Myanmar moves towards ending media censorship
By Didier Lauras | AFP News – 9 hours ago

Myanmar is poised to adopt a new media law that could sweep away half a century of heavy-handed censorship, as an increasingly impatient press cautiously test the boundaries of newly-won freedoms.

In perhaps the most eye-catching reform among a raft of changes in the country formerly known as Burma, reports on democracy icon Aung San Suu Kyi are no longer taboo as the new government moves towards allowing a free press.

Journalists have also been released from prison and the country crept up media watchdog Reporters Without Borders’ rankings last year — to 169 out of 179 — amid a lightening of one of the world’s most draconian scrutiny regimes.

Now news editors are eagerly waiting to be released from the shackles of pre-publication censorship, with the promised abolition of the information ministry’s Press Scrutinisation and Registration Department (PSRD).

“In the parliament… everybody agreed that the censorship board should be closed,” Ye Htut, director general at the ministry, told AFP, adding that unless the draft media law is altered the department will be closed.

The draft has not been made public, but some media organisations have been invited to submit proposals.

Privately-run English-language weekly the Myanmar Times said its 11 articles cover areas such as journalists’ rights, professional ethics, and how publishers and distributors will be registered.

Tint Swe, the deputy director general of the PSRD, said the draft law was on the attorney general’s desk, according to a report in the Myanmar Times.

It is not expected to be adopted during the current parliament session — dominated by the first budget since the junta relinquished power to a nominally-civilian regime last year — but he said the law would be passed in 2012.

“After that there won’t be any more censorship,” Tint Swe said.

Myanmar, a military dictatorship for nearly half a century, has long sought to stifle the press, creating an information void, where momentous events were simply ignored or whispered in private in a swirl of rumour.

The new government has surprised observers with a number of positive moves including a major release of political prisoners.

A key sign of change has been the rehabilitation of Aung San Suu Kyi — the junta’s public enemy number one, she was released from house arrest soon after controversial 2010 elections and has since been allowed to launch a bid to enter parliament.

Prominent coverage of the Nobel prize-winning opposition leader was virtually unheard of until last September, when reporters were suddenly given permission to write her name in the paper.

“We’re not afraid anymore to go to the office,” said one journalist, who still asked to speak on condition of anonymity.

The weekly Eleven News ran a photograph of President Thein Sein and Suu Kyi, dubbing them both “Person of the Year” on January 4.

Two weeks later it pushed even further, publishing photographs of prominent released political prisoners, with a large caption: “Freedom from fear”, echoing the title of a famous essay by Suu Kyi.

“As journalists, we need to expand the freedom of press and maintain the political momentum on both sides, the government and the opposition,” said Than Htut Aung, chairman and chief executive of Eleven Media Group, which has a number of news and sport titles in Myanmar.

Overseas, exiled media groups, such as the Irrawaddy, Mizzima agency and multimedia broadcaster Democratic Voice of Burma (DVB) have also been watching developments closely.

Irrawaddy editor Aung Zaw is back in Myanmar this week for the first time in 20 years, but there is as yet no move to give exile media permission to open offices in Myanmar.
“It sounds like the Information Minister Kyaw Hsan is very reluctant to see exile media sweep back in,” said Francis Wade, head of the English language site at DVB.

He said while authorities have apparently lifted blocks on websites of previously banned overseas media, they have increased Internet surveillance “and the means to monitor the users has been stepped up dramatically”.

Yangon-based media groups, eyeing future profits in a country where people read widely, are desperate for new print licences which would allow them to publish daily and so take on the staid, official New Light of Myanmar.

According to a media insider, up to six licences could be granted in the next few months. And the ministry of information admits that the issue is being debated.

“The role of state media will also change. In the past, under the military government, it was a one-party system, the role of state media was only to inform about the government’s policies,” the ministry’s Ye Htut said.

“Now, we’re in a democratic system… we have to write about issues that affect people.”

Myanmar ‘world’s worst legal system’ for business
AFP News – 9 hours ago

Myanmar has the world’s worst legal system for doing business, retaining a position it has held for the last five years despite recent reforms, according to a report released Wednesday.

It remains “the country offering the least legal protection for foreign companies”, said British risk analysis group Maplecroft, in a warning to investors attracted by the prospect of Western sanctions being lifted.

Other poor performers on the annual ranking of 197 countries included North Korea, Somalia, Cuba, Afghanistan, Syria and Cambodia — but resource-rich Myanmar is singled out for posing “significant operational and strategic risks”.

“With recent political reforms and the likelihood of sanctions being lifted, Myanmar offers huge potential for oil and gas firms,” the report said.

Ongoing uncertainty in the energy-rich Middle East and North Africa “has made Myanmar’s hydrocarbon resources even more attractive globally,” it said, but warned improvements in the legal climate were urgently needed.

“Tangible improvements in the rule of law, including increased judicial independence and greater transparency in the regulatory system, will be required before the long-term potential of the economy can be realised.”

Energy rich South Sudan, Turkmenistan and Libya also pose “extreme” risks for oil and gas companies, according to the study, which focuses exclusively on countries’ respect for the rule of law.

Myanmar’s new nominally-civilian government came to power last year following controversial November 2010 elections and has since surprised observers with a number of positive moves including a major release of political prisoners.

The reforms have caught the attention of foreign investors, eager to do business in the resource-rich nation strategically placed between China and India.

But infrastructure problems, the absence of a law governing foreign investment and the urgent need for banking reform remain key entry barriers.

In a separate report released earlier this year, the International Monetary Fund said that Myanmar has “high growth potential”, estimating real GDP growth in the 2011-2012 fiscal year could hit 5.5 percent.

This could increase to 6.0 percent in 2012-2013, the fund said.

“(Myanmar) could become the next economic frontier in Asia, if it can turn its rich natural resources, young labor force, and proximity to some of the most dynamic economies in the world, into its advantage,” it added.

Singapore Hot Stocks-Interra up; CIMB highlights Myanmar exposure
SINGAPORE | Tue Feb 7, 2012 11:21pm EST

Feb 8 (Reuters) – Shares of Singapore’s petroleum exploration and production firm Interra Resources Ltd jumped by as much as 14 percent after brokerage CIMB said the firm may be a more attractive play on Myanmar than Yoma Strategic Holdings.

By 0349 GMT on Wednesday, Interra shares were up 11.6 percent higher at S$0.24 with 15.4 million shares traded, 1.3 times its average daily volume traded over the last five sessions. The shares have more than doubled this year.

Interra holds 60 percent of the rights to two of the largest onshore oilfields in Chauk and Yenangyaung, Myanmar.

“Taking into consideration Yoma’s lofty valuations even after yesterday’s sell down, traders may want to switch to relatively cheaper Interra Resources to keep their exposure to Myanmar,” CIMB said in a report.

Property firm Yoma, which has operations in Myanmar, has seen it shares more than double this year on market expectation the company will benefit from the opening of the reclusive state, which has recently started introducing political and economic reforms.

The shares fell 16 percent on Tuesday and were up 5.8 percent at S$0.46 on Wednesday.

February 08, 2012 18:32 PM
Businesses Invited To Seek Investment Opportunities At Myanmar Business Conference 2012

SINGAPORE, Feb 8 (Bernama) — Myanmar’s new pro-development economic policies provide new hope for many businesses facing daunting news of a world economic slowdown.

But from May 15-19 this year, the 5th Myanmar Business Conference 2012 in Yangon, will provide a rare opportunity for foreign businesses to be briefed on the country’s new pro-business policies and its need of products and services.

Hosted by the Myanmar Ministry of National Planning & Economic Development, officials from various Ministries will interact and assist foreign delegates to gain a better understanding of Myanmar’s New Master Plan for Economic Growth over the next five years.

The organiser of the event from Singapore, Foreign Recruitment Centre Pte Ltd said: “This is an unprecedented opportunity to visit Myanmar to learn from officials and also network with Myanmarese businessmen, including members of the Union of Myanmar Federation of Chambers of Commerce & Industries with over 20,000 members companies.”

Foreign Recruitment Centre Pte Ltd managing director, William Tan, who has spent more than 17 years visiting Myanmar on a regular basis said many foreign companies are searching for a less expensive location to expand or relocate their production base.

“Myanmar is one of the options manufacturers are considering.

“Companies which participated in the development of countries such as China and Vietnam which opened their doors to the outside world in the 80’s and 90’s, will appreciate the potential and opportunities Myanmar is about to unleash.

“Myanmar is ready to upgrade everything, including infrastructure and technology, and therefore the potential is not to be missed by forward looking companies,” he added, when announcing the 5th Myanmar Business Conference 2012 here today.

He said the conference will be held in Yangon and Naypyitaw.

Myanmar’s economic growth for 2012 is projected to be a remarkable 8.8 per cent.

Meanwhile, hotels in Yangon are already overbooked, flights always full and downtown F& B outlets are servicing more foreign diners.

Details of the 5th Myanmar Business Conference 2012 are available on major search engines such as Google, Yahoo and Bing.

More details are available at www.myanmarbusinessconference.com

Asia News Network – Investors see opportunities opening in Burma
News Desk
Viet Nam News
Publication Date : 08-02-2012

Vietnam’s enterprises should increase their business dealings with Burma as the country becomes more open to foreign investors, experts said.

Tran Phuoc Anh, a Vietnam trade counsellor in Burma, said that the time it takes to receive an investment licence from the government has recently been reduced from six months to only two weeks.

Anh said the Burma government would not set a maximum capital contribution for foreign investors and would also increase the period of tax exemption from five to eight years. The investors would also be able to lease land in 50-year blocks instead of the current 30-year system.

Anh said that the new policies had caused many foreign firms, including those in the US, to eye the 55 million person market. He noted that if Vietnamese firms were slow to act, they would lose opportunities there.

Senior economist at the Vietnam Trade Institute Pham Tat Thang confirmed that countries around the world were sending delegations to Burma and foreign firms were taking note of the nation’s minerals, telecommunications, tourism, infrastructure and commodities.

If US and EU sanctions on Burma are lifted, the market would become even more attractive to foreign investors, Thang said.

Vietnamese firms have an advantage in Burma thanks to a good relationship between the governments of the two countries, Thang said, and the Vietnamese Government should continue to create the most favourable conditions for domestic firms to do business there.

Thang said that Vietnamese steel, garments, medicine, construction materials, fertiliser, food and woodwork products are already present in Burma, but even those industries have not been exploited fully.

Burma is a large potential export market for Vietnamese products as the country has to import up to 70 per cent of its consumer goods, he said.

Besides exports, Anh also urged domestic firms to invest in Burma’s fledgling industries of agriculture, aquaculture, electronic production, auto manufacturing and infrastructure development.

Anh said that Burma had not yet allowed foreign banks to set up in the country, but the Burma government affirmed that it would give Vietnamese banks priority if permission is granted in the near future.

Leaders of Vietnam and Burma have recently agreed to focus on the 12 prioritised co-operative areas defined in the joint declaration issued in April 2010 and raise two-way trade volume from the current US$150 million to $500 million by 2015. Burma encourages Vietnamese businesses to invest in agriculture, infrastructure development and gas exploration.

Asian Correspondent – Democratization in Burma: Dr Sein Win, PM in Exile speaks out
By Kyi May Kaung Feb 08, 2012 6:49PM UTC

Lately, there are endless reports of people going to Burma, so much so that as the saying goes – chaung pauk tawme, or a river will soon run through the worn footpath.  It was therefore refreshing to note that the usually soft-spoken Dr Sein Win, elected Prime Minister of the US-based National Coalition Government of the Union of Burma, gave an interview to VOA, in which he calmly pointed out that we are still not at the end game with regards to democracy in Burma.

Sein Win was elected to his constituent state in the 1990 election, which Aung San Suu Kyi’s National League for Democracy won.  Power was not transferred.  In danger of arrest, he and other MPs fled to the Burma-Thai border, where they formed the Exile Government in the Karen stronghold of Manerplaw, which fell to SLORC’s forces (the former name of the State Peace and Development Council – the Burmese junta).

Sein Win has a doctorate in mathematics from a German university, but has spent the last two decades as a political activist and advocate for Burmese democracy.  In 2009, in Malahyde, Ireland, he was re-elected by secret ballot to the Prime Minister post.

http://www.mizzima.com/news/regional/1599-dr-sein-win-re-elected-pm-of-government-in-exile.html

Three prominent dissidents including the famous comedian Zarganar who was recently released and was at a National Endowment for Democracy event in DC a few days ago, reiterated points made by Sein Win.

