fact that Indonesia is left holding the hot potato that no one seems to want – or perhaps a little of both.

Nevertheless, any future initiative from Jakarta to push for change in Myanmar would be fraught with complex challenges. A recent report published by the New York-based Asia Society – which was submitted by Jakarta’s Centre for Strategic and International Studies – highlights some of these challenges.

First, for all the rhetoric and chest-beating on democracy, President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono seems unwilling to invest heavy personal, political and financial capital to solve the Myanmar problem seriously.

In this regard, minimal chances of success with Myanmar may have explained his apparent “reluctance” . Yet, at the same time, the stakes for Indonesia are high.

Failure to even try to act would lend credence to the notion that Indonesia is unfit for the mantle of regional leadership. If, however, Indonesia decides to act but fails, the repercussions would most likely be less damaging given the incredibly complex dimensions of the Myanmar problem.

Second, as a consequence of Mr Yudhoyono’s lack of personal involvement, there is less of a unified approach within Indonesia’s political and foreign policy establishment with regards to Myanmar.

Aside from the government’s typical indecisive policy-making style, the lack, or even absence, of a sense of urgency within the National Parliament (DPR) and among the general public often provides the pretext, if not justification, for Indonesia’s lack of full commitment.

This highlights the critical role of the post-Suharto DPR in shaping Indonesia’s foreign policy direction. The problem here lies in the reality that there are few MPs, especially in this current term (2009-2014), who are not only qualified in foreign policy-making, but also willing to set aside political posturing for the sake of another country.

Consequently, the task of crafting a credible, unified and comprehensive initiative simply seems too huge to tackle.

Third, Jakarta also realises that current domestic conditions within Myanmar still favour the ruling junta. Not only do they remain the strongest force within the country, but its control over the state’s natural resources, especially oil and gas, seems to be a trump card, if not life insurance, to sustain its leverage against external pressures.

Also, the near absence of a credible counterpart in Naypyidaw further complicates any dialogue or engagement plans. This condition is further worsened by the factionalised state of dissidents and political exiles.

Of course, the sudden transfer of Myanmar’s capital from Yangon to Naypyidaw in 2005 has made any assessment of the conditions on the ground more difficult to verify.

Finally, Jakarta also believes that any meaningful engagement with Myanmar would have a better chance of success if it involves a regional concert of powers that incorporates not only key Asean states, but China and India, as well.

In this regard, pundits have acknowledged the “counter-productive ness” of utilising Asean as a political vehicle to put pressure on Myanmar. Instead, bringing key stakeholders – like Thailand, Singapore, China and India, which have been heavily investing in Myanmar – together might have a better chance of sobering up the ruling junta about the need for change.

The problem here, however, is that from a geoeconomic and geostrategic perspective, these major stakeholders have diametrically opposing interests. And since Indonesia itself cannot find its strategic interests tied to the development of Myanmar, the prospects of bringing all the concerned parties together under a neutral arbiter remain slim.

Given these roadblocks, Jakarta’s approach to the Myanmar issue can be described as a search for a new “middle way”: Between a full-fledged sanction against the junta or whole-hearted defence of it under the Asean banner; between bilateral or multilateral approach, between pushing for change from within or without, and between a government-to- government or a people-to-people engagement.

This approach, however, takes time. And when we consider the possible political and security crisis surrounding the upcoming general elections in Myanmar, time may be a luxury that Jakarta cannot afford.

The writer is a researcher with the Centre for Strategic and International Studies, Jakarta.

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Independent Online – Moderate quake hits Myanmar
April 28 2010 at 09:20PM

Bangkok – A moderate 5.5-magnitude earthquake struck off the coast of Myanmar early Thursday, the US Geological Survey said, but no tsunami warning was immediately issued.

The quake hit at 00:31 am (1801 GMT Wednesday), 90km south-east of Sittwe at a depth of 35 kilometres, the USGS said.

There were no immediate reports of any damage.

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Pressure Mounts on Energy Giant Chevron to Disclose Revenue
By Marwaan Macan-Markar

BANGKOK, Apr 29, 2010 (IPS) – When shareholders of the multinational company Chevron gather for their annual meeting in the U.S. city of Houston in late May, they will come face to face with Naing Htoo, whose community has suffered due to the exploits of the energy giant in military-ruled Burma.

“I want to expose what has gone on as a result of Chevron’s investments in Burma,” says the 30-year-old from the Karen ethnic minority. “The shareholders need to know where their money is going and the suffering it is causing.”

Naing Htoo is hardly daunted by the challenge that lies ahead – his first opportunity to address Chevron’s shareholders about the controversial Yadana natural gas pipeline in southern Burma. “It is an opportunity to use for change,” he tells IPS of the window opened to him to address Chevron’s shareholders between May 27 and 28.

The Karen activist’s foray into U.S. corporate culture is timed to add pressure on Chevron shareholders. They are due to vote at the annual meeting on a proposal that would “require the company to disclose payments to foreign governments, including the junta in Burma,” states EarthRights International (ERI), a Washington D.C.-based environment and rights lobby group.

But pressure on Chevron to be more transparent about its financial dealings in Burma is expected to mount from other quarters, too. A groundbreaking bill before the U.S. Congress that has bi-partisan support could, if passed, compel companies profiting from oil, gas and mining to reveal details of payments to governments of countries they have invested in around the world.

The reach of the ‘Energy Security through Transparency Act’ for full financial disclosure is not limited to U.S.-based companies in the energy sector. The law will also force all foreign oil, gas and mining companies registered with the U.S. Securities and Exchange Commission (SEC) to open their books for scrutiny.

“The legislation pending in the Congress is unique,” says Mathew Smith, coordinator of the Burma project for ERI. “It would also apply to large corporations registered with the SEC from China, India and South Korea, which have investments in Burma. It would have a wide, sweeping impact.”

With an eye on such landmark legislation, a global campaign was launched on Apr. 27 calling on Chevron, the French-based oil giant Total and a subsidiary of Thailand’s state-owned gas and oil company to publish “over 18 years of payments to the Burmese military regime.”

Over 160 non-governmental organisations, labour unions, investment firms scholars and political leaders, including the former prime minister of Norway and the former president of Ireland, have signed on to this campaign for financial transparency in Burma, officially known as Myanmar.

A two-page statement by the ‘Call for Total, Chevron and PTTEP to Practice Revenue Transparency in Burma’ is urging the companies to publish “comprehensive data and information” . That includes taxes, fees, royalties and bonuses paid to Burmese authorities since 1992, when the contract for the Yadana gas pipeline was signed.

Taxes paid by Total to the Burmese junta in 2008 offered a glimpse at the pipeline’s substantial contribution to the junta’s coffers. This unprecedented public disclosure of the 254 million U.S. dollars in taxes the regime earned was made the following year, in 2009.

“This is commendable but not enough. We want detailed disaggregated figures of all payments to the Burmese regime,” Smith tells IPS. “Revenue transparency is a basic element of corporate social responsibility. ”

Chevron’s reluctance to disclose the income it generates for the junta goes against its transparent practice elsewhere, argues Smith. “Chevron is transparent about its finances in its investments in Thailand and it is commonly available in the U.S.”

Critics of the controversial pipeline have stated that its income has been to the absolute benefit of a repressive regime, with barely a trickle for the South-east Asian nation’s beleaguered people. From 2000, when gas production started, till 2008, the junta earned an estimated eight billion U.S. dollars from gas sales.

The area home to the Karens, where the pipeline snakes through, has hardly benefited. Villages along the pipeline’s route, from the offshore natural gas in the Andaman Sea to Thailand, still lack electricity and depend on candles and lamps for light.

But the Karens, who are one of the country’s 130 ethnic minorities, have suffered more since the inception of this controversial pipeline in 1991 to meet Thailand’s energy demands. Burmese soldiers assigned to provide security during the constriction of the pipeline and since have been fingered for a range of human rights and environmental abuses.