I transcribed and informally translated this. http://www.voanews.com/burmese/video/

MC Thar Nyunt Oo’s intro:  Even though it is said there are reforms in Burma, because there is still no political solution, there is still a need for overseas-based activist groups, according to Dr Sein Win, PM of the Exile Government or NCGUB.  When VOA’s Khin Soe Win interviewed him, Sein Win explained –

“Yes, on our part, we do welcome the changes that show a positive sign.  This is a hopeful trend.  However, in some areas (change) is not consistent.  For example, ceasefires with respect to various ethnic groups.  In Kachin State, (the Burman army) is still waging a serious offensive.  Besides heated battles, civilians are suffering all kinds of troubles.  We do need to look at this, talk about this.  The release of political prisoners is not yet complete.

“They let go of the leaders, but there are still many (about 1000) still in prison.  So it’s not consistent.  Also, in the nature of reforms, it’s not enough just with this one issue.  From the background, (just) laws (which come from grass roots debate of the people’s legitimate representatives) must appear.

The 2010 election was rigged and the “constitution” written entirely by the SPDC.

Interviewer:  “As they did not recognize the 1990 election, if she (Aung San Suu Kyi) should win the by-election .  .  . will government recognize the results?”

“I think, they will help organize it so that it’s free and fair.  I assume they will accept the emerging results.  By-elections are in only over 40 places.  The total number is over 450.

“Even though they may do things equitably for these 48 places, when the general election takes place, they need to be fair.

Q.  I have heard that if the NLD registers as a political party, the Exile Government will dissolve itself.  What is your opinion?

“Now they will enter (the by-election) and run – in April, the MPs will get into the parliament. Aung San Suu Kyi will get there too.  When that happens, whether it will be an Exile Government, or a Parallel Coalition Government, will be something to think about.  .  .  There is the main base which elected the NCGUB.  We have something called the Members of Parliamentary Union (outside Burma), and it will be decided there by majority vote.

Q.  What is the NCGUB’s future role?  Will you go back?  Some have been invited.

“Some people say go back, for this to happen, that to happen.  That’s not the main point.

“The main point is – how much progress there is inside the country.  How much real freedom do the people have?  Is there a real political solution?  Right now there is not.  What Suu Kyi calls a breakthrough is a political solution.  The main point is to give full democratic rights.  It depends on the constitution”

Note – in the 1990s, Suu Kyi called the constitution “just something written on a slip of paper.”

“In the present SPDC’s constitution, there are points which are not democratic, which are opposed to democracy.  Daw Suu has said this clearly too.  There are some corrective changes, but they are not solutions.  For instance – ceasefire.  Ceasefire alone is not the ultimate solution.  We’ve had ceasefire with the Kachin for 17 years already, now they’re shooting again.  Because problems have not been solved.  What we want is a real solution.  Go on the right path for politics, economics, social welfare.

“The economy too must be the right system.  Now there’s crony capitalism.  This is not right for our country.  Only when we have the solution can we say there’s democracy”.

In Jeffersonian democracy, it is still a continuous process, not a static situation.

Q.  Will you go back to help?

“It’s not necessary to go to Burma to work on Burma issues.  It can be done from outside too.  OK, right now we have a bit more freedoms, we have more this and that.  Ceasefires.  But these have not reached the end of the process.  What stage has freedom of news reached?  Yes, when they invite you, you can go”

(Khin Soe Win was first journalist to go)

“When they talk to you and issue statements, you can listen and report it.  But can you really write what you want?  There is still censorship.  We know that.

“These things must be pointed out.  Constructive criticism exists even in a democracy.  From the outside we can point these things out.  That’s our job.”

ASIAONE – Burma in need of a blueprint
By Yasmin Lee Arpon, Asia News Network
Wednesday, Feb 08, 2012

Aung San Suu Kyi, Burma’s icon of democracy, has what she calls a “simple ambition” for her country: to see it surpass its Asean neighbours in the next 10 years.

To do this, she said political reforms are as important as economic reforms that are slowly taking place. At the same time, she advised foreign businessmen to adapt a “wait and see” attitude “for their own good as well as that of the country” before investing.

Suu Kyi met with a 12-member delegation of the Asean Business Council (ABC) that visited Rangoon and Nay Pwi Taw on an exploratory business trip from February 6-7. The delegation met with representatives from the local chamber of commerce as well as government officials to discuss the country’s business climate.

“I won’t say ’satisfied’ is the word. We’re pleased with the reforms so far, but I think they need to be strengthened and they need to be put on the right path,” Suu Kyi told a group of journalists who travelled from Kuala Lumpur to Rangoon and Nay Pyi Taw with the ABC delegation at a briefing held on the steps of her house in Rangoon.

While she welcomed the keen interest of foreign businesses on Burma that is slowly opening up its economy to the outside world, Suu Kyi is worried that the country may not have the capacity to cope with the changes and cautioned against rushing in.

“We (she and ABC delegation) have been talking about the importance of sound investment laws and the importance of rule of law,” she noted. “I think (businessmen) should wait and see a little, for their own good as well as that of the country.”

She noted that she discussed these concerns with the ABC delegation in a closed-door meeting inside her house that lasted for an hour. She expressed keenness on agriculture-related businesses among the many investment areas.

“I think it’s not just a matter of potential investments, but also a matter of the potential of the country to cope with the investments,” she said. “This is an area of worry. We wonder how much potential there is to cope with the reforms that we want.

“Of course, we can cope with them in the long run. But in the short run, how do we sequence these reforms so that they can develop the right way as quickly as possible?

“We do need to think about speed because we’re behind the others. There is a need to catch up. We can’t say we will take our own sweet time. It doesn’t work that way,” she said.

She emphasised that economic and political reforms have to happen at the same time, and that a rule of law should help address the country’s ills such as corruption.

“There is the view that political reforms are not happening as fast as economic reforms. These have to go in tandem. I don’t think you can have genuine economic reforms without judicial reforms. It’s no use having good investment laws if you don’t have a good judicial system to make sure the laws are applied,” Suu Kyi said.

In a separate meeting with the ABC delegation, U Thaung Lwin, deputy minister of rail, assured that for one, central bank functions will soon be separated from the finance ministry within the next six months.

He also said the government is prioritising employment creation by opening up to large industries specifically those from the high-tech sector.

“We are now revising the investment law,” U Tang Lwin said.

On the other hand, Nazir Razak, CEO of the CIMB Group and head of the ABC delegation, noted that Burma needs sufficient laws that are clear in order to provide a conducive business environment.

“I was a little bit concerned because I didn’t get a sense that there is a holistic, comprehensive plan at this point of time,” Nazir said.

“Aung San Suu Kyi did mention that what she thought was important was to start with the proper diagnostic of this situation and then put together the holistic plan. If one is not careful with these things, you can put the cart before the horse and you can have a lot of mix-ups, disappointments and therefore setbacks.”

He acknowledged that the changes won’t be easy and may take time. “You’re talking about undoing culture and practices that have been there for many, many years. (Burma’s) eagerness (to reform) must be applauded but somewhat tempered for reality.”

John Pang, executive director of the CIMB Asean Research Centre, said Burma offers a huge business potential for the rest of the region, not just Southeast Asia.

“It links the rest of Southeast Asia to the Indian Ocean and the Middle East. It opens up the land side of logistics like railways and road networks to the Middle East, to India,” Pang said, adding that this will shift the centre of gravity in Southeast Asia’s geopolitics.

“Asean is very maritime. Burma is literally the link between the landlocked countries and its opening up will also help develop not just Burma but the entire region like India’s northeast provinces.”

“Everyone has worries whether the reforms can be carried out. It is not a question of whether Burma is open for business. It is open for business but it’s how we go from here, taking the next step. Burma is coming on stream at a fascinating time in world economic history, it is full of potential.”

Based on the ABC delegation’s meetings with local businesses and government officials, Pang said there is a strong desire to move forward. “That’s the sense we all got, people want to catch up. But they need not just piece-meal liberalization but a plan. Is there a blueprint? How do you plan for your economy to be ready?”

Despite these concerns, AirAsia founder Tony Fernandes-who provided the charter plane to fly the delegation to Burma-noted that “business should drive change”.

Fernandes said he has already received two proposals during the trip for a joint venture with Burmese firms and is keen to take the talks further. AirAsia has two flights daily to Rangoon from Bangkok, and one from Kuala Lumpur.

“Obviously, the Chinese, Japanese and Koreans have been slightly ahead in Burma but I got the feeling that the country welcomes any form of help to get things moving,” he said.

Suu Kyi, meanwhile, said she believes in the future of Burma. She candidly added that being behind its Asean neighbours gives Burma the chance to learn from the mistakes of others.

“I would like to see Burma ahead of all the Asean countries (in the next 10 years). A very simple ambition.”

The Edge Malaysia – Myanmar strikes a new pose
By Chua Sue-Ann | The Edge Malaysia – 14 hours ago

KUALA LUMPUR: After decades of being associated with authoritarian military rule and isolation, Myanmar has in recent months stirred up some excitement with moves toward liberalising its economy and opening up political space.

In November 2010, the country held multi-party elections that resulted in the election of a civilian government, albeit one with close ties to the military.

That same month, Myanmar made a grand gesture to win over its detractors by releasing pro-democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi after 15 years of house arrest.

To bring in much needed capital, the Myanmar government has been reviewing ways to establish friendlier policies to attract foreign investment and simplify its complex foreign exchange regime.

Last year, Myanmar also sought bids for its largest oil and gas exploration to date. The exercise reportedly attracted interest from firms from Thailand and India as well as Petroliam Nasional Bhd.

As economic uncertainty continues to weigh down on the world, attention is fast shifting to new frontiers. Enter Myanmar, which has been touted as the last frontier of investment within Asean.

Myanmar’s untapped potential glitters amid clouds

Myanmar is a resource-rich country with sizeable reserves of oil and gas, precious stones and minerals. Its location between India and China also gives it a strategic advantage.

Believers in Myanmar’s potential point to the country’s population of about 60 million as a significant consumer market. But it is still one of the poorest countries in Southeast Asia.

The challenge is to boost economic activity and income levels to develop a larger middle class.

At present, the Chinese are the biggest investors in Myanmar, particularly in the mining sector.

China has had a long presence in the country, having established a foothold there when other nations imposed sanctions on Myanmar for its poor human rights record and authoritarian regime.

Besides the Chinese, Myanmar has attracted investors from South Korea, Singapore, Thailand and France.

In the past year, these investors have been joined by others eager to see what is on offer in a renewed Myanmar.

Its main city and former capital Yangon (a new capital, Naypyidaw, some 320km away was opened in 2005) is abuzz with activity from the constant stream of diplomats and businessmen.

Among the earliest Malaysian businessmen to take an interest in Myanmar is Tan Sri Soong Siew Hoong, executive adviser of the Associated Chinese Chambers of Commerce and Industry of Malaysia (ACCCIM).

Soong, who first visited Myanmar over 15 years ago, recalls a slow-paced nation that reminded him of Malaysia in the 1960s.

He has since made 30 trips to Myanmar and plans to visit again this month.

To illustrate the level of interest in Myanmar’s blossoming, Soong shares an anecdote.

Room rates for the hotel Soong usually stays in have risen to about US$150 (RM451.50) from US$100 barely three months ago.

“There are definitely more people there now,” said Soong, who heads ACCCIM’s international trade and industry committee.

He observes that the people of Myanmar are very keen to do business but have had “their hands and feet tied” due to the conservative policies of the previous military government.
What little commercial enterprise existed was controlled by the military or military-linked individuals.

“Now, they want everything they need to develop and catch up with the world,” Soong said.

Templeton Emerging Markets Group executive chairman Mark Mobius said there is little doubt Myanmar offers great opportunities for investment and business activities.

“Like many other frontier markets, Myanmar’s economy is at a level where the potential for growth is substantial,” Mobius told The Edge Financial Daily in an email response.

As an example, Mobius points to the active jade industry in the northern Shan states where traders are generating substantial turnover, “enough to purchase million-dollar properties”.

Starting from scratch

Bright as Myanmar’s potential may seem, Mobius warns that there are still many hurdles to overcome as Myanmar does not have the fundamental infrastructure needed to facilitate trade and investment opportunities.

“The biggest barriers holding back investment in Myanmar are the lack of a proper legal structure, a well-developed banking system and foreign exchange operations.

“Myanmar needs to establish these before it becomes an attractive investment destination,” said Mobius, who manages a portfolio of over US$40 billion for Franklin Templeton.
Nevertheless, the lack of a formal market structure has not hindered business activities.

Enterprising individuals have found alternative arrangements to circumvent the rules governing the flow of capital in and out of Myanmar.

Mobius notes that Chinese investors with businesses in Myanmar have been operating by paying with the local Kyat currency and smuggled US dollars since there is no credit in the country.

There are also unofficial money transfer systems in Yangon that operate mainly through Singapore banks, he said.

Even US companies have been visiting and doing business in Myanmar via third parties, given that sanctions against Myanmar are still in force, he said.

But as long as the financial services system is lacking, repatriation of capital will remain a key concern for investors willing to invest in Myanmar.

Financial structures aside, Myanmar also still lacks crucial infrastructure.

For one, the transport infrastructure including highways, train and ports are still basic and in need of an upgrade.

Myanmar’s power supply infrastructure is aged and electricity interruption is often cited as a stumbling block for manufacturing.

While Myanmar’s changing political landscape has won it new-found support among developed countries that had previously shunned it, many still have their doubts.

The rapid changes taking place in Myanmar have also raised scepticism as to whether the government’s reforms are worth their weight in salt.

“After being controlled for so long, suddenly Myanmar is opening up. Are they able to deal with a sudden inflow of foreign investments?” a market observer notes.

After all, decades of military rule have debilitated, if not destroyed, crucial public institutions and the legal system. Longstanding ethnic tensions still simmer unresolved.

Many still remember that Myanmar prime minister Thein Sein last year suspended the planned Myitsone Dam, which was supposed to be built by a China-based firm, after popular protests.

“Cases like these spook investors. They are reminded of the political and regulatory risks. Predictability is not part of the current business landscape,” another observer notes.

For investors keen on a slice of the pie in Myanmar, questions abound as to whether to make their way there now for the first mover advantage, or wait for the reforms to usher in a more conducive environment.

To that, ACCCIM’s Soong said: “Why wait?”

“The longer they wait, the more competitive it will be. Go now on a smaller scale, establish the contacts. At least have a footing there. Later when the time is right, expand,” he advises.

Malaysian companies which have in recent years made their way to Myanmar include electrical goods manufacturer Khind Holdings Bhd, Tan Chong Motor Holdings Bhd and Pensonic Holdings Bhd.

No doubt, others are assessing Myanmar’s potential, riding on the Asean connection.

This article appeared in The Edge Financial Daily, February 8, 2012.

The Christian Science Monitor – Myanmar’s about face: 5 recent reforms
Since 1962, Myanmar’s dictatorship has jailed the opposition, beat up monks, denied aid to disaster victims, and run scorched-earth campaigns against ethnic minorities. That may be changing, however. Here are five key changes the regime has made in just a matter of months:
- Simon Roughneen, Correspondent

1. Holding free and fair elections
April 1, 2012, is the date Myanmar’s military-backed civilian government has set aside for parliamentary by-elections.

Opposition leader and Nobel Peace Prize laureate Aung San Suu Kyi – forced to live under house arrest for years – is slated to run, along with other candidates from her National League for Democracy (NLD) Party.

If the vote is free and fair, as Myanmar’s president, Thein Sein, has promised, it could go a little way in helping to democratize the government. The United States says it will reduce sanctions after April 1, if the elections are fair. But the key test is what comes after that.

In 1990, the NLD won elections only for the Army to keep Ms. Aung San Suu Kyi under house arrest for 15 years rather than let her govern. Aung San Suu Kyi remains hugely popular and there is little doubt she will be elected this year to parliament.

Though letting Aung San Suu Kyi take a seat would be a significant about-face for the government, only 40 seats of the 440 lower house seats are available, so the balance of power would not change. The Army holds a veto-wielding 25 percent of the seats, and almost 80 percent of the rest are held by the Army-backed Union Solidarity and Development Party.

2. Currying favor with the West

Looming north of Myanmar (also known as Burma), booming China is its biggest investor and ally. Beijing has regularly protected its neighbor from condemnations and sanctions attempts by the United Nations Security Council.

As evidence of the close ties, Myanmar’s military government proposed a $3.6 billion dam project to China in 2006 and signed a contract in 2009 with China Power to build it.

The mammoth Myitsone dam in Kachin State in the north, close to southwest China, was controversial from the beginning with locals, as it was slated to flood an area the size of Singapore but send 90 percent of the power generated to China. Still, it didn’t seem to budge Myanmar.

Anger culminated in 2011 when citizens campaigned against a dam that would, they say, undermine the ecology of the Irrawaddy River, the country’s main waterway.

Then, Mr. Thein Sein shocked China – and many Burmese citizens skeptical that the government would undertake real reform – by suspending the deal last September.

And just as the US has been cozying up to Vietnam after Hanoi took umbrage at China’s muscle-flexing on the disputed South China Sea, Myanmar’s reforms give Washington, which has been eyeing resource-rich Myanmar, a reason to scale back sanctions and become friendly.

If Myanmar complies with the list of reforms the West has requested, then the US will allow its companies to invest in Myanmar, broadening its footprint in Asia, to China’s chagrin.

But there may be limits to a greater US presence in Myanmar. China has put $14 billion into Myanmar in recent years and is well placed to counter what it sees as US encirclement in Asia. Aung San Suu Kyi has said that Myanmar needs friendly relations with China, no matter how ties with the West change.

3. Calling for peace

Myanmar’s Army has long been accused of widespread human rights violations in ethnic minority regions, a vast arc stretching from the Myanmar-Bangladesh frontier in the west to the border with Thailand to the southeast. Two areas of fighting have been particularly bloody.

Myanmar’s Army and the Kachin Independence Army, a 10,000-strong militia seeking increased local autonomy for the largely-Christian Kachin, one of the larger of Myanmar’s 130-odd minorities, have been fighting since June 2011. The government of Myanmar and the KIA are having talks in China about a truce, but fighting continues. Still, though some estimate it could take a few years, talks could pave the way for peace in Kachin State.

And then there is the Karen National Union (KNU), a militia from the Karen ethnic group living mainly near the Thai border, which has been fighting the Army since around the end of World War II.

There have not really ever been any formal truces, but earlier in January the government announced a truce with the KNU that is being taken as a signal that Myanmar’s government wants to make peace – though many exiled dissidents are hesitant.

4. Releasing prisoners

The big story in Myanmar lately has been the freeing of some 600 political prisoners.

Among those released were Zarganar, the country’s most famous comedian, jailed after criticizing the government’s (lack of) response to 2008 cyclone Nargis, which killed at least 140,000 people – though Burmese officials quoted in WikiLeaks cables say the toll could have been twice that.

Also freed was Paw U Tun, better known by his nickname Min Ko Naing, or “Conqueror of Kings,” who led student protests against Army rule as far back as 1988 and was again jailed after the 2007 “Saffron Revolution,” named for the color of robes worn by the thousands of monks who fronted the protest.

The sight of these men and women walking free has been compared to Nelson Mandela’s release from jail in South Africa in 1990.

And the man at the helm, Thein Sein, has been called an F.W. de Klerk – the regime insider who ended apartheid in South Africa.

Aung San Suu Kyi says she trusts Thein Sein, but many dissidents, particularly those in exile, remain skeptical, saying he is the figurehead rather than the driving force behind changes that have baffled and surprised many.

5. Relaxing curbs on press and people

Myanmar’s long years of military rule meant some of the tightest restrictions on the press anywhere outside of North Korea. A censorship board vetted all publications – and still does, for political or news content at least – and routinely excised chunks of articles and more if the content was in any way “critical” of the government.

The country’s parliament is scheduled to discuss a new media law in coming weeks, with local journalists hopeful the censors will be disbanded.

In late 2011, the Myanmar government also announced laws permitting the formation of trade unions – banned up until then as the government feared the prospect of groups of disgruntled workers in Myanmar’s decrepit economy forming mass associations. It also announced a new code permitting public demonstrations, so long as these are pre-approved by the police.

New York Times – Myanmar’s Guerrilla Golfers Take Time for a Few Rounds
By EDWARD WONG, Laiza Journal
Published: February 7, 2012

LAIZA, Myanmar — Water-buffalo dung dots the fairways, girl caddies in flip-flops lug the golf bags and firefights with the Burmese Army have broken out a half-hour’s drive away.
There is also a camp of 5,000 displaced people around a bend in the road.

A war is under way in Kachin State, but the Laiza Golf Club is unfazed, a reflection, perhaps, of the clientele.

Senior officers of the Kachin Independence Army, the guerrilla force trying to defend its mountainous territory in northern Myanmar against government troops, show up here wearing polo shirts and carrying Chinese-made golf clubs. The dirt parking lot is crowded on weekends with sport utility vehicles driven by generals.

“Golf clears the mind for officers to make decisions,” said Col. Maran Zaw Tawng, 45, secretary of the club, after teeing off at the fourth hole, a 392-yard par 4.

The six-hole golf course may be among the world’s unlikeliest, but it is open to the public, even in wartime. Anyone can play a round for a dollar, though most golfers here are military men or civilian officials in the government, like the two who were playing with the colonel and a major on a recent morning.

Playing golf in war zones is not unique to the Kachin. During the Iraq war, American soldiers stationed at the infamous Abu Ghraib prison outside Baghdad whacked golf balls off the roof. But the Laiza course sits in a particularly perilous spot, on the Myanmar-China border, in a town coveted by the Burmese Army. To say the war has not affected the game would be a lie. Some of the Kachin officers play only once a week, compared with three times a week or even daily before. And the Kachin generals can no longer play with their Burmese counterparts, as they did when the Burmese officers traveled to Laiza for talks during peacetime.

“We would beat them, of course,” said Brig. Gen. Sumlut Gun Maw, 49, deputy chief of staff of the Kachin army and founder of the golf club.

A 17-year cease-fire with Myanmar ended in June, and the military is now pushing the Kachin deeper into the hills. About 70,000 villagers have fled. The Kachin army still holds Laiza, the capital of the Kachin autonomous region, where the generals have established a command center on a hotel’s fourth floor. So despite mortar shelling elsewhere, golf goes on.

General Gun Maw got the idea for building a golf course here, on the banks of a river that forms the border, after he traveled to Yangon, Myanmar’s largest city, for a national conference in 2004 to discuss reconciliation with the Myanmar government. A handful golfed for the first time at the invitation of Burmese officials.

“Instead of getting real political results, we learned to play golf,” said a Kachin spokesman, Kumhtat La Nan, 46, who also attended the conference.

Golf has a history in Myanmar, formerly Burma. In cities and large towns, it is common to find courses where the elite play. Yangon has a 36-hole course, and in the Burmese-controlled half of Kachin State there are courses in the town of Bhamo and the state capital, Myitkyina.

The course at Laiza was designed by Nay Min, a prominent Indian Burmese golfer living in Myitkyina. A village once stood on the site, erased in 1991 by floods and landslides. A white concrete memorial to the victims stands at the fifth hole.

Construction of the course began in 2006 and took a year. The longest hole is a 645-yard par 5. There are 15 sand traps, and a bad slice could easily send a drive irretrievably into a banana plantation.

The club is financed and run by the Kachin Independence Organization, the political wing of the army. It employs six greenskeepers, a security guard and a man who maintains the machinery. At the clubhouse, a wooden roof covers a dirt patch with a wooden picnic table and benches where players sip cans of beer.

The Kachin generally hold four tournaments a year here, usually during holidays. Col. Maran Zaw Tawng, the club secretary, pointed to a white board with names and numbers beneath the clubhouse roof with statistics from the last tournament, on Jan. 1: longest drive, 310 yards; most birdies, two; most holes at or under par, 11

The players had been divided into two groups based on their handicaps. The colonel pointed to his name on the board — he had finished seventh of 13 in his category. “I don’t have much practice playing the short game,” said the colonel, who is a director of strategy and research for the guerrilla army. “When it’s near the hole, I get too excited and make lots of mistakes.”

The colonel had been curious about golf ever since growing up next to a club in Myitkyina, he said. When he began learning a few years ago, Nay Min, the designer of the Laiza course, was among his teachers. He also watched celebrity golfers on television. His favorite is Tiger Woods.