This heavily militarised area, which at one time saw 14 battalions operate, also saw rape and torture of Karen villagers. “These human rights violations continue even today,” reveals Naing Htoo, the Karen activist.

“Multinational companies doing business in Burma can help change this even if the regime is reluctant,” says Wong Aung, coordinator of the Shwe Gas Movement, an organisation of Burmese activists opposed to another oil and gas pipeline project with Chinese investment to feed China’s energy demands. “Revenue transparency is the way.”
“It must be practised for the citizens of Burma, who can use the information to monitor the government’s use of natural resource wealth and demand accountability where none presently exists,” he explains. “If the Shwe gas project goes ahead, the regime will earn 29 billion U.S. dollars in a 30-year period.”

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The Jakarta Post – US mulls more sanctions on Myanmar
Lilian Budianto, The Jakarta Post, Jakarta | Thu, 04/29/2010 9:57 AM |

The US government said it could impose more sanctions on Myanmar over unfairness in the reclusive state’s upcoming elections that have barred opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi from running for office.

The first election in two decades in Myanmar has been boycotted and defied as a sham by opposition party National League for Democracy (NLD), as the poll regulation requires political parties to expel members who have spent time in prison. The Myanmar junta has imprisoned more than 2,000 political prisoners.

“We have been quite critical of the election law and we regard it as unhelpful. It makes it difficult if not impossible to make this election free or fair or credible at all because they forced not only the NLD but other parties to expel any members who were in prison,” Scot Marciel, the US Ambassador to ASEAN, told The Jakarta Post on Tuesday.

“The NLD has a large number of its leaders in prison, and [the regulation] has forced the NLD and other parties into a very difficult position … We read it as a statement that [the Myanmar government] is not going to pursue national reconciliation through this election process.”

The US has slapped economic sanctions on Myanmar, blacklisting regime cronies and certain companies from doing business with US entities. The EU agreed on Monday to extend its own sanctions, including travel bans for those responsible for jailing Suu Kyi, although they have impacted little on Myanmar, which has been ruled by a military
regime since 1990.

Yangon has maintained good economic relations with its two giant neighbors, China and India.

“We have maintained our sanctions and we certainly have the option [of imposing more sanctions] and we have not taken that option off the table,” Marciel said.

Marciel and other US envoys visited Myanmar and met Suu Kyi and Myanmar Prime Minister Thein Sein last November in a meeting the US said was an exchange of views.

Marciel said the junta did not lay out any conditions on which they would be willing to carry out reforms or release prisoners in the first high-level meeting between US and Myanmar in the last 14 years.

“We did not expect a dramatic outcome from [the visit], and in fact there were no dramatic outcomes from it,” he said.

“They talked mostly about their own economic development plan, their plan for the elections, and we offered some thoughts on how it was very important to move [ahead with] the national reconciliation, and carry out some reforms to improve the human rights situation.”

Marciel said he and other US officials had not ruled out the possibility of visiting Myanmar before or shortly after the elections if “it would be helpful”.

He said the US government would discuss Myanmar with other ASEAN member states, since both the US and ASEAN had roles to play. The US visit last November was organized without involving ASEAN member states.

“Our decision to go there is not to say ASEAN has no role, it was just that we are trying to play our role. We talk regularly to our friends in ASEAN about the situation in Burma.”

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DVB reporter’s appeal rejected
Thursday, 29 April 2010 20:46 Phanida

Chiang Mai (Mizzima) – A reporter for a non-profit media organisation lost her appeal in the Magway Division Court against a jail term of more than a quarter of a century handed down in Pakokku, her lawyer said yesterday.

Hla Hla Win, video reporter for the Democratic Voice of Burma (DVB), based in Norway, was sentenced to 27 years in Myitkyina prison in Kachin State. Oral arguments of lawyers from both sides on her appeal against the decision handed down in a Pakokku court were heard on April 5 and the court rejected her appeal yesterday.

“The court said upheld the decision of the Pakokku court, thus rejecting the appeal,” Shwe Hla, Hla Hla Win’s lawyer said

Hla Hla Win was sentenced 20 years for violating the draconian Electronics Act and the Video Act, 505 (b) and seven years for violating the Import-Export Act, 5 (1) (for riding an unlicensed motorcycle).

Her lawyer said he would lodge an appeal with the Mandalay Division Supreme Court. “My client did not commit any illegal act. So, the decisions of the inferior courts are unfair,” he said. “After we have copied the judgments of the inferior courts, we will try to get the deserved legal right .We will point out that the inferior courts’ decisions were unlawful, and continue pursuing legal proceedings in this case.”

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The Irrawaddy – Hundreds Flee Threat of War in Shan State
By SAW YAN NAING – Thursday, April 29, 2010

FANG, Thailand – Hundreds of ethnic Shan, Lahu, Chinese and Thai businesspeople, including some families of United Wa State Army (UWSA) personnel, have moved to the Thai-Burmese border area because they fear a serious flare-up of fighting between Burmese government troops and UWSA units based in southern Shan State.

Several thousand UWSA soldiers and their families live in southern Shan State opposite Fang District of Thailand’s Chiang Mai Province. The UWSA, which has about 25,000 men in uniform, is under pressure from the Burmese regime to become a border guard force.

The departure of many local people to the relative safety of the Thai-Burmese border began in earnest on April 22, when a regime deadline ran out for the UWSA to agree to transform itself into a border guard force. Reports circulated that the Burmese army was planning to launch an offensive against UWSA units in southern Shan State.

Clashes already occurred between UWSA units and Burmese troops on April 23 and 24, according to Thai soldiers posted at Ang Khang hill, about 23 kilometers from the Fang District border with Shan State.

Following the clashes, Thai troops were deployed near Nor Leang village on the Thai-Burmese border, according to local residents.

The Thai army has also closed border trails in the Nor Leang area, fearing mortar shells could land on Thai territory.

Two local schools have also been closed and children moved to safety.

Some Chinese nationals living in southern Shan State have moved to Panghsang, the UWSA headquarters in northern Shan State. Some Thai nationals have also returned home, according to sources on the Thai-Burmese border.

Aung Kyaw Zaw, a Burmese observer on the Sino-Burmese border said about 2,000 Chinese in southern Shan State had moved to northern Shan State to avoid a possible outbreak of hostilities.

Sources said some Wa families had sold their livestock, cars, motorcycles and other personal belongings for knockdown prices before moving to the border region opposite the Mae Ai District of Chiang Mai province.

The Thai army has urged ethnic Shan refugees at Khone Kyor camp in Wiang Haeng District to remain on alert, according to the camp committee. More than 600 refugees live at the camp.

A Shan refugee said: “The Thai army came to our camp and told us two days ago not to worry and that if we heard shooting they will come and pick us up in trucks and take us to a safe place if fighting occurs.”

Maj Sai Lao Hseng, a spokesman for the Shan State Army (SSA-S), said some mortars had landed on Thai territory when fighting broke out between the SSA-South and Burmese government forces in 2003.

Sai Lao Hseng said the Burmese army probably shelled UWSA troops on April 23 and 24 by mistake, thinking they were SSA-S troops.

Residents in the area of the Burmese-Thai border town of Tachileik have also reportedly been moving to safety in Thailand.

Further north, in Kachin State, some people have been moving to China from Laiza, headquarters of the Kachin Independence Organization (KIO), fearing an outbreak of fighting there, according to a resident of Myitkyina.

Some had crossed into China with border pass permits and were staying with relatives in Yunnan Province, said one visitor.

Thai military authorities have warned that thousands of refugees will flee into Thailand if war breaks out in southern Shan State. An influx of drugs into Thailand’s Chiang Mai and Chiang Rai provinces is also highly expected, according to Pornthep Eamprapai, the director of the Office of the Narcotics Control Board in Chiang Mai.

About 30,000 people, including Chinese residents of the Kokang capital, Laogai, fled to China when Burmese government forces attacked the ethnic Kokang ceasefire group known as the Myanmar National Democratic Alliance Army in August 2009.

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The Irrawaddy – Rift between Junta and DKBA Deepens
By LAWI WENG – Thursday, April 29, 2010

Tension between Burmese junta troops and the Democratic Karen Buddhist Army (DKBA) in Myawaddy township on the Thai-Burmese border has been mounting since the disagreement on border guard issues.

Speaking to The Irrawaddy on Wednesday, a Karen source close to the DKBA in Myawaddy township said: “The majority of DKBA members don’t want to lose the name of their organization. They are worried that without the DKBA name, there will be no political objective and no hope for a better future for ethnic Karen. This is why they don’t want to transform their troops into a border guard force (BGF).”

A member of the DKBA said its spiritual leader, the influential abbot Ashin Thuzana, told DKBA leaders to keep their organization’ s name and not to accept the Burmese junta’s BGF plan.

A DKBA officer at the Three Pagodas Pass told The Irrawaddy: “We will never betray our Karen people. We will keep our arms following our leader Saw Ba U Gyi’s principles and we will fight for the freedom of our Karen people.”

He said certain people involved in the border trade in Myawaddy who are close to the generals want the DKBA to join the BGF. While top leaders reject the BGF plan, young leaders agree to accept it.

DKBA troops in the Three Pagodas Pass area are on alert as tension has been mounting according to sources in the New Mon State Party (NMSP).

“Relations between them [Burmese junta troops and the DKBA] today are unlike anything before. They don’t trust each other now,” said Lawi Mon, a member of the NMSP.

Nai Tain, a Mon driver in Myawaddy township, said Burmese authorities have set up more checkpoints on the road between Myawaddy and Moulmein, inspecting all vehicles and travelers.

The authorities seized unlicensed cars—many such cars belong to DKBA members—entering Moulmein on Tuesday, he said, adding that this was part of the pressure junta authorities were putting on the DKBA.

The DKBA, which has been used by the military regime as a proxy force to combat insurgencies in Karen and Mon States, agreed to the BGF plan shortly it was announced in April, 2009.

However, when Ashin Thuzana announced his opposition to the plan in February, the group’s leadership backed away from their original acceptance.

Ashin Thuzana, 68, the abbot of Myaing Gyi Ngu Monastery in Karen State, has long been active in the promotion of Buddhism in the area and has been responsible for the construction of several pagodas in Myaing Gyi Ngu.

He was reportedly admitted to hospital in Bangkok for treatment of a long-standing lung problem early in February. Burmese military officials reportedly offered to admit him to a military hospital in Rangoon, but he chose a private clinic in the Thai capital.

The DKBA, which was formed 15 years ago, now controls most of the Thai-Burmese border area previously controlled by the Karen National Union.

It claims to have 6,000 troops and plans to enlarge its army to 9,000, making it Burma’s second largest non-state armed group. It has been accused of human rights abuses in its clashes with KNU forces and also of involvement in human trafficking along Thai-Burmese border.

The Burmese junta has put pressure on all the ethnic cease-fire groups in Burma to transform their troops into BGF battalions since last year, making April 22 the most recent deadline for acceptance. Many of the groups remain defiant, refusing to accept the plan, however.

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DVB News – Trade hit by border guard furore
By FRANCIS WADE
Published: 29 April 2010

Traders in eastern Burma have stopped importing goods overland into the country following fears of fighting between Burmese troops and ceasefire groups.

Tension is rising in Burma’s border regions as the deadline passed yesterday for ethnic ceasefire groups, many of whom control territory close to Burma’s borders with China and Thailand, to transform into border guard forces.

Border trade points have reportedly seen very little activity in the past week, while a trader in Tachilek, a prominent crossing point for goods entering and leaving Burma into Thailand, said that few Thais had made the crossing. Similar reports were heard from Mong Ywang and Keng Tung, both in Shan state.

“Security is tight with unusual numbers of troops deployed at the border checkpoints,” he said. “They are searching vehicles at checkpoints on the roads. We heard the bridge [between Tachilek and Thailand’s Mae Sai] will be shut down today.”

Meanwhile, Keng Tung residents told DVB that a senior Northern Military Command officer had travelled to the Mong La special region to meet with the Mong La ceasefire army, which is wavering over whether to transform into a border guard force.

The meeting has reportedly alarmed locals who are fleeing to nearby areas. “Government workers in Mong La came back to Keng Tung about two days ago, in fearing that clashes would break out if the meeting didn’t turn out well,” said one resident.

“Both the government and the Mong La group have said they will not take responsibility [for the government workers] if clashes break out.” Keng Tung residents said that Burmese army vehicles were being sent to the Mong La region from Keng Tung at night.

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The Shan Conundrum in Burma (2nd Edition)

taisamyone — Fri, 02 Apr 2010 18:41:13 +0000

Henri-André Aye has written a personal history of Shan State in Burma, focusing on the political issues, particularly those that his father was involved with, as well as providing many important aspects of culture and history of the Shan States (as the 34 principalities were known before independence). Henri-André’s father Namkham U Htun Aye was elected Member of Parliament in the Chamber of Deputies in 1948, and became the Minister for Education and Social Welfare in the Shan State Government during the brief parliamentary democracy in Burma from 1948 to 1962.

Born in the 1950s, Henri-André has only a child’s remembrance of the military coup, but became opposed to his father work for the Revolutionary Council as he came to see the effect on society in Burma and on Shan State. Henri-André worked as a travel guide in the 1980s, and after the 1988 uprising left for exile, living mainly in France where he now settled. This book describes Henri-Andre’s life and times in Burma and abroad, and includes his own views of the impact of the military repression particularly as it has affected those living in Shan State, along with numerous personal anecdotes of his own and from his father. This makes the book particularly interesting to anyone carrying out research into these times and the politics of Shan State since independence, as well as those generally interested in the history of the Shan States and the role of the Saophas.

Academic histories are usually written with access to national archives, published material and numerous personal testimonies and accounts. At present this is particularly difficult in Burma, as access to the vital documents is rigorously controlled and censored by the military authorities. However, when access does become available, it is accounts such as this one by Henri-André Aye that provide the personal reflections on the sometimes drier archive material.

Namkham U Htun Aye was an early advocate of the so-called anti-feudal Shan State People’s Freedom League, more aligned with the left-wing government of U Nu than the more conservative traditional Saophas. Although there was much venom from the SSPFL and the Rangoon press against the traditional rulers, most people in Shan State now consider that rule from Rangoon was always much worst that that from the rule of the Saophas – something that Namkham U Htun Aye would probably agree with if he were alive today.

After the 1962 coup, Namkham U Htun Aye was asked (or rather ordered by Ne Win) to be chairman of the Shan State Council, replacing the democratically elected government. For this and his continuing work with the Revolutionary Council and the BSPP, he is considered by many Shans as a collaborator, and his involvement with the military still arouses animosity.

During the constitutional discussions prior to 1962 and during the 1974 constitutional discussions, Namkham U Htun Aye (along with many other ethnic leaders and others) supported and strongly advocated the federal proposals that had formed the basis and the spirit of the 1947 Panglong Agreement. Despite their efforts, there was to be response to this from the military dictatorship.

In 1988 Namkham U Htun Aye was asked by U Nu to join his attempt to take back executive power from Ne Win; perhaps wisely, he declined the offer and 4 years later moved to live as a monk in a Vipassana meditation monastery in Rangoon, where he died in 2002.

Henri-Andre Aye explains that his father tried to work with the system, however odious he realised it became, to create a better government with a degree of autonomy for Shan State; he realised in the end that instead of a socialist welfare state, he had supported the entrenchment of the fascist military dictatorship. This is perhaps a strong message that should get through to those Shan politicians inside Burma who are being cajoled by the SPDC in an attempt to gather credibility for the 2010 election process.