“I really appreciate Tiger Woods’s ability to correct mistakes,” the colonel said. “If he makes a mistake in one place, he can correct it in another.” (Asked for his take on Mr. Woods’s turbulent home life, the colonel laughed. “I don’t know much about his personal life. It’s just about playing golf.”)

One of the civilians playing with the colonel this morning was Samda Bum Hkrang, 36, a civilian administrator who walked the course in a red cap and jeans (and played with a handicap of 14).

“I started playing in 2007,” he said. “Golf is my favorite sport because it’s good for my health and for relaxation.”

The colonel strode down the fairway to look for his ball. The other three players followed. The colonel said he had not returned to his hometown, Myitkyina, to play since 2010, when tensions began rising between the Kachin and the Myanmar government. During the long cease-fire, Kachin officers would sometimes get invited to take part in the 10 or so annual tournaments in Myitkyina.

“We don’t go to Myitkyina to play anymore,” the colonel said. “If we did, we’d get arrested.”

The colonel walked around to the rear of the green. There was his ball, in a sand trap. He swung once, and the ball bounced onto the green. “Good shot,” said the major.

There were only a few more holes to go before a can of beer, and then back to the war.

Myanmar Ministry of Energy & Centre for Management Technology (CMT) to Co-host MOGP (Myanmar Oil, Gas & Power) Summit on 28 – 29 March 2012 in Yangon
PRWeb – 13 hrs ago

Dramatic changes afoot in Myanmar have whet the appetite of foreign investors who are eyeing a slice of the frontier market’s rich and large economic potential. Notwithstanding the long road still ahead, Myanmar’s political changes in recent months have been breathtaking. The lightning-fast pace of reforms has so far included renewed ties with the US, luring investors with 8-year tax break, plus imminent lifting of EU and US sanctions. Myanmar’s strategic location at a crossroads in Asia and its resources have now increasingly made the country an interest to both Western nations and its neighbouring Asian countries.

Yangon, Myanmar (PRWEB) February 08, 2012

In light of current positive developments, Myanmar’s Ministry of Energy and Centre for Management Technology (CMT) are proud to co organize an official and aptly timed MOGP (Myanmar Oil Gas & Power) Summit on 28-29 March, 2012. Held in Yangon and themed “Gearing Up for the Emerging Oil & Gas Opportunities,” the conference reflects on operational issues like processes involved in securing upstream oil & gas exploration ventures; key challenges, drivers and new opportunities in Myanmar’s oil and gas industry.

The main highlight at the conference is the official opening address by His Excellency U Than Htay, Minister of Energy, Myanmar. Together with an impressive array of experts some of the vital topics to be discussed include:

Latest terms & conditions plus role of MOGE in the PSCs by U Htin Aung, DG – Energy Planning, Ministry of Energy, Myanmar. His presentation title is Production Sharing Contract (PSC) in Myanmar’s Upstream Oil & Gas

Myanmar Oil & Gas Enterprise (MOGE) official sessions on: Petroleum Geology Outlook of Myanmar & Opportunities for E&P by U Tin Maung Yee; Natural Gas Exploration & Demand Scenario in Myanmar by U Zaw Aung; Domestic and Trans-national Oil/Gas Pipeline Development by U Tun Thwe

Total E&P Myanmar Corporate Social Responsibility & Sustainable Development Activities by Namita Shah, General Manager, TOTAL E&P Myanmar

Legal, Taxation & Other Approval Processes for Investment Ventures in Myanmar Upstream by James Finch, Legal Counsel, DFDL Mekong Group.

Energy 2020: Environment and Resources by John Vautrain, an independent Energy Industry Consultant.

Opportunities for Growing LPG in Myanmar, with details on necessary preconditions to ensure a safe & reliable market development plus anticipated areas of growth by James Rockall, CEO & Managing Director, World LP Gas Association

Domestics Market Potential for Petroleum Products & LPG by Daw Hla Hla Kyi, Director Planning from Myanmar Petroleum Products Enterprise (MPPE) and U Tin Zaw Kyi, Divisional Marketing Officer, Myanmar Petrochemical Enterprise (MPE)

Managing Country Risk in Energy & Infrastructure Projects by Andrew Gilholm, Head of Asia Analysis, Control Risks

Updates on Infrastructure Development Projects of Regional Significance including Dawei Deep Sea Project, Kyaukphyu Special Economic Zone Project & Kaladan Multi-Modal Transit Transport Project by Dr . Somchet Thinaphong, Managing Director, Dawei Development Company Limited

Myanmar’s Electricity Outlook with Reference to Demand Scenario, Fuel Mix Outlook and Export programmes by a Senior Official from Ministry of Electric Power (MEP)

Bangkok Post – PTTEP nears deal on new Myanmar exploration
Published: 8/02/2012 at 12:00 AM
Newspaper section: Business

PTT Exploration and Production Plc (PTTEP) expects to sign an agreement with Myanmar this month to explore for oil and gas in the PSC-G and EP2 onshore petroleum blocks.
“Myanmar is our core market for exploration and production in Southeast Asia,” said chief executive Anon Sirisaengtaksin.

The unit of PTT Plc, Thailand’s largest energy conglomerate, was last month awarded licences for the two blocks, which cover a combined area of 13,000 square kilometres.

PTTEP is already developing the M9 gas block in the Gulf of Martaban, with production of 300 million cubic feet per day expected by the end of next year.

Of that amount, 80% will be exported to Thailand and the rest consumed domestically.

The company is also proceeding with a US$2-billion plan to develop a gas-production facility and a 300-kilometre gas pipeline in the Gulf of Martaban.

PTTEP is funding 80% of that venture and the state-owned Myanmar Oil and Gas Enterprise the rest.

Mr Anon said PTTEP is also drilling another pit in the gulf’s M3 gas block offshore from Yangon to ensure output there is commercially viable.

If the drilling results are positive, then PTTEP will move ahead with commercial production plans, said Mr Anon.

M3 is PTTEP’s fourth gas block in Myanmar, after Yadana, Yetakun and Zawtika.

The firm has already drilled two pits at M3.

The Yadana and Yetakun gas fields now export a combined 1.1 billion cfpd to Thailand, while Zawtika will start exporting to here next year.

In Thailand, PTTEP will begin commercial production from the Bongkot South gas block by midyear, pumping 320 million cfpd, said Mr Anon.

The company expects its first oil production in Australia by the third quarter, with output of 35,000 barrels per day.

Pailin Chuchottaworn, PTT’s chief executive, said nearly half his group’s capital expenditure from 2012-16 will be used for exploration and production and the rest on downstream business.

As of last month, PTT’s capital expenditure for the five-year period was set at 358 billion baht _ 61% for the domestic market and 39% for international operations.

Of that amount, 51% will go towards ongoing projects, while the rest will be used for new investment excluding merger and acquisition costs.

PTT is eyeing upstream business opportunities in Asia Pacific, North America and West Africa and downstream opportunities in Southeast Asia.

PTTEP shares closed yesterday on the SET at 176.50 baht, up 50 satang, in trade worth 347 million baht. PTT shares closed at 341 baht, unchanged, in trade worth 1.02 billion baht.

Scoop – Myanmar: Call For Release From Prison Of Former Army Officer
Wednesday, 8 February 2012, 3:03 pm
Press Release: William Gomes

February 7, 2012
U Win Mra
Chairman
Myanmar National Human Rights Commission
27 Pyay Road
Hlaing Township
Yangon
MYANMAR
Tel: +95-1-659668
Fax: +95-1-659668
Re: Myanmar: Call For Release From Prison Of Former Army Officer And Two Other Men
Dear U Win Mra,
Names of detainees: U Win Naing Kyaw, businessman, former army major; Thura Kyaw (alias Aung Aung); Gopyan Sen (alias Azin)
Prosecuting officials:

1. Captain Kyaw Zin Latt (army), complainant in Case Nos. 132, 134, 135/2009
2. Police Captain Than Soe, complainant in Case No. 133/2009

Cases lodged against detainees: Cases brought in the Yangon Western District Court, Case Nos. 132-135/2009, verdicts issued on 7 January 2010; all cases appealed to the Supreme Court and appeals dismissed [Criminal Revision Nos. 325(b), 371(b), 414(b), 415(b)/2010, Criminal Appeal Nos. 9-10/2010, all dismissed 9 December 2010]:

1. Foreign Exchange Regulations Act, 1947, section 24(1), sentence of three years (Win Naing Kyaw)
2. Emergency Provisions, 1950, section 3, death sentence, reduced to life imprisonment under 13 January 2012 amnesty order (Win Naing Kyaw and Thura Kyaw)
3. Electronic Transactions Law, 2004, section 33(1)(a)(b), sentence of 15 years (all three accused)
4. Burma Official Secrets Act, 1923, section 6(3), sentence of two years (Win Naing Kyaw)

In light of the recent releases of prisoners from Myanmar’s jails, which have attracted international interest and support, I am writing to ask you to review the case of three men currently in prison whose appeals against their imprisonment to the Supreme Court have failed.

According to the information I have received, a joint military-police-immigration team detained U Win Naing Kyaw, a former army major working as a businessman, as he came on a flight from Bangkok to Yangon at around 1:20pm on 29 July 2009. After accusing him of having on his laptop secret information and passing that information to news agencies based abroad, they held him in custody for 105 days before lodging charges against him at the Mingalardon Police Station.

When the officials lodged the charges, they based them on a confession from Win Kyaw Naing obtained after 42 days held in custody. According to Win Kyaw Naing, the confession was extracted from him through physical and psychological torture. Specifically, he was forced to go without sleep, was drugged, and interrogators also threatened the physical safety of his family members.

In the district court, the judge acknowledged that the confession was obtained after 42 days but said that did not make it inadmissible. The judge concluded that because the contents of the confession corresponded with other testimonies and evidence brought by the police, then it should be genuine; however, this is nonsensical reasoning, since if the police wrote a confession and forced the accused to sign it under duress, naturally its contents would correspond with the version of events that they had prepared for the case.

Many other flaws in the case, the district court and Supreme Court both also ignored, despite the defence lawyers bringing them to the courts’ attention. These included that the charge of foreign exchange violations (for bringing into Myanmar over USD8400 and other currencies) was invalid, since the accused had not even reached the counter where he might declare this currency; that the charges under the Emergency Provisions are invalid because none of the alleged offences come within the parameters of this law; that the alleged contents of the documents found by the police on the accused did not in fact constitute official secrets; and, that the police submitted no evidence to prove that the said information was sent through email to news agencies abroad, as the officials alleged.

Finally, the defence lawyers pointed out that the second, third and fourth charges all overlap and concern the same alleged offence of sending official secrets to news agencies abroad; constantly, the multiple charges for the same offence constitute double jeopardy, and are unlawful.

On the basis of the above information, I am deeply concerned that these men have not obtained fair trials and have been imprisoned on the basis of human rights violations, rather than on the basis of a due legal process. I urge that their cases be reviewed and that they be released at the earliest possible moment.

I am particularly concerned by the imposition of the death sentence on two of the accused. Although I appreciate that in recent years death sentences have not been carried out in Myanmar, these sentences ought under no circumstances have to be imposed and then commuted. I urge the government of Myanmar to instruct courts to cease issuing any punishment longer than life imprisonment.

I also urge that other persons still held in custody in cases where their convictions rest on confessions obtained through use of torture likewise have their cases opened and reviewed at the earliest possible time.

Lastly, I urge the government of Myanmar to allow the International Committee of the Red Cross access to prisons in its country in accordance with its globally recognized mandate without any further delay. At this time that the government is releasing persons from custody who should not have been imprisoned in the first place, it is especially important that the ICRC have access, in order to ascertain the circumstances of those persons remaining in prisons, like the three men in this case.

Yours sincerely,
–
William Nicholas Gomes
Journalist & Human Rights Activist
Face book: www.facebook.com/williamnicholasgomes
Twitter: twitter.com/williamgomes
Web site :www.williamgomes.org

The Irrawaddy – Kachin Peace Key to Mon Ceasefire
By LAWI WENG Wednesday, February 8, 2012

Speaking at the 65th anniversary of Mon National Day on Wednesday, the chairman of New Mon State Party (NMSP) said that the group will not sign a ceasefire with the Burmese government while it continues to wage war against ethnic Kachins in Burma’s restive northern states.