Author: Henri-André Aye, 2009

Publisher: BookSurge Publishing, USA – (April 14, 2009)

ISBN-10: 1439225729

ISBN-13: 978-1439225721

Availability: Amazon.com BookSurge

Product Description

A chilling story of historical and political events told through the author’s personal life accounts. The author provides a memoir of his father, who was a member of parliament, cabinet minister in Shan State government, and finally head of Shan State. He narrates the modern history of Shan in unique perspective, describes the events in lively anecdotes, and recounts the racial and social injustices under the military dictatorship in Burma in astute observation. The book being released on March 1, 2010, is a revised edition in which the author improved the text, concentrated on clarifying the most significant and important elements in the story.

About the Author

Born in the Shan State in the 1950s, the author is now a French citizen and living in France. He has a keen interest in social and political developments of the Shan State and is dedicated to live a life of an observer to the full.

News on Migrants & Refugees- 26 March, 2010 (English & Burmese)

taisamyone — Fri, 26 Mar 2010 10:00:26 +0000

26Mar10 News on Migrants & Refugees- 26 March, 2010 (English & Burmese)

People Doctrine in Burmese

thandar — Sat, 27 Feb 2010 00:06:27 +0000

Click here to read full version.

Inspired, she captured Myanmar cuisine

taisamyone — Thu, 21 Jan 2010 13:52:55 +0000

Page Bingham holds a prawn as it would be eaten in Myanmar, with her fingers, enhancing the flavor of the food. It’s cooked with chilies and tamarind. (Matthew J. Lee/Globe Staff)

By Omar Sacirbey Globe Correspondent / January 20, 2010

CAMBRIDGE – The Shan region of Myanmar, the Southeast Asian country once known as Burma, is home to a unique culinary culture that boasts diverse dishes, from starters like mustard soup and mango salad, to entrees like grilled fish in banana leaf and steamed ginger chicken. But to truly enjoy these meals, the Shan advise, forget utensils and eat with your fingers.

That’s Page Bingham’s advice, too. “Food has the most taste when it comes from the fingertips,’’ says Bingham, a Cambridge resident who has documented this and other Shan culinary features in “A Taste of Shan,’’ her newly published recipe and photo collection from this vibrant and mystical region. Bingham is donating royalties to the Foundation for the People of Burma, a humanitarian aid organization.

“Each recipe has a history,’’ says Bingham. Myanmar is a closed society that evokes images of oppression, poverty, and residents afraid to speak openly, for fear of being heard by spies. Bingham says she was tailed by government officials, although she got used to it. “They’re always following you. But it was so obvious, it was kind of humorous,’’ she says. “I wasn’t worried because I wasn’t doing anything subversive, I was just getting recipes.’’

While the bleak images are real, she says, they should not obscure the fact that the Shan region is full of hospitable, resilient, and funny people. “I wanted to show the other side.’’

Bingham went to Myanmar to save her marriage, she writes. About seven years ago, she and her husband had hit a rough spot and separated. When she was invited to visit by a friend who was doing research work in Yangon, the capital, she decided she needed the time away – and stayed for a year. Bingham became fascinated by the region and began a fruitless search for a cookbook. There were none. “You should write one,’’ said one bookstore owner. “Then I can sell it here.’’ She ended up rescuing recipes that, she was told, have yet to be recorded and face declining use as Shan cuisine is overtaken by the cuisine of the region’s substantial ethnic Chinese population.

On a recent evening in her Cambridge home, Bingham prepares two favorites: stir-fried prawns with tamarind sauce and a typical tomato salad.

For the prawn dish, Bingham heats a cast iron wok ( a large skillet is a good substitute) and begins by frying a mixture of shallots, garlic, tamarind sauce, red chili peppers, fish sauce, and sugar. Although the book has a somewhat labor-intensive recipe for tamarind sauce, on this particular night, Bingham uses a canned Thai version. She brings the blend to a boil, adds large shrimp, and garnishes the finished dish with cilantro. The Shan tradition works well here: Fingertips bring out intense flavors that start sweet and tart, and finish hot.

“At first I was intimidated,’’ says Bingham, who was new to Asian foods. “But once you do it a lot, it gets easier.’’

The tomato salad requires many of the same ingredients as the prawn dish; it’s an easy and sensible side. A refreshing and light dressing of rice vinegar and fish sauce – no oil – offers an appealing complement to the tart and more concentrated tamarind sauce.

Bingham’s book has sections on street food, eating with the Shan, and a basic glossary. Each recipe is preceded by a brief and often interesting or humorous anecdote about how Bingham acquired the recipe. She received the formula for steamed ginger chicken, for example, from a member of a deposed Shan royal family whose “passion for all things Shan is as strong as his passion for talking,’’ Bingham writes. “ ‘Easy to make and delicious,’ were his parting words as I fled before he could launch into another soliloquy.’’

One of Bingham’s favorite features of Shan is the teahouse culture. Not unlike pubs, tea houses are ubiquitous, especially in the regional capital of Mandalay. They give people a place to gather and socialize, and also provide an unofficial social net, giving teenagers and young men a place to work during the day, and to sleep at night. While ubiquitous, each teahouse brews its own unique blends daily.

Because of the accidental way in which she began the book, Bingham ended up learning about the region in a way that a regular tourist never could. “Food is a great icebreaker,’’ she says. “That’s how I got to know the people.’’

An added bonus: The project helped her reconnect with her husband, Jim Anathan, who responded to her e-mails with encouragement and helpful comments. They are together and, among other things, sometimes cook together.

To order “A Taste of Shan’’ (Marshall Cavendish Cuisine, 2009), go to www.amazon.com.

Recent Burmese News – 091225

taisamyone — Fri, 25 Dec 2009 15:42:32 +0000

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Myanmar political prisoner dies in jail

Today, December 25, 2009, 5 hours ago

Yangon – A 38-year-old political activist who participated in the “Saffron Revolution” of 2007 has died in a Myanmar jail where she was serving a three-year sentence with hard labour, government sourc…

Burma gets Xmas treat

Today, December 25, 2009, 12 hours ago

It is Burma the elephant’s first Christmas without her friend Kashin. The much-loved 40-year-old was put down earlier this year after her chronic arthritis and foot abscesses became to much to bear. …

UN condemns Myanmar on human rights violations

Today, December 25, 2009, 19 hours ago

The U.N. General Assembly condemned wide-ranging human rights violations in Myanmar in a resolution adopted early on Thursday. The resolution on the country formerly known as Burma, voted through by 8…

Woman prisoner dies in Insein prison

Today, December 25, 2009, 22 hours ago

Chiang Mai (Mizzima) – A woman prisoner died of cardiac arrest in Insein prison hospital yesterday, family sources said. Tin Tin Htwe (38) mother of three children, was recently shifted back to Inse…

Junta lobbies hard on international fora

Today, December 25, 2009, 22 hours ago

on Wednesday reported the return of Foreign Minister Nyan Win from Denmark after attending the UN Climate Change Conference. The newspaper said Nyan Win, besides delivering a speech at the conference,. ..

Burma steps up work to complete border fencing

Yesterday, December 24, 2009, 10:27:37 PM

Dhaka (Mizzima) – Reinforcements of 100 police personnel have been made on the Burma-Bangladesh border on Sunday to step up work on the ongoing fencing work.The policemen are from the No (2) Riot Po…

Repair work on Suu Kyi’s house halted

Yesterday, December 24, 2009, 10:27:36 PM

Chiang Mai (Mizzima) – Detained opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi has been ordered to stop repair works of her lakeside house, after her elder brother filed a complaint, her lawyer Nyan Win said. The…

Burma's Poor Performance at SEA Games Slammed

Yesterday, December 24, 2009, 10:25:29 PM

Burma’s poor performance at the 25th Southeast Asian Games in Vientane, Laos, has come in for sharp criticism by country’s leading commentators. Burmese athletes won only 12 gold medals and fin…

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Unmasking Than Shwe

taisamyone — Tue, 15 Dec 2009 19:03:21 +0000

Mizzima : by Mungpi Monday, 14 December 2009 23:39

In nearly two decades of undisputed and uninterrupted rule, Burma’s military supremo Senior General Than Shwe is certainly going down in the history of Burma as one man, who has vigorously contributed to the collapse of the Burmese economy, failure of the society, catered to the culture of impunity and drainage of mineral resources.

Despite the myriad consequences suffered by Burmese people, most people do not know what Than Shwe is really like. But every Burmese seems to have a basic understanding that Than Shwe likes to think of himself as one of the Burmese Warrior Kings of the past as he has placed his statue next to the famous Burmese kings in his new jungle capital city of Naypyitaw, in central Burma.

Revealing bits and parts of Than Shwe’s character is Benedict Rogers, East Asia Team leader of the Christian Solidarity Worldwide, a London-based human rights group. Rogers, who has long associated with issues in Burma and has written numerous articles, has been working on a biographical book on Than Shwe, titled “Than Shwe: Unmasking Burma’s Tyrant”.

During a short stop-over in New Delhi, India’s capital, Mizzima’s Assistant Editor Mungpi, caught up with Rogers, to take a peep into the book he has written and which will be launched in February 2010.

Q. Can you tell us what your new book is all about?

Ans: The book is basically a Biography of Senior General Than Shwe and it is obviously not the authorized biography that it is a very much unauthorized biography, because we were not able to get the cooperation of General Than Shwe or his family or the regime. But it’s basically a book about Than Shwe, about how he rose to the top, about the nature of the regime and the military. And also what is happening in Burma today under General Than Shwe’s rule, and I believe it would be the first biography of Than Shwe.

Q: Why did you choose Than Shwe?

Ans: Well, I felt that there has been a question of biographies of other dictators like Saddam Hussein, Kim Jong Ill, Robert Mugabe and others. And Than Shwe must be one of the world’s worst dictators and yet the world doesn’t really know very much about him. Even those of us, who work on Burma, don’t know very much about him. And I felt that it would be a good new angle on the Burma’s situation, a new way of telling the story about ‘What is happening in Burma. What the regime is like.’ The idea actually originally came from my friend Jeremy Woodrum, from the US campaign for Burma and he suggested to me, I thought it was a very interesting idea.

Q. It’s really interesting to know how Than Shwe rose to power, as we know very little about him during General Ne Win’s, socialist era, as well as during the earlier part following the military coup in 1988. Can you tell us how he started getting up to the ranks?

Ans: Well, I think, one of the most interesting things about Than Shwe is precisely the fact that he rose from the ranks quite silently and without really being noticed, but actually that is something about that nature of the military system in Burma. I think that Than Shwe rose to the top because he was not seen by his superiors to be a threat, he was seen as quite boring and quite lacking in original ideas, he didn’t display his ambition very overtly and therefore, he wasn’t seen as a threat by his superiors. Whereas officers, who show some initiative, some original thoughts and creativity tend to actually be seen as a threat by their superiors and who are then purged. So I think it’s precisely the quietness and the lack of initiative in Than Shwe that was the secret of his success. I don’t think it’s the case that he was not ambitious, he was ambitious but he kept his ambitions very quite. Everybody says that in all the meetings that had throughout his carrier, he sat silently in all the meetings. He just obeyed orders, and that’s the nature of the system. They want people who would just obey orders.

Q: So that says that Than Shwe must have been systematically planning his ambitions to materialize. Can you tell us how close was he with the former dictator General Ne Win?

Ans: Well, I think he was quite close. And I think Ne Win certainly identify him as a person who could take over. But he wasn’t as close to Ne Win as for example Khin Nyunt [former military intelligence chief] personally. I think that’s in terms of personal relationship, he didn’t have a close relationship. But I think in terms of Ne Win identifying Than Shwe as a man to take over, he was certainly close.

Q: How much does his wife, Daw Kyaing Kyaing, influence Than Shwe?

Ans: I think she has some influence but I don’t think it’s true that she is really the all powerful. He himself does know that he is in the top position. He does have his own agenda, his own ideas. But I think that one influence she has on him is that she takes astrology very seriously. And I think that she probably takes astrology more seriously than he does. She influences him with that. And also I think she has a particular dislike of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and again probably she influences him in that way as well.

Q: And could that be one of the reasons for Than Shwe to dislike or even loathe the name of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi?

Ans: Yes. I think it could be one of the reasons. Several people that I interviewed for the book says that Daw Aung San Suu Kyi represents everything that Kyaing Kyaing and the other wives of military leaders do not. You know, she is very well educated, she has travelled internationally, she’s very sophisticated, she’s very beautiful and Kyaing Kyaing is neither beautiful nor educated.

Q. Talking about your sources, is it possible to reveal to us who are your primary sources in collecting the information regarding Than Shwe?

Ans: Yes, my two primary sources were: firstly, a number of defectors from the Burma Army who, over the years, have left Burma and all of whom knew Than Shwe at different stages of his life. So I interviewed some people who are living in exile, who had been in military training with him, way back in the 1950s. And then I interviewed a person who served as one of his doctors when he was the Southwest regional commander. And I interviewed people who’ve known him more recently since he became the Senior General. And in addition to the defectors, I have interviewed quite a number of international diplomats – British, American, Australian, Japanese and Thai diplomats, former ambassadors including the former British ambassador Mark Canning, former Australian ambassadors and former Thai ambassadors. And that was good because I wasn’t just hearing the western perspectives from the British or American. I was hearing from the Japanese and Thai perspectives as well. And also former UN officials, the former UN special envoy Razali Ismail, the former Special Rapporteur Yozo Yokota and Professor Pinheiro. These were all my primary sources. These are all the people who met Than Shwe at different times. And had also a lot of secondary documents as well.

Q: I have a very vague general understanding that Than Shwe is not a good diplomat. But we know that he recently paid a visit to Sri Lanka, which is one of his rare visits to foreign countries. Do you have any idea how good he is in dealing with all these foreign diplomats?

Ans: It’s true that it’s a very rare visit and it’s quite a surprising visit. Most of his foreign visits in the past have been limited to China, India, Singapore and a few other Southeast Asian countries. But it was interesting that he should go to Sri Lanka. And my suspicion is he went to Sri Lanka primarily to learn about how the Sri Lankan government had dealt with the Tamil Tigers (LTTE), to see if there are any lessons to be learnt.

In terms of his general foreign relations, I think it’s important not to underestimate Than Shwe. You know, many of us think Than Shwe is stupid, uneducated and boring. And to certain degree he can be stupid and not very interesting. But many of the diplomats that I have met said that actually he can be much more charming than we realize and when he meets foreign diplomats if he wants to be charming, he could be, and also his level of English is much better than what we realize. He can actually understand certainly quite a lot and he can speak in English. I think he is more intelligent and more educated perhaps than we think. Although his education has not been formal education, he never went to university.

Q. Talking about his education, what is then Shwe’s highest level of education?

Ans: We believe he completed high school but he didn’t go to university. He finished the high school and he joined the postal service, similar to Ne Win, who also joined the postal service. He also worked for a short time as a postal clerk and then he joined the military and he did military training.

Q. In the military, as we understand generally, he is a specialist in psychological warfare. Do you think he uses the psychological warfare tactics to run the regime?

Ans: I think he does. Probably the most obvious example of that is the divide and rule strategy, which he actually uses successfully throughout the country in many ways with the different ethnic groups, for example, in 1995 the split of the DKBA (Democratic Karen Buddhist Army) from the KNU (Karen National Union) and more recently the split of another faction in the KNU and other parts of the country as well. So I think, in terms of divide and rule and also propaganda, he is really on psychological warfare.

Q. Why do you think Than Shwe purged the former Prime Minister and Military Intelligence Chief Khin Nyunt? How powerful is Than Shwe compared to Khin Nyunt?