Nai Htaw Mon, the chairman of the NMSP, said, “We have told the government many times that it must stop fighting in Kachin State, but it has failed to do so. This is a crucial matter that needs to be resolved before we sign a ceasefire.”

On Feb. 1, the NMSP agreed to five points with a government delegation led by Railways Minister Aung Min when they sat for peace talks in Moulmein. However, nothing was put down on paper and no truce was called.

Both sides agreed to meet again, possibly in the third week of February.

The leaders of the NMSP said that if Naypyidaw truly wanted them to sign a ceasefire, it must demonstrate that it is willing to work for a nationwide ceasefire and hold political dialogue.

The Mon leaders said they were unwilling to accept the statement of Aung Min and Mon State Chief Minister Ohn Myint when they told the NMSP that they would allow Mon language to be taught as an official language in Mon State schools after the party signs a ceasefire.

The NMSP leadership said they believed these were simply personal assurances and not a policy endorsed by Naypyidaw.

The NMSP said it will soon hold a central committee meeting when members will vote on whether to sign a ceasefire with the Burmese government.

“I personally will vote against such a deal,” said Nai Htaw Mon.

He said that he did not support a ceasefire with the government as it would yield no advantages. He said the Mon have had an agreement with the Burmese government over the past 15 years, but that it brought about no political dialogue.

About 1,000 Mon people attended the 65th anniversary celebrations in Baleh-Donephai village in Three Pagodas Pass, a town close to the Thai-Burmese border.

Some 130 soldiers from the NMSP marched on parade at the festivities, which were attended by Thai and Western guests.

The NMSP leaders say they still believe that the United Nationalities Federal Council (UNFC) would be instrumental in helping the ethnic armed groups resolve their differences with the Burmese government.

Nai Hang Thar, who is both secretary of the NMSP and secretary of the UNFC, was absent from the celebration. Colleagues said he was busy meeting with representatives of other ethnic groups.

“Don’t think that we [the ethnic groups] are divided,” said Nai Htaw Mon. “Every one of us has suffered the same bitter experience with this government. We may come together again in the future to fight if we do not get our demands.”

The Irrawaddy – Feature: A Child of the Revolution
By NYEIN NYEIN / THE IRRAWADDY Wednesday, February 8, 2012

When Cyclone Nargis struck the Irrawaddy Delta region of Burma in May 2008, student activist Phyo Phyo Aung was in hiding. She had gone underground six months earlier following the government’s brutal crackdown on the Saffron Revolution, a mass monk-led uprising in which she played a prominent role.

The cyclone devastated the delta region and killed over 140,000 people. More than a month later, Phyo Phyo Aung learned that dead bodies were still floating in the water and decomposing on the saturated land. So despite the high risk to her personal safety, she left her hiding place and joined her father, Dr Nay Win, and three friends on a mission to recover some of the victims and provide them with a proper burial.

The group spent three days retrieving dead bodies and burying them with traditional rituals. Having accomplished their noble task, they set off on the journey home, but local authorities stopped them in Bogalay and checked their IDs.

Phyo Phyo Aung, her colleagues and her father were immediately detained after their identities were discovered. For the next seven months, she had no contact with her family; then she was charged under sections 6, 7 and 505 (b) of Burma’s Penal Code, accused of forming an illegal organization, contact with outlawed groups and “intent to commit an offense against the State.” After a closed trial, she was sentenced to four years in prison.

As a dedicated political activist and spokesperson for the All Burma Federation of Student Unions (ABFSU) during the Saffron Revolution, Phyo Phyo Aung was mentally prepared to be arrested and had no regrets for herself. But it made her both sad and angry to see her father handcuffed and sent to prison once again.

Phyo Phyo Aung was only nine months old when her father, the head of a short-lived activist group known as the National Political Force, was first arrested in 1989. Over the next 15 years, she saw him only four times. When she went to visit him at Mandalay Prison at the age of 10, she didn’t even recognize him.

“It was when I was in grade five. My mother took me to see him in prison, and I couldn’t remember him at all at first,” she said.

But even as a young girl, Phyo Phyo Aung shared her father’s dislike of social injustice, and they remained connected throughout the 15 years that he was behind bars.

Phyo Phyo Aung’s mother raised her during that time and despite the strain of being a young, virtually single parent, was always supportive of both her and her imprisoned father.

“My mom is my role model. She always told me not to have fear, to respect truth and be proud of my father,” said Phyo Phyo Aung.

Having been born in August 1988 at the height of the student-led nationwide protests now known as the 8-8-88 uprising, Phyo Phyo Aung had the spirit of a student revolutionary running through her veins and her mother cultivated that spirit by telling her bedtime stories of the brave 1988 activists.

Both of Phyo Phyo Aung’s parents also nurtured her lifelong reading habit. Her father advised her during prison visits to read any book she could get her hands on that would increase her knowledge, and then repeated that advice in letters when he was moved first to Mandalay Prison and then to the remote Myitkyina Prison in Kachin State.

One of the books that had an impact on Phyo Phyo Aung was “A Lan Ma Hlae Sa Tan” (“Better to Stand and Die”), a novel by prominent Burmese author Win Zaw (aka Lu Htu Sein Win) that revolved around a female hero and inspired the budding activist to new levels of compassion and commitment.

She also read a number of books about the lives of university students, and when her father was released from Myitkyina Prison in November 2004, Phyo Phyo Aung was 16 years old and about to begin her college education.

When Phyo Phyo Aung began her studies at the Government Technological College in Hmawbi, she found that her experience as a university student was totally different from the students in the past that she had read about. The inequality she witnessed spurred a desire to seek justice and students’ rights and led her to join the student movement.

In 2006, she became a member of the “We for All” book club at the American Center, whose members worked to reform the ABFSU—an umbrella organization of student unions that had been forced underground after the government crackdown on the 1988 uprisings—and devoted themselves to involvement in Burma’s political and social movements.

When demonstrations began in August 2007 following an unannounced increase in fuel prices, the ABFSU quickly became involved and the government arrested some of its leaders, including Kyaw Ko Ko, Si Thu Maung, Han Ni Oo and D Nyein Lin.

The 19-year-old Phyo Phyo Aung stepped up to help fill the detained leaders’ involuntarily vacated roles, becoming the spokesperson of the ABFSU. When government forces violently ended the uprising by opening fire on the monk-led demonstrators, she went into hiding and created the alias of Hnin Pwint Wai so that she could continue to talk to the media.

During Phyo Phyo Aung’s six months in hiding, her father stayed beside her and provided her with moral encouragement. Although they had previously had little opportunity to spend time together and talk, the experience brought them close together and they became political colleagues as well as family.

After having been arrested together in May 2008, father and daughter were put on a train together in April 2009 and transferred to separate prisons. Phyo Phyo Aung was sent to Moulmein Prison in the capital of Mon State. Nay Win went to Hpa-an Prison in the capital of Karen State.

During this period of separation, the only way they could communicate was by sending each other letters in which they shared their experiences and political views.

“The letters from prison were far different from her first letter to me, which she wrote at the age of four. That first one was just a full page of walone,” said Nay Win, refering to the circles that form the most basic element of the  Burmese writing system.

After being detained for three years and seven months, Phyo Phyo Aung was released from prison in October 2011 as part of President Thein Sein’s second amnesty. Her father had been released one year earlier, and both of her parents, as well as relatives and colleagues, came out to welcome her.

Having missed out on her higher education due to her involvement in the 2007 uprising and subsequent periods in hiding and in prison, Phyo Phyo Aung contacted the Government Technological College in hopes of going back to school.

The college, however, informed her that their rules did not allow them to accept re-enrollment by students who had not contacted them for more than two years. But Phyo Phyo Aung is determined to resume her studies and intends to pursue language skills and study civil engineering outside of Burma’s educational system.

In addition, her time in prison did not deter her from getting involved again in political activism and the student movement. She remains committed to social justice and recently became the general secretary of the ABFSU’s Organizing Committee.

In her 2011 book “A Country of Heroes in the Dark,” Burmese author Hnin Pen Eain wrote that Phyo Phyo Aung inherited her father’s spirit and commitment, and like her father, she is gentle but dedicated to doing ther best for the sake of her people.

These thoughts were echoed by Kyaw Ko Ko, the chairperson of the ABFSU, who said that Phyo Phyo Aung has a strong commitment to politics and is very dedicated to working for her people and her fellow students.

“She is a future leader who is ready to serve, even for political duties, so the citizens of Burma can rely on her,” said Kyaw Ko Ko.

Rangoon airport on high alert
Wednesday, 08 February 2012 21:19 Myo Thein

(Mizzima) – On Friday, Burmese authorities placed the Rangoon Mingaladon Airport under a high security alert, following a bomb threat against Myanmar Airways.

The alert was implemented after a letter threatening a bombing was received by the Burmese embassy in Bangkok. Sources said the bombing might involve a Muslim male.

The Department of Civil Aviation (DCA) under the Directorate of Air Transport determined the threat level.

“The DCA upgraded the alert level to grade 1 after receiving the threat on Friday,” said a senior official at the airport.

Sources said that warning notices were posted in warehouses of Myanmar Cargo Services (MCS) at Rangoon airport saying a Muslim male bomber might make an attack on planes.

Despite the high security alert, ordinary air travel continued and observers said they did not notice any special security measures at the airport.

Meanwhile, in what appeared to be an unrelated move, it was announced this week that security forces deployed at the airport by the air force and Military Affairs Security (MAS) would be withdrawn not later than March 1 and be replaced by DCA personnel and security forces under the Home Ministry.

Home Minister Lieutenant General Ko Ko visited the Rangoon Mingaladon Airport at the end of January to coordinated the security shift, sources said.

Seventeen political parties to contest by-election
Wednesday, 08 February 2012 14:30 Mizzima News

(Mizzima) – Burma’s Union Election Commission abolished two newly registered political parties for their failure to run for at least three vacant seats in the coming April 1 by-elections, according to Xinhua news agency.

A total of 17 political parties including 11 old and six newly registered parties will run in by-elections, according to local media.

An election commission announcement on Wednesday said the two political parties are the Democratic Alliance Party and 88-Forces of People’s Party.

There are 48 vacant seats in Parliament at three levels available for contest in the by-elections.

Of the 48 seats in constituencies in 10 regions or states, 40 are for the Lower House, six for Upper House and two for region or state parliaments.

Both the main opposition party, the National League for Democracy (NLD), and the ruling party, the Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP), will contest in all 48 vacant constituencies.

In the lead-up to the election, numerous government officials have publicly stated that the by-election will be free and fair, an assurance also given to a host of international political figures who have visited top Burmese leaders in the past several months. A free and fair election is an essential demand before the lifting of economic sanctions, said Western leaders.

The ruling Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP) will contest in all vacant constituencies, while the National Democratic Force (NDF) and National Unity Party (NUP) plan to contest in about 20 constituencies respectively. A newly formed party, the New National Democracy Party (NNDP), will contest for three seats.

Included among the National League for Democracy candidates are the well-known Burmese rapper Ratha, who will contest for a seat in Parliament from the Mayangone constituency, and Phyu Phyu Thin, an NLD social care leader, who has managed an HIV/AIDS centre in Rangoon. Members of the 88-Generation students group announced that it would not run candidates under the 88-Generation banner. Many of its leaders were only recently released in the latest amnesty round granted by the government in January. The group leader’s said they supported NLD leader Aung San Suu Kyi and would work with her in the by-election.

The Rakhine National Democratic Party, mainly based in Arakan State, and the Chin National Party (CNP), mainly based in Chin State, said they would not contest in the by-elections.

In the 2010 general election, the ruling USDP won a majority of seats in 882 out of a total 1,154 constituencies, or 76.5 per cent.

The NUP won 63 seats and the SNDP, RNDP, NDF and AMDP won 57, 35, 16 and 16 seats respectively.

The NLD did not contest in the 2010 election. However, it is contesting in 48 vacant seats in the by-election and is expected to win the majority, if not all, of the empty seats, which are unfiled because of resignations, illness or other factors.

Norway announces major scholarship program
Wednesday, 08 February 2012 15:12 Mizzima News

(Mizzima) – The Norwegian Ministry of Foreign Affairs will offer scholarships to qualified Burmese nationals to pursue a master’s degree program at the Asian Institute of Technology (AIT) in Bangkok.