Ans: I think we have in the past, tended to overestimate the role of Khin Nyunt and underestimate the role of Than Shwe. I think in reality Than Shwe was always the number 1, since he became the number 1, he was number 1. And I think Khin Nyunt’s influence was limited. And in some ways that was one of the frustrations I think Khin Nyunt wanted to do more. And I think Khin Nyunt’s fall came because Than Shwe tolerated him up to a point but then when he crossed the line he was going too far and was becoming too much and Than Shwe said that’s enough and got rid of him.

Q. How tight is Than Shwe’s security in his home?

Ans: I think his security is very very tight. And particularly now, that he has moved to Naypyitaw. I think he is in his own bunker in Naypyitaw and surrounded by people who provide physical security, but by also people who owe allegiance to him, people he has promoted and they are indebted to him. So he has that political security by surrounding himself with loyalists.

Q. And who among the generals has access to Than Shwe?

Ans: Well, I think Maung Aye as the number 2 certainly has some access. Even if they don’t meet each other often they have regular contact. And clearly Thura Shwe Mann and Myint Swe, two of his chosen prodigies have regular access to him.

Q. Lately, Myint Swe has been speculated of having a close relationship with Than Shwe also rumoured to be the favourite heir to replace Than Shwe, but earlier there were also speculation about Shwe Mann succeeding Than Shwe. What do you say about that? And there is also a missing person in all these speculations, Maung Aye. What about him and where does he stand?

Ans: Well, I think in regard to Maung Aye, it is clear that, if Than Shwe would have to die tomorrow then Maung will become no 1 because of the hierarchy in SPDC. But if Than Shwe can plan his succession, I think it is very clear that Than Shwe doesn’t want Maung Aye to succeed him, so he and Maung Aye will retire together. And he would want either Shwe Man or Myint Swe to succeed him. In terms of whether it’s Shwe Man or Myint Swe, to me it’s still unclear. To me, until recently everyone was saying Shwe Mann and when I read the book most people were saying Shwe Mann. Although some people were saying that Myint Swe is definitely a clear contender. But still people were saying Shwe Mann. As for the recent speculations gave the idea that it might be Myint Swe, think it’s too early to tell. And one of the problems is with regime is that rumours spread, and actually sometimes rumours spread because that is nature. But sometimes I think the regime deliberately spreads rumours in order to cause confusion or they allow rumours to spread. And this rumour about Myint Swe, I can’t comment until it happens.

Q: So do you think that the rumours about the rift between Than Shwe and Maung Aye could be a deliberate plan or do you think there is certainly a big rift between the two?

Ans: It’s quite difficult to tell and I think there is good reason to believe that there is difference in opinion between them. And many people have said to me when I was researching the book. Maung Aye didn’t like some of Than Shwe’s decisions including the severe crackdown on the saffron revolution. One of the interesting things people have said is that Than Shwe tends to take decisions very slowly. But when he does take a decision he overreacts, he takes a very severe decision. It’s also the case in saffron revolution. So I think Maung Aye and Than Shwe do have differences. But I also think Maung Aye is never going to challenge Than Shwe because he knows the consequences. If he challenges and fails and he lives a very comfortable life as the number two, so I think they will stick together even though they may not agree.

Q. Do you think Than Shwe is choking out his seven-step roadmap including the 2010 elections, as part of his “exit plan” to retire from the military or maybe to allow him to get away with whatever he has done?

Ans. Yes, I think it’s primarily about two things. Firstly, ensuring protection for himself, his family and his prodigies and cronies and people, who are close to him. He is also keen that even after he dies, his family and close allies are protected. And secondly, I think, he does model himself to a certain extent on the ancient Burmese warrior kings and in Naypyitaw there is the statue of the three kings. Because in Burmese history, the kings had a tradition of building new capitals or leaving a legacy. So I think both the elections and also the move to Naypyitaw are about leaving a legacy so that Than Shwe in Burmese history is seen as the person who left this legacy.

Q. Talking about the statue and he seems to like to think that he is also one of the great kings in Burmese history. So do you think that he is really obsessed with all these ideas?

Ans: I think he is. When you go to Naypyitaw, I went to Naypyitaw for a day and it’s really an extraordinary place particularly the new pagoda, they built there for the replica of Shwedagon pagoda, which is covered in gold on the outside and the inside. Lots of money has been spent on it and it’s lit up at night. Looking around Naypyitaw, it’s clear that Than Shwe’s part of his decision to move to Naypyitaw is his idea of following the Burmese traditional kings.

Q. Can you tell us a little bit about Than Shwe’s health?

Ans: There have been over the years sporadic reports about his health and people think he is about to die and is very old. And then suddenly he reappears and he seems quite strong and in good health. We know that he is a diabetic and we also believe that he may have cancer (prostate cancer) and went to Singapore for treatment. But he does seem to be quite healthy when he appears in public. He doesn’t looked ill or frail, he looks still in reasonable health although he is quite overweight, clearly lives a good life. But it’s hard to really know but it doesn’t seem that he is in bad health.

Q. How obsessed is Than Shwe with astrology?

Ans: I think astrology is certainly a big influence on him in terms of deciding timing of decisions. So, when he announced the move to Naypyitaw, the timing was carefully chosen. Similarly, with some of the prison sentences that have been passed on activists in recent years, those were carefully chosen for astrological reasons. I think in terms of the actual decisions it may be a factor, but I think it’s a factor alongside other factors. For example, with the move to Naypyitaw, I think the advice of the astrologers may have been one reason. But I think there are also other reasons: the historical legacy, and also the desire to protect themselves from the possibility of a nationwide uprising, having the bunker city in the centre of the country. And also the paranoia, misplaced paranoia of foreign invasion. So, I think those strategic factors whether they are justified or not were also influential in addition to astrology.

Q. Based on the information that you have, would you conclude that Than Shwe is paranoid with the possibilities of a foreign invasion?

Ans: I think he is. And particularly after the Iraq war and if you read some of his speeches, which we quote in the book, he has ordered the soldiers, the military and the USDA [Union Solidarity and Development Association] to prepare for specifically an American invasion. So I think he does have that fear. It’s misplaced, you know, there is no likelihood of it happening, but he certainly has that fear.

Q. We know that Than Shwe is a dictator, a sick man, a xenophobic and obsessed with astrology. But why do you think the military generals and soldiers in Burma fear him so much and accept his rule?

Ans: Well, these are the questions I’ve been asking throughout the research for the book because I couldn’t understand why a person who really has no charisma, he has no personal ability to inspire people is obyed. Why he’s been so successful. And also couldn’t understand, why so many people complain about him. They complain about him personally, not just the regime. And yet, nobody does think about it within the regime. And my conclusion is that, the problem is really with the system, that the Burmese military has a tradition of – ‘you don’t move against you superior even if you hate them you just don’t do it.’ Combined with the fact that Than Shwe has been very successful in creating a cultural patronage within the regime, where he has rewarded a lot of people and promoted a lot of people. So a lot of people feel indebted to him and therefore they are loyal to him out of fear because they don’t want to lose their positions. There is this culture of fear that prevents those within the regime from doing anything to remove him.

Q. Would you say that Than Shwe is a part of the military institution that’s been ruling Burma more than 40 years? Or would you say that he is a determined individual dictator?

Ans: I think he’s actually both. He’s certainly the product of the system. And I think the problem in Burma is much bigger than Than Shwe. If you get to Than Shwe, if you just get with Than Shwe, that’s not going to solve the Burmese situation. However, I think he is particularly a hardline person in the regime. He is someone who really does want to hold on to power at all costs. He doesn’t want to compromise, he doesn’t want to negotiate. And he is an individual who’s exerting particular control over the system as well as being the product of the system.

New guidebook reveals darker side of tourist sites in Shan State

taisamyone — Mon, 16 Nov 2009 19:40:34 +0000

SWAN Press release

A guidebook launched today gives tourists an alternative view of Shan State by providing a pictorial exposé of the deliberate neglect, destruction and reinvention of local cultural and historical sites.

The majority of war-torn Shan State is off limits to tourists, but some areas are open to foreign travelers. Forbidden Glimpses of Shan State, compiled by the Shan Women’s Action Network, gives a unique insight into these areas.

The guide depicts how Burma’s military regime is erasing the last remaining palaces of the 34 former Shan principalities. This includes the demolition of the historic Kengtung Palace in 1991 to make way for a garish modern hotel.

The destruction of remnants of former Shan self-rule is contrasted with the regime’s construction of new monuments that extol ancient Burmese kings and numerous replicas of the “Shwedagon” pagodas across Shan State. Photos of these lavish structures are juxtaposed with images of historic local Shan temples that have been desecrated and left derelict during the Burma Army’s ongoing scorched earth campaigns.

“We have not only been robbed of our rights, lands and resources. The regime is also robbing us of our culture and history,” said SWAN spokesperson Moan Kaein. “We want visitors to open their eyes to the repression going on around them, even in the cultural sites they are visiting,”

The brief guide also shows scenic areas off-limits to visitors which are threatened by the regime’s development plans, and locations of Shan jails where prominent Burmese political prisoners are being incarcerated far from their homes.

The book has been launched to coincide with the Shan New Year, celebrated this year on November 17, 2009. English, Shan, Burmese and Thai versions of the book can be viewed on www.shanwomen. org

For further information, contact:
Charm Tong +66 81 603 6655
Moan Kaein +66 81 992 1121
Ying Harn Fah +66 85 707 3997

Burma: Prospects for a Democratic Future

taisamyone — Sat, 10 Oct 2009 10:33:05 +0000

Click here to read the whole document:- prospect 4 a democratic future

Format:Trade Paperback

Published:January 5, 1998

Dimensions:275 Pages, 5.95 x 8.97 in

Publisher:Brookings Institution Press

The following ISBNs are associated with this title:
ISBN – 10:0815775814
ISBN – 13:9780815775812

From Our Editors

Since Burma’s current military rulers took power in 1989, this pivotal, troubled, and bitterly divided Southeast Asian nation has rejected important opportunities for political and economic liberalization. This book examines the origins and consequences of Burma’s current policies from military, political, social, and economic perspectives–and analyzes Burma’s stand with regard to the United States and other Western countries.

From the Publisher

Burma has been thrown back to an earlier, more nakedly brutal period of dictatorial excess. Since being defeated overwhelmingly in the 1990 elections, the State Peace and Development Council, a steely military junta despite its name, has repressed dissent, detained Nobel Laureate Aung San Suu Kyi and her colleagues, and violated the human rights and civil liberties of countless Burmese. What to do about Burma is a difficult question. This World Peace Foundation book provides an understanding of …+ read moreBurma has been thrown back to an earlier, more nakedly brutal period of dictatorial excess. Since being defeated overwhelmingly in the 1990 elections, the State Peace and Development Council, a steely military junta despite its name, has repressed dissent, detained Nobel Laureate Aung San Suu Kyi and her colleagues, and violated the human rights and civil liberties of countless Burmese. What to do about Burma is a difficult question. This World Peace Foundation book provides an understanding of why answers are hard and a ready solution is not at hand. Its chapters, written by a number of the world’’s leading authorities on Burma, discuss the country’’s history and political culture, its economic and trade prospects, the power of the army, ethnic relations, its educational and health crises, and the drug trade.

http://books.google.co.uk/books?id=A6bjyIcXIKgC&dq=prospect+for+a+democratic+future&printsec=frontcover&source=bl&ots=rYlIiazfl1&sig=29AvS1MLMsqLWIoy3m8aq_kUXAg&hl=en&ei=_GHQSoCRENWG4Qb4×7yKAw&sa=X&oi=book_result&ct=result&resnum=3&ved=0CBIQ6AEwAg#v=onepage&q=&f=false

Making Enemies: War and State Building in Burma

taisamyone — Sat, 10 Oct 2009 10:26:20 +0000

(This book covers the development of the Tatmadaw in Burma up to 1962, with unprecedented access to the military archives in Rangoon. Mary Callahan seeks to explain the extraordinary durability of the Burmese military regime. In her view, the origins of army rule are to be found in the relationship between war and state formation.

This book is highly recommended for anyone interested in rise of the Tatmadaw in Burma.

Burma Digest ed’s addition, from other reviews/comments on this excellent book)

Click here for the whole document:- making enemies

Can ICC breach Burma’s Sovereignty?

admin — Sun, 04 Oct 2009 19:30:40 +0000

The International Criminal Court (ICC) came into existence in 2002. The ICC has been hailed by international community as a valuable instrument to combat impunity for serious international crimes.

Regardless of the very high hope and expectations of ICC enthusiasts, there is an intense debate going on between ICC’s opponents and proponents over its legitimacy and utility.

(Picture on front cover is courtesy of Thierry Falise.)

Buy this book on amazon.com

Proponents describe the court as the most significant new international institution created in so many years. The ICC, they claim, will be a powerful new weapon in the fight to end the prevailing “culture of impunity”, deter atrocities, promote national reconciliation in divided societies, and trigger major progress in efforts to promote the rule of law.

Critics view the ICC as an undemocratic and unaccountable institution. They also see it as a forum for politicized prosecutions which impose a threat to their national security. Making such allegations, some key actors in international affairs such as the US, Russia, China, India and Israel are refusing to become parties to the ICC.

The Court’s opponents and proponents agree at least on one main issue: the ICC has a potential to influence states’ national politics so much that it may trespass on national sovereignty.

Moreover, in addition to its potential threats to states’ national sovereignty, ICC’s standing has been scrutinized, and debated upon, on a few other important issues such as _ whether ICC will be able to maintain a strict political neutrality, who ICC will hold responsible for collective wrongs of crimes against humanity, whether or not ICC will have deterrence effect on potential human rights abusers, how ICC’s indictments and prosecutions will affect other peaceful means of national reconciliation, etc.

As soon as international human rights activists’ attempts to get ICC Prosecutor’s attention on Burma’s human rights abuses start to gain significant momentum, the Burmese military leaders and their regional allies will start challenging the ICC’s investigations on Burma; by throwing the usual criticisms at ICC, they will try to discredit, and defy, any ICC’s investigations on Burma’s human rights abuses. The main issue which the regime will raise with all vigour is that the ICC imposing its jurisdiction on Burma amounts to an encroachment on Burma’s national sovereignty.

So, the book “Challenges ahead on Burma’s Road to ICC” examines the background history and the whole regime of ICC, comparing and contrasting it with other similar parallel international or supranational institutions wherever appropriate, with a view to assess whether advances towards universal jurisdiction over human rights protection jeopardise states’ national sovereignty; and if so, what measures are available to reduce such an adverse impact, but also highlighting the fact that states may exploit any restrictive measures limiting the ICC’s jurisdiction to render it virtually powerless.

And, the ultimate aim of international human rights activists, and also the aim of this book, is to argue that the ICC, despite all its actual and potential weaknesses, is a welcoming development in international quest for a universal Rule of Law. It so would imply that Burma needs to, and can safely, embrace ICC to get justice eventually brought to her indigent people long suffering under the heels of various forms of dictatorship.

Buy the book “Challenges ahead on Burma’s Road to ICC” on amazon.com

Proceeds from the sale of this book are all to be donated to non-governmental health-care charities in Burma.

Laogai – The Machinery of Repression in China

taisamyone — Sun, 20 Sep 2009 17:20:51 +0000

Available from Umbrage Books : Review by Roland Watson : September 20, 2009

There has been a growing tendency in recent decades, particularly in diplomatic affairs involving the United States, European Union and Australia, to downplay the extent of the human rights abuses committed in China. The argument behind the position is that the new generation of Communist Party of China (CCP) officials is sincerely reform-oriented, and that given time they will improve the human rights situation in the country to an acceptable standard.

The new book, Laogai – The Machinery of Repression in China, completely discredits this argument. It describes in brutal detail and with shocking photography how the state-sponsored terrorism of the CCP against the people of China, which began in the Mao era, continues unabated.