Up to 40 master’s students per year for three years will be recruited starting in August 2012. Any Burmese national who meets the AIT admissions requirements is eligible to apply.

The scholarship package will cover all tuition and registration fees, a research grant, bursary and accommodation, study-associated costs for a pre-bridging program (up to four weeks in Burma), a bridging program at AIT (up to eight weeks), and the master’s degree program. A return air ticket between Rangoon and Bangkok will also be provided.

In addition to the AIT admissions application forms, applicants need to submit a three-page essay (in Burmese) explaining the reason for applying to AIT and how they can contribute towards the future development of Burma in the short, medium and long term.

AIT will conduct a national level pre-screening step, and a pre-selection interview panel in Burma will be followed by a final selection by the AIT schools.

AIT is closely coordinating with the Norwegian embassy in Bangkok, as well as with collaborative partners in Burma to set up a local application center in Rangoon. A detailed announcement of the scholarship program will be available this week.

The Asian Institute of Technology was established in Bangkok in 1959. AIT is a leading regional postgraduate institution and is actively working with public and private sector partners throughout the region and with some of the top universities in the world.

The Institute operates as a self-contained international community at its campus located 40 km (25 miles) north of Bangkok.

For more information, go to http://www.ait.ac.th/about

U.S. lifts restrictions to support IFIs work in Myanmar
Reuters – 9 hrs ago

(Reuters) – The United States has eased some restrictions on Myanmar to support ongoing work by International Financial Institutions (IFIs) like the Asian Development Bank carrying out economic assessments and technical assistance to its new civilian government.

The partial waiver was signed by Secretary of State Hillary Clinton on Sunday in the latest sign of a step-up in U.S. engagement with an impoverished country squeezed by Western sanctions and run for 49 years by military juntas until 10 months ago.

The nominally civilian government has since overseen a series of surprise reforms that have thrust into the spotlight the issue of Western sanctions imposed on past regimes for their human right violations.

The move in support of IFI involvement is seen as small but symbolic, a quid-pro-quo to acknowledge the reforms while still maintaining tight sanctions that were first introduced in 1988. Officials in Washington say the process of ending the embargoes on the former Burma would be complex and lengthy.

“Assessments by international financial institutions will provide critical means to gain a greater understanding of Burma’s economic situation, particularly its severe poverty alleviation needs and capacity gaps,” the state department said in a statement.

The International Monetary Fund and the Asian Development Bank (ADB) have been sending technical support teams to Myanmar in the past few months to compile assessments of the country’s long-stagnant and murky economy and give advice on ways to unify its complex official and unofficial currency exchange systems.

CLOSER TIES

Those missions come as the government continues to introduce reforms not seen in decades. They include the release of more than 600 political prisoners in a series of amnesties since last May, ceasefire talks with ethnic rebel groups and the loosening of tight media censorship and bans on protests.

Clinton welcomed the changes so far during a landmark visit in December and pledged to forge closer ties with Myanmar. Washington has since agreed to upgrade diplomatic relations by exchanging full ambassadors after a two-decade absence.

It also comes after the European Union temporarily suspended travel bans on top government officials and the president.

U.S. sanctions preclude U.S. aid and rule out financial help from IFIs such as the World Bank, in which the United States is a big shareholder and has veto rights.

The World Bank and ADB ceased operations in the country in the mid-1980s and are still owed arrears, which have to be repaid before they can come back. Any aid would require the government to respect governance standards that have eluded its leaders for decades, including budget transparency.

Up to 10,000 Myanmar refugees seek refuge in China
By Sui-Lee Wee | Reuters – 28 mins ago

BEIJING (Reuters) – Thousands of refugees from fighting in remote northern Myanmar have flooded into makeshift tent cities erected on the other side of the long border with China, creating a humanitarian crisis and a complex diplomatic dilemma for Beijing.

Up to 10,000 refugees have fled to an area in southwestern Yunnan province, driven by fighting between Myanmar’s military and the Kachin Independence Army (KIA), one of the country’s most powerful rebel groups, five aid groups told Reuters. Many of the refugees are women, children and elderly people.

Fighting erupted after a 17-year-old ceasefire broke down last June, sending ethnic Kachins fleeing to the border area.

The conflict could jeopardize the former Burma’s efforts to convince the European Union and the United States to lift wide-ranging sanctions against the country, which is slowing efforts to open up and democratize after decades of army rule.

The EU and the United States have made peace deals with ethnic militias one of the pre-requisites for lifting the sanctions. Some groups have fought the government since independence from Britain in 1947.

Although the intensity of the fighting has eased, aid groups fear that more people will flee and exacerbate dire conditions. The Chinese government tolerates the camps, but does not officially recognize their existence.

“All of them don’t have pure drinking water,” La Rip, the coordinator of local aid group Relief Action Network for IDP (Internally Displaced Persons) and Refugees (RANIR), said by telephone from Myanmar.

“In some camps, outbreaks of dysentery are taking place. We do not have enough food items to provide for them. We have a very limited budget for them. And they do not have regular incomes, nowhere to work and nowhere to earn money.”

WORRY FOR CHINA

The risk of fighting spreading across the highly militarized border region and of the arrival of new waves of refugees are particular worries for China’s stability-obsessed rulers.

Although long wary of poor, unstable Myanmar, China has invested heavily in the country. It has brushed off Western sanctions to build infrastructure, hydropower dams and twin oil-and-gas pipelines to help feed southern China’s growing energy needs and avoid the Malacca Strait shipping bottleneck.

Yunnan provincial authorities have told the refugees to leave, but have not threatened force or sealed the border, aid groups said.

“It poses a dilemma for the Chinese; it could cause strained relations with the Burmese government if they are seen as being supportive of the Kachin Independence Army, KIA, and by extension the refugees,” Bertil Lintner, a Myanmar expert, said in emailed comments.

“On the other hand, they can’t be too hostile to the Kachins, and the Kachin refugees, either.”

China’s Foreign Ministry last summer called for restraint from both sides in the conflict and said the government was providing humanitarian help, though aid groups deny this.

The Yunnan government denies the very existence of an influx of refugees — aid agencies say the biggest camps are in the towns of Nongdao and La Ying.

“At the moment, what we know is that there is no such situation,” Li Hui, director of the Yunnan information office, told Reuters. “Everything is normal on the China-Myanmar border.”

Fighting has continued despite an order in December by President Thein Sein to end operations. That cast doubt on whether the former general leading the country has full control over the military.

In the past eight months, the refugee population inside China has grown dramatically, said Moon Nay Li, coordinator for the Kachin Women’s Association in Thailand. She says more than 10,000 Kachin refugees are in Yunnan, most of them women.

Maersili, a local activist, said there is no longer space in the camps for refugees to sleep. Four to five families have to squeeze into a room, without sufficient bedding, he said.
International aid organizations such as U.N. agencies have not been able to provide sustained assistance, aid groups said.

The U.N. High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) can only provide aid “when it’s requested by the government to do so,” Giuseppe de Vincentis, regional representative for China and Mongolia, said, adding that “there is not such a request.”

Brisbane Times – Suu Kyi campaign leaves Burmese leaders on edge
Hamish McDonald
February 8, 2012

RANGOON: Burma’s opposition leader, Aung San Suu Kyi, has resumed the campaign trail for a slew of parliamentary byelections, with her popularity causing evident nervousness in the new government dominated by former army generals.

Before her mass meeting in Pathein, a port city in the Irrawaddy delta, local authorities suddenly announced an unusual ”pre-entrance test” exam for local students seeking to enrol in universities, ensuring that large numbers of students would be otherwise engaged while she was in town.

Last weekend, Ms Suu Kyi called off a planned rally in the second-biggest city, Mandalay, after authorities refused to let her National League for Democracy use a large football stadium, instead offering a smaller field.

Her party is running candidates for all the 40 seats vacated in the 440-seat lower house of parliament in the capital Naypyidaw by members elevated to ministerial and other executive positions.

The seats are scattered across the country, mostly in the central plains dominated by the ethnic Burman majority and the result will be a pointer to elections due in 2015.

The military has 25 per cent of the seats, voted ”according to discipline”, and the constitution can be amended only by a 75 per cent vote, but the prospect of a sweep by Ms Suu Kyi and the NLD, and formation of a government, is a nightmare for the military’s old guard.

Yet Ms Suu Kyi’s decision to enter the race – after previously boycotting the November 2010 elections and swearing not to accept the 2008 constitution engineered by the former military regime – is also seen as a reflection of consideration by the NLD that the new President, former general Thein Sein, might be building a popular political persona himself.

As well as meeting Ms Suu Kyi and drawing her into the political system, the President has begun releasing political prisoners, suspended a much-criticised Chinese dam on the upper Irrawaddy and signalled intentions to open Burma’s moribund economy.

”Daw Suu [or ''Aunty Suu'' as Ms Suu Kyi is often called here] is the conscience of our nation and icon of freedom, but to be honest the action on reform has to be attributed to this government,” a prominent local business figure said. ”The credit should fairly go to our current leadership.”

A former senior army staff officer who is now a political adviser to Thein Sein, Ko Ko Hlaing, said critics had previously dismissed the new government as ”old wine in a new bottle” but were now realising the political climate was completely different to that under the former regime of Senior General Than Shwe, now formally retired.

”In this byelection the environment has changed because relations between the newly elected President and Daw Suu are very different from the previous relations between Senior General Than Shwe and Daw Suu,” Ko Ko Hlaing said. ”We have to remember there is a new government and a new atmosphere. So the political culture and the mood among political forces are not so similar to the previous time.”

Previously a prime minister appointed by the State Peace and Development Council, the military’s ruling body, Thein Sein emerged as a conciliatory figure, meeting a stream of foreign leaders as his prisoner releases and registration of the NLD as eligible to contest the byelections earned recognition.

”As a military man everyone has to obey the order of his superior,” Ko Ko Hlaing said. ”That’s why under Senior General Than Shwe he acted like a good staff … When he takes the responsibility of state power and he is the most senior person in the country he has to make decisions by himself. So he can do everything that he thinks is correct.

”The situation of the country is not the same … We have to play according to the rules of the new game. According to the new constitution, as a democratic government, so there will be very significant differences between the activities of the present government and the previous government.”

The Herald’s Asia-Pacific editor, Hamish McDonald, is in Burma as a guest of Melbourne University’s Asialink for a dialogue with Burmese and other south-east Asian officials, businessmen, and opinion leaders.

GlobalPost – Burma: regime critic Aung Zaw allowed inside after two decades in exile
Regime allows one of its most high-profile detractors to visit
Patrick Winn February 7, 2012 02:47

Aung Zaw, a Burmese exile who founded and continues to operate The Irrawaddy. The news outlet is known for its strong critiques of Burma’s army-managed regime. (Screengrab)
Journalist-in-exile Aung Zaw, one of the most prominent critics of Burma’s government abuses, has been allowed to visit his homeland after two decades living abroad.

This is surprising even to those growing numb to the flurry of recent changes in Burma, officially titled Myanmar.

Aung Zaw runs The Irrawaddy, an online magazine known for detailing the misdeeds of Burma’s goverment. He’s also published in the Asian Wall Street Journal and the Bangkok Post in Thailand, where his operation is based. (Sample Aung Zaw headline: “Junta’s dream is the world’s nightmare.”)

Until recently, information from inside the authoritarian state has been a precious commodity. Burmese who gather news in their own country have traditionally done so at the risk of detainment or worse.

“I have always wanted to return to Burma as a journalist,” he said, according to The Irrawaddy. “I expect to be very busy meeting with fellow journalists and possibly with government officials.”

Aung Zaw has been granted a five-day journalist visa.

Now that the government has allowed one of its best-known detractors to visit, is there any journalist that’s still forbidden from entering Burma?

People’s Daily Online – Myanmar proposes holding ethnic groups conference
(Xinhua) 15:30, February 07, 2012

YANGON, Feb. 7 (Xinhua) — A conference, similar to the historical Panlong Conference and participated by all ethnic groups in Myanmar, will be held in Nay Phi Taw to strive for peace in the country, local media reported Tuesday.

U Aung Thaung, leader of the central government’s peace-making group, made the disclosure in Taunggyi, Shan state over the weekend, said the Myanmar Newsweek.

On Feb.12, 1947, ethnic leaders met at the Panlong Conference in northeastern Shan state, sponsored under the leadership of late independence hero General Aung San, and signed the Panlong Agreement to strive in unity for the country’s independence from the British colonial rule.

According to the report, eight out of 11 ethnic armed groups have reached preliminary peace pacts with the government at respective levels.

Meanwhile, peace talks between Myanmar’s central government and Kachin ethnic armed group — Kachin Independence Organization (KIO) had been held in Ruili, southwest China’s border town in Yunnan Province, for two times over the past two months without reaching agreement.

However, the two sides agreed that the peace talks will continue to build trust andrealize eternal peace.

President U Thein Sein made a peace offer on Aug. 18, 2011, calling on anti-government ethnic armed groups to hold peace talks to end insurgency and build internal peace in the country.

New York Times – C.I.A. Chief Signals Possible Visit to Myanmar
By THOMAS FULLER
Published: February 7, 2012

BANGKOK — The director of the Central Intelligence Agency, David H. Petraeus, may visit Myanmar later this year, officials said on Tuesday, in what would be the latest signal of warming relations with the United States as Myanmar emerges from years of military rule and diplomatic isolation.

Mr. Petraeus discussed the possibility of a visit to Myanmar, also known as Burma, during a meeting in Bangkok on Monday with the Thai foreign minister, Surapong Tovichakchaikul. Mr. Surapong told Thai news media that Mr. Petraeus said he would “definitely” go to Myanmar.

Secretary of State Hillary Rodham Clinton traveled to Myanmar in December in what was widely seen as an effort by the United States to check the rising power of China — for years Myanmar’s main benefactor — and to encourage political change in Myanmar.

An American official in Bangkok, who requested anonymity while discussing intelligence matters, confirmed on Tuesday that Mr. Petraeus had told Thai officials that “Secretary Clinton asked him to travel to Burma later this year.”

At least three separate delegations of American officials have visited Myanmar during the past two months, but a trip by Mr. Petraeus would allow for more detailed discussions and deeper cooperation between the two countries, said Robert Fitts, director of the American studies program at Chulalongkorn University in Bangkok. “They can set up channels that wouldn’t have been possible for Secretary Clinton,” he said.

The United States and Myanmar had relatively close military and intelligence cooperation until the late 1980s, when the Burmese military crushed a popular uprising, leading to two decades of degraded relations between Myanmar and Western countries.

Washington announced last month that it would upgrade diplomatic ties and appoint an ambassador to Myanmar after more than a decade without one.

“What the U.S. is trying to do,” Mr. Fitts said, “is send every signal of support to the forces pushing for liberalization in Burma.”

London committed to Myanmar
Published: Feb. 7, 2012 at 9:07 AM

LONDON, Feb. 7 (UPI) — A meeting between Myanmar’s ambassador to London and a British foreign minister shows the British government is serious about engagement, an official said.

British Foreign Office Minister Jeremy Browne met Ambassador U Kyaw Myo Htut for the first time in London.

“My meeting with Mr. U Kyaw Myo Htut is a mark of the U.K.’s willingness to engage with Myanmar’s government in light of the reforms that they have recently undertaken,” Browne said. “I encouraged the ambassador and his government to maintain the momentum for change.”

Myanmar’s government has embraced political reform since having the first general election in years in 2010. Thousands of political prisoners, including Nobel Peace Prize laureate Aung San Suu Kyi, have been released from custody.

Suu Kyi this week entered a race by by-elections for seats in Myanmar’s Parliament. Her National League for Democracy Party won elections in the 1990s though the military junta refused to recognize the results.

“I reiterated that the U.K. government stood ready to respond to future positive actions, and that the world would be watching the upcoming by-elections, expecting them to be free and fair,” Browne said.

U.N. human rights officials said Myanmar still has more work to do to meet international expectations.

Washington Post – Obama authorizes US sanctions waiver for Myanmar to ease restrictions on multilateral aid
By Associated Press, Published: February 6

WASHINGTON — The United States on Monday eased one of its many sanctions against Myanmar as a reward for political reforms after five decades of direct military rule.

The step is very limited, and most of the tough U.S. economic, trade and political restrictions will remain in place.

But it should make it easier for Myanmar, also known as Burma, to secure help from the World Bank and other international financial institutions by lifting U.S. opposition to them conducting assessments.

Under anti-human trafficking legislation, the U.S. had to oppose these bodies using their funds to help Myanmar. Secretary of State Hillary Rodham Clinton signed the waiver Monday.

President Barack Obama authorized the move Friday.

Other U.S. sanctions, including the 2003 Burmese Freedom and Democracy Act, still require the U.S. to prevent the institutions from giving loans or technical assistance to the country. Years of mismanagement, isolation and internal conflict have turned what was once one of Southeast Asia’s most prosperous countries into its least-developed.

The waiver follows Clinton’s landmark visit to Myanmar in December, the first by a U.S. secretary of state in 56 years, when she expressed willingness to allow World Bank assessment missions. She said that was supported by Myanmar democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi.

A State Department statement Monday said such assessments would enable greater understanding of Myanmar’s economic situation, particularly its “severe poverty alleviation needs.”

“The United States remains committed to supporting and partnering with the Burmese government along the path of reform,” it said.

But administration officials and U.S. lawmakers, who have been instrumental in imposing myriad and overlapping sanctions on Myanmar since 1988, say more progress on democracy and human rights is needed before other sanctions can be lifted.

Conducting free and fair by-elections that Suu Kyi and her party will contest April 1 are seen as a key test of that. There is also concern over ethnic violence and Myanmar’s ties to North Korea.

The waiver, effective through September, applies to some but not all of the restrictions that apply to Myanmar under the 2000 Victims of Trafficking and Violence Protection Act.

Myanmar received a “Tier 3” rating under its annual State Department assessment, meaning it has failed to comply with minimum standards for elimination of human trafficking.

The ambassador-at-large on human trafficking issues, Luis CdeBaca, who visited Myanmar in January, said Monday the waiver was rewarding Myanmar for its political reforms, including prisoner releases, the dialogue it has begun with Suu Kyi and cease-fires with ethnic minority armed groups.

But he said it also reflected the government’s encouraging steps in improving its treatment of human trafficking victims, particularly those repatriated from other countries, although the U.S. remains concerned over authorities’ use of forced labor and child soldiers.

“We have seen several decent things happen on the human trafficking front,” CdeBaca said in an interview. “They (Myanmar) are not out of the woods by any means. But just as with democracy and electoral reforms, we also see the beginning of a positive trend.”

The Obama administration has reversed a longstanding U.S. policy of isolating Myanmar, and in January announced it would restore full diplomatic relations after 20 years without an ambassador in Myanmar.

That step was supported by key Republican senators, but the administration still must tread cautiously in lifting other restrictions or face criticism for moving too fast to win friends in the country, where the strings of power largely remain in military hands.

The Age  – Officials seek to thwart Suu Kyi
Hamish McDonald, Rangoon
February 8, 2012

BURMA’S opposition leader, Aung San Suu Kyi, resumed her parliamentary byelection campaign yesterday as nervous officials moved to ensure that many of her younger supporters would be unable to attend her rallies.

Before her mass meeting in Pathein, a port city in the Irrawaddy delta, local authorities suddenly announced an unusual ”pre-entrance test” exam for local students seeking to enrol in universities – ensuring that large numbers of students would be otherwise engaged while she was in town.

Last weekend, Ms Suu Kyi called off a planned rally in Burma’s second biggest city, Mandalay, after authorities refused to let her National League for Democracy party use a large football stadium, instead offering a smaller field.

Her party is running candidates for all the 40 seats vacated in the 440-seat lower house of Parliament by members elevated to ministerial and other executive positions.

The seats are scattered across the country, mostly in the central plains dominated by the ethnic Burman majority, and the result will be a pointer to the next elections due in 2015.

Although the military has 25 per cent of the seats and the constitution can only be amended by a 75 per cent vote, the prospect of a sweep by Ms Suu Kyi and the NLD, and formation of a government, is a nightmare for the military’s old guard. The nominally civilian government came to power in Burma last year after controversial November 2010 elections and has since surprised observers with a number of positive moves including a major release of political prisoners.

Yet Ms Suu Kyi’s decision to enter this year’s byelection race, after previously boycotting the 2010 elections and vowing not to accept the 2008 constitution engineered by the former military regime, is also seen to reflect thinking that the new President, former general Thein Sein, might be building a popular political persona himself.

As well as meeting Ms Suu Kyi and drawing her into the political system, President Thein Sein began releasing political prisoners, suspended a much criticised Chinese dam on the upper Irrawaddy, and signalled intentions to open up Burma’s moribund economy.

The political situation in Burma, however, remains tense, with top United Nations human rights envoy Tomas Ojea Quintana stating the byelections would be a ”key test” of the army-backed regime’s commitment to reform.

The Irrawaddy – Workers Strike over Chinese New Year Wage Dispute
By KHIN OO THAR / THE IRRAWADDY Tuesday, February 7, 2012

More than a thousand workers at a Chinese-owned shoe factory in Rangoon went on strike on Monday after they discovered that they would not be paid for an enforced five-day break to mark the Chinese New Year.

The strike, by workers of the Tai Yi Slipper factory in Rangoon’s Hlaing Tharyar Industrial Zone (3), continued into a second day on Tuesday, according to lawyer and worker’s rights activist Pho Phyu.

“We are trying to find the best solution for both sides,” Myat Thin Aung, the chairman of the Hlaing Tharyar Industrial Zones, told The Irrawaddy on Tuesday, adding that officials from the Ministry of Labor are also involved in negotiations.

The workers, who say they should be paid for the five days of work they missed because it was the company’s decision to close for the holiday, were forced to disperse this afternoon without achieving their aims.

According to Pho Phyu, the workers are also angry over wages deducted for lateness caused by ferry service delays.

In the past two years, workers in Rangoon’s industrial zones have gone on strike on a number of occasions to protest wage deductions and poor working conditions.

According to Myat Thin Aung, there are more than 40,000 workers employed by a wide range of factories at six industrial zones in Hlaing Tharyar.

Mizzima News – NLD AIDS activist to run for Parliament
Tuesday, 07 February 2012 12:55 Mizzima News

(Mizzima) – Phyu Phy Thin, who has worked in an HIV/AIDS  shelter programme in Rangoon for 10 years, knows what it’s like to be at the bottom end of Burma’s limited health care system.

As the leader of one of the National League for Democracy’s (NLD) social-aid outreach programmes, she has worked with limited funds, struggling to provide up to 100 infected patients with medicine, food and shelter.

Soon, if she is elected to the Burmese Parliament as one of the NLD candidates, she can speak out through the voice of experience in calling attention to the needs of the have-nots in Burmese society, particularly AIDS patients who are often shunned and misunderstood. Last year, authorities in Burma threatened to shut down Phyu Phyu Thin’s clinic in a suburb of Rangoon.

That Phyu Phyu Thin is dedicated is clear. In mid-January, Aung San Suu Kyi singled her out in a crowd while she was speaking in Rangoon’s Mingalar Taung Nyunt Township.

“As you all know, Phyu Phyu not only possesses a desire to serve the people but also a proven capacity to do so,” said Suu Kyi. “I may not guarantee that all our candidates have such qualities. But I can guarantee that about Phyu Phyu.”

A story on the Voice of America (VOA) website on Monday, quoted Phyu Phyu Tin: “The most important issue now is that many children are infected with HIV, and we need to do provide them with support. Infection rates are rising among youths, so we need to increase social awareness.”

Phyu Phyu Thin is in the process of opening a second clinic to meet the growing need for care.

“Being a Myanmar [Burma] citizen, as well as an NLD member, I really do feel happy that Daw Suu is running. It’s what we really need right now. I hope that we can all work together to build a modern, developed nation in the near future,” she told the VOA. “Since we have been under military dictatorship for such a long time, issues including education, health care need to be seriously addressed as soon as possible.”

It’s hard to grasp the significance of the recent changes in Burma, in which Phyu Phyu Thin, once harassed by the Burmese authorities, is now stepping up to run for Parliament.

In November last year, a Mizzima reporter accompanied Aung San Suu Kyi when she visited Phyu Phyu Thin’s shelter programme. The reporter heard Suu Kyi speaking to someone on the telephone: “Everybody has their own values so you don’t need to be discouraged. You must uplift your spirits and strength. I say these words not only to the patients but also to everybody … high and low status depends only on each person. Everybody needs to know that they can consider themselves a dignified person.”