Laogai means “reform through labor;” put simply, the term designates a prison labor camp. There are over 900 documented Laogai in China, although the true number is believed to be much greater. The total prisoner population is as high as five million. While the majority of this figure are real criminals, it also includes some 500,000 people who have been detained without cause. Indeed, anyone in China can be sentenced to the Laogai, and at any time and for any reason. The camps are the common destination for people who speak up for their rights, either as individuals – to protest wrongs that they or their family have suffered – or on behalf of Chinese society at large. They are also the destination for arrested practitioners of Falun Gong. Camp treatment for prisoners, of whatever background, constitutes cruel and unusual punishment, and includes hard labor, torture, rape, and execution, and with the harvesting for sale – by the prison commanders – of the organs of the people who are murdered.

The fact that these abuses occur on such an abominable scale, without strong and on-going condemnation by other nations, reflects two factors. The first is that the CCP is now much better at, or perhaps just more concerned about, hiding its crimes. Formerly, the Party would kill millions in broad daylight. Now, with the modern media spotlight, it has decided to be more discreet. Secondly, most nations have become so intertwined economically with China, if not dependent on it – think of the $800 billion portfolio of U.S Treasury Bonds owned by the CCP, that to protect their own interests they have decided it is better to be silent about the abuse.

A similar situation was the acceptance by the Bush Administration of the use of torture in its so-called “war on terror.” It is a classic “the ends justify the means” position.

The CCP on October 1st will celebrate the 60th anniversary of its military victory over the Chinese nationalists (who escaped to, and have now established an independent democracy in, Taiwan). This is not a cause for celebration. During the past sixty years, there have been upwards of eighty million unnatural deaths in China, from Party-driven murder and starvation. The rule of the CCP taken as a whole constitutes the worst crime ever committed in human history. Because the Party remains in power, this crime is still in progress. The people of China have yet to receive the justice that they so gravely deserve.

The outrages of the CCP, though, extend beyond its repression within China’s borders. The world would do well to reconsider its “realist” stance. The Party is a leading patron of North Korea and Iran, and the developing nuclear threats that they represent (not to mention China’s own DF-31 nuclear armed ballistic missiles, which have a range of 5,000 miles and can reach both Europe and the West Coast of the United States). It also supports the dictatorial regimes in Burma and Sudan, and may be viewed as a sponsor of the crimes against humanity that they are committing. The CCP further is responsible for the enslavement and assimilation of the peoples of Tibet, East Turkestan and Southern Mongolia.

Laogai – The Machinery of Repression in China, is a compelling and irrefutable resource. It provides the first ever, comprehensive documentation of China’s prison camp system, including the use of prison labor to produce consumer goods for sale in the West; the widespread practices of capital punishment, public execution and organ harvesting; and also of the CCP’s now international – through the Internet – propaganda and censorship machine.

The book reveals the secrets that the CCP is doing its best to hide, and which the world’s political leaders would prefer to ignore. It is an essential bulwark of truth about the present-day situation in China, against the Communist Party’s 60th anniversary wave of propaganda lies.

Review by Roland Watson

Book: Challenges ahead on Burma’s Road to ICC

admin — Sat, 19 Sep 2009 11:34:35 +0000

Burma Digest publication

Challenges ahead on Burma’s Road to ICC

Universal Jurisdiction versus National Sovereignty & other issues

(Picture on front cover is courtesy of Thierry Falise.)

Recently, human rights activists inside and outside of Burma are calling the International Criminal Court to investigate human right crimes being committed, and have been committed, by Burma’s brutal rulers on the long suffering people of Burma.

But, as Burma is not a signatory of Rome statute of ICC, Burma’s dictators may just ignore any indictment by the ICC. To make matters worse, the ICC itself is neither perfect nor powerful. It has its own problems_ the ICC has been criticised by many statesmen and academics on quite a number of issues. And big democracies like the USA and India are refusing to sign the Rome Statute of ICC, making it look like a lame-duck.

This book tries to be of use in human rights activists’ quest to take Burma’s case to the International Criminal Court by looking at the debates and controversies surrounding the ICC from a positive point of view and arguing that the ICC is a welcoming development for the Rule of Law in the whole world including Burma.

This book is written in a way to give basic knowledge about the ICC to an ordinary casual reader while at the same time raising some important debate starting points for more serious readers, learners and activists.

All proceeds from the sale of this book will go to non-governmental healthcare charities inside Burma.

Buy this book on Amazon NOW! http://www.amazon.com/Challenges-ahead-Burmas-Road-ICC/

The Shan: Refugees without a Camp

Feraya — Fri, 28 Aug 2009 11:39:59 +0000

I was flattered as well as apprehensive when Bernice Johnson requested that I should write a review on her book. Flattered because it is such an outstanding and important book, but apprehensive because I may not be able to be objective about it, being a Shan, and knowing the suffering of the Shan people, and of my own family, my grandfather being Sao Shwe Thaike, the first president of Burma and the Sao Hpa Long of Yawnghwe, who was arrested and killed in Insein prison.

However, this is a book that needs to be read by anyone who cares about other human beings and the survival of peoples, peoples victimized, persecuted, and cruelly and diabolically killed, raped, tortured, and that even in war torn countries there can be hope and goodness if we all care enough.

‘The Shan: Refugees without a Camp’ by Bernice Koehler Johnson is the story of Bernice Johnson’s repeated trips to northern Thailand to teach English to Shan Refugees. Bernice returns year on year to see the children grow in confidence as the years passed and finds a warmth and mutual respect that continues to this day. The stories of many of her students show us the plight that Shan youth face; some as orphans, others having fled forced relocations and persecution by the Burma Army in Shan State; and their continuing struggles to find acceptance in Thailand, either in gaining recognition as refugees, or in gaining access to any but the lowest paid employment.

The book also addresses the relevant key issues that concern the Shan refugees of Burma, the most shocking human rights abuses, the sex trade, and many other problems that they have in Thailand.

Although one may not know Bernice Johnson, the book reveals a lot about her nature, which I feel is down to earth, but that she cares deeply for the welfare of each and every one of her young Shan students. She mentioned that the girls she taught were “no ordinary girls”, but one feels that Bernice is no ordinary person herself, devoting her life to work for the disadvantaged Shan.

A Finnish-German American, and brought up by a loving and wholesome family on a farm in Minnesota, Johnson knows the importance of being part of a loving family, and she has an understanding of the Shan country life, the villages where her students lived. With her valuable guidance and love, the students blossomed to become people with self esteem and beliefs in their talents and abilities.

The book also details Bernice’s travels to Burma’s main cities and to Shan State; she meets Burmese and Shans who live under the repressive regime that she has heard so much about from her students in Thailand; she sees the grinding poverty in which many ordinary people are forced to live because of a stagnating economy and an uncaring corrupt military ‘elite’.

She tells us about her visits around, Maymyo, Hsipaw, Yawnghwe, Mandalay and Yangon, and met the Burmese whom she got to know as kind hearted people who live in poverty, and she also discovered the cunningness of the Burma regime, especially in keeping the arrest of ten Shan leaders a secret, while she was in Hsipaw.

This is an honest and compassionate account of a woman who is open-minded, interested and perceptive about people, their way of life and experiences, no matter where she finds herself.

This is a book about people who face suffering and their fight to overcome the difficulties they face in life. It shows the warmth, helpfulness and inner strength of the people she meets.

Review by Feraya Nangmone

The Shan: Refugees Without a Camp

By Bernice Koehler Johnson

Paperback: 252 pages

Publisher: Trinity Matrix (1 Jul 2009)

Language: English

ISBN-10: 0981783309

ISBN-13: 978-0981783307

Amazon(UK):- http://www.amazon.co.uk/Shan-Refugees-Without-Camp/dp/0981783309

Amazon(US):- http://www.amazon.com/Shan-Refugees-Without-English-Thailand/dp/0981783309