Burma’s most prominent democracy leader gave each AIDS resident a rose, which they greatly appreciated.

“Ahmay [mother] Suu … told us not to be in low morale and said she would supply us with medicine. We are encouraged. All of the patients were very encouraged to see that another person, Daw Suu, is with us besides Ma Phyu [Phyu Phyu Thin] before … We hold these roses in very high esteem and shall keep them forever, even after they’ve dried up,” a 31-year old resident told Mizzima.

Phyu Phyu Thin said that new patients were always arriving at the centre.

“We can’t give medicine to new patients. NGOs first gave medicines to the patients and then stopped … when they didn’t have enough funding. So the availability of medicines for these patients is on and off. We still face medicine shortages,” Phyu Phyu Thin said in November.

There are more than 360,000 HIV patients in Burma. According to UN AIDS statistics, the junta’s Health Ministry spends about US$ 100,000 annually on its AIDS eradication campaign.

By contrast, neighbouring Thailand spent 4.9 billion baht (US$ 122.90 million) on HIV/AIDS treatment and programmes in 2004 (six years ago), a UN AIDS report said.

KIO, gov’t can’t agree on meeting location
Tuesday, 07 February 2012 17:15 Phanida

Chiang Mai (Mizzima) – Serious issues need to be discussed regarding political problems preventing peace between the Kachin Independence Organization (KIO) and the Burmese government, but the two sides can’t agree on where to hold the next round of talks, KIO officials told Mizzima.

The two sides were scheduled to meet on Friday and Saturday, but unless an agreement is reached soon, the meeting could be postponed.

The KIO proposed meeting in an area controlled by KIO Battalion 16 on the outskirts of Lweje in Momauk Township on the Sino-Burmese border, but the government delegation rejected the location, according to the source

The government on Monday offered to meet at Muse in Shan State, but that location was rejected by the KIO.

The next round of talks are expected to focus on three points discussed in the January meeting between the two sides relating to national equality, regional autonomy and principles in the Panglong Agreement. The government has objected to using the term “Panglong pledge.”

“They said that they thought another phrase should be used, which has the same meaning as ‘Panglong pledge’ instead of using the phrase,” a KIO official told Mizzima. On January 18 and January 19, the two sides held talks in Ruili, China.

The KIO has called on the government to hold an all-inclusive ethnic conference similar to the Panglong conference where a wide range of ethnic issues and political problems could be discussed, including the release of prisoners on both sides and the rebuilding of villages affected by the long-running war.

The KIO officials said that he thought the next talks would be narrowly focused on those issues. “Anything else may not be discussed in our meeting,” he said. Since November 2011, the KIO and government delegations have met three times.

Despite the peace talks with the government, fighting still breaks out in KIO areas in northern Shan State, said Colonel Zaw Yaw of KIO Brigade No. 4.

“The government troops are still active in our area,” he said. “Earlier, they had about 1,000 soldiers. Fighting still breaks out on alternate days,” he told Mizzima.

Meanwhile, Burmese government union-level peace delegation leaders have said that it could take up to three years to establish a lasting peace in ethnic areas where fighting has broken out. The KIO signed a cease-fire with the former junta in 1994, but fighting restarted in June 2011.

Supreme Court to hear army unlawful arrest case
Tuesday, 07 February 2012 12:04 Zaw Shan

New Delhi (Mizzima) – The case of a Kachin woman who went missing after her arrest by government troops will be heard by the Burmese Supreme Court on Thursday.

The proceedings were brought by Zawng Hkawng of Momauk Township, the husband of Sumlut Roi Ja, after she was arrested by troops from Light Infantry Unit No. 321 on October 28, 2011. She has been missing since her arrest.

The lawsuit was filed on January 28, said attorney Markhar, who represents Zwang Hkawng.

“The Light Infantry No. 321 is based in Loi Je. We filed the lawsuit in order to obtain the release of the woman who was arrested illegally. Both sides will testify,” Markhar told Mizzima. He said the husband is now in hiding for his security, but he will appear at the Supreme Court on the day of the hearing.

He said Sumlut Roi Ja, a resident of Hkai Bang village, Momauk Township, was on her way to work on a farm with her husband and her father when government soldiers from Light Infantry Unit No. 321 arrested them, alleging that they worked in intelligence for the Kachin Independence Army. Sumlut Roi Ja’s husband and father were able to escape on the day of their arrest.

The Supreme Court has summoned members of Light Infantry No. 321 to appear to testify.

“On that day, they will have to explain why they arrested her. If they say she is dead, they will be prosecuted for murder,” lawyer Markhar said.

A related lawsuit involving the unlawful arrest of Brang Seng and Zau Seng from Tarlawgyi village by Infantry Unit No. 37 will be heard by the Supreme Court on the same day.

DVB News – Four Karen armies in talks over alliance
By NANG MYA NADI
Published: 7 February 2012

Officials from four ethnic armies in Karen state held talks last week over the possibility of developing an alliance, following ceasefire talks between the government and one of Burma’s most prominent armed opposition groups, the Karen National Union (KNU).

The discussions brought together groups whose past relations exemplify the dynamic history of the war-torn eastern state, where six decades of conflict have caused changing allegiances: the Democratic Karen Buddhist Army (DKBA), the Karen Peace Force (KPF) and the KNU/KNLA Peace Council all formed after a split in the KNU in the mid-1990s, and allied themselves to the former junta.

Now however they are in talks to rekindle an alliance, prompted largely by a decision by the KNU to meet with government officials in early January to negotiate a truce. The KPF and the Peace Council had maintained ceasefires with the government, while the DKBA’s was broken in November 2010 after it refused to become a government-aligned Border Guard Force. In December last year however that was rekindled.

“We, all armed Karen associations, need to unite together in the future,” said Saw Lont Lon, foreign affairs coordinator of the DKBA. “We discussed how to unite ourselves, to solve political problems and to build an understanding among the armed groups, all of whom are looking to future … development and peace in the region.”

The issue of designating economic zones in Karen state featured in the talks, Saw Lont Lon added. While the finer details of the ceasefire offers have not been revealed, it is likely the KNU, and indeed the DKBA last year, were offered business concessions along the border with Thailand, where trade in timber can be lucrative.

Saw Lont Lon said however that it was only an informal meeting, but that more official negotiations would take place soon. The hope is to launch a state-wide Karen conference that would include religious, political and social organisations, as well as the armed groups.

Government efforts to negotiate with rebel groups have been largely successful, although fighting continues in Kachin state and several clashes have occurred in Karen state since the ministers met with the KNU on 12 January. The KNU’s General Secretary, Zipporah Sein, told the New York Times however that no official agreement had been signed.
In Karenni state, north of Karen state, rebels from the Karenni National Progressive Party (KNPP) say they have also agreed among themselves to hold ceasefire talks with Naypyidaw, although details of future meetings with the government’s so-called ‘peace delegation’ are vague.

DVB News – Western companies ‘still wary’ of Burma
By NAY THWIN
Published: 7 February 2012

Japanese and Korean companies are leading the way in terms of recent interest in Burma but western investors continue to tread with caution, awaiting signs of concrete reforms in the business environment before launching ventures, according to a leading business figure in Burma.

Myo Thet has been meeting with companies “every day for a year”, he tells DVB. The secretary of Burma’s largest business federation, the Union of Myanmar Federation of Chambers of Commerce and Industry (UMFCCI), is well placed to assess the current developments and says that “there is still rather low interest from the west”.

“There have been some bank owners from the west and also Australia but it’s still low compared to Asian countries. We wish to see more [investment] not only from the east but also the west … because the west, in terms of technology and finance, is stronger.”

Sanctions have been largely to blame for lack of interest from European countries, as well as Australia, Canada and the US, but that could be about to change: the EU has already dropped a longstanding visa ban on President Thein Sein and other ministers, while the US yesterday relaxed restrictions on the World Bank and IMF entering Burma.

But according to industry minister U Soe Thein, who was at the World Economic Forum in Davos last month, companies are “rushing” to Burma, and claimed his maiden appearance at the Forum was proof of the country’s growing status as a strategically key market for the west.

Economic reforms underway are aimed at making the business environment more attractive to western investors, many of whom fear the effects of widespread corruption and conflict in the resource-rich border regions.

Investment figures suggest Asian companies are less nervous about those two factors, with China leading the way in FDI, followed by Thailand and Singapore. Japan is also fronting around a quarter of the capital for the massive Tavoy industrial project in southern Burma, which will eventually cost some $US50 billion.

While much of this is concentrated in the energy sector, with Burma hosting significant gas and hydropower resources, Myo Thet thinks outside interest in the agriculture and service sectors will grow.

“Malaysia is keen to invest in rubber plantations and other forestry and agricultural projects, which can bring outstanding business development,” he said. Later this month around 120 delegates from Singapore will arrive, and Myo Thet they will bring with them a proposal for greater Singaporean investment in the tourism and electricity sectors.

He suggested that Burma was trying to lessen its dependence on China, which has become “the sole monopolist” over the country’s economy, by seeking a greater variety of countries keen to invest in Burma.

In a bid to attract more business interest, the government announced last month that it would offer eight-year tax exemptions to companies newly investing there. The government has also claimed it is revising restrictive investment laws enforced by the former junta.

Myanmar panel says Suu Kyi can run for Parliament
By AYE AYE WIN | Associated Press – 50 mins ago

YANGON, Myanmar (AP) — An elections panel Monday affirmed opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi’s candidacy for Myanmar’s Parliament in another step toward political openness in a country emerging from nearly a half-century of iron-fisted military rule.

A victory in the April 1 by-elections would be historic. Suu Kyi could have a voice in Parliament for the first time after spending most of the last two decades under house arrest.

The Nobel Peace Prize laureate announced her intention last month to run in the April elections but was waiting for official approval from the Elections Commission, which said it had to scrutinize her eligibility.

A National League for Democracy spokesman confirmed the commission had approved her candidacy. “There is no objection to her nomination and we can say that her candidacy is officially accepted,” Nyan Win said.

Government agencies in Myanmar normally don’t announce their actions directly, but the government gazette is expected to disclose the official decision later.

Myanmar’s nominally civilian government took office last March and has surprised even some of the country’s toughest critics by releasing hundreds of political prisoners, signing cease-fire deals with ethnic rebels, increasing media freedoms and easing censorship laws.

Myanmar’s government hopes the rapid changes will prompt the lifting of economic sanctions imposed under the junta’s rule. Western governments and the United Nations have said they will review the sanctions only after gauging whether the April polls are carried out freely and fairly.

Suu Kyi’s party won a sweeping victory in the 1990 general election but the junta refused to honor the results.

Even if the National League for Democracy party wins all 48 seats being contested, it will have minimal power. The 440-seat lower house of Parliament is heavily weighted with military appointees and allies of the former junta.

Suu Kyi will run for a seat representing Kawhmu, a poor district south of Yangon where villagers’ livelihoods were devastated by Cyclone Nargis in 2008.

Myanmar’s HR situation improving but ’serious challenges’ remain: UN official
By ANI | ANI – 6 hours ago

Rangoon, Feb 6 (ANI): United Nations Human Rights Envoy Tomas Ojea Quintana has said he has witnessed a positive impact in Myanmar’s recent human rights situation, but added that serious challenges still remain and need to be addressed.

Quintana made this remark after completing his six-day Myanmar mission.

“There is also a risk of backtracking on the progress achieved thus far. Therefore, at this crucial moment in the country’s history, further and sustained action should be taken to bring about further change. Prior to its assumption of the Chairpersonship of ASEAN in 2014, I would encourage Myanmar to demonstrate concrete progress in improving its human rights situation,” Xinhua quoted him, as saying.

He insisted that the international community should keep supporting and assisting the government during this crucial time, adding that steps taken by the government had the potential to bring about an improvement in the human rights situation in Myanmar and deepen its transition to democracy.

He stressed the importance to assess the human rights situation in Myanmar in light of some developments and at this key moment in Myanmar history, citing a continuing wave of reforms in the country since his last visit in August 2011 and saying that the speed and breadth of the reform has surprised many international observers and many in the country.

“The impact of these reforms on the country and on its people is immediately perceptible,” he said.

He witnessed that significant legislative reforms were undertaken or are underway, including a new draft media law, which he was told would abolish censorship and provides some guarantees for the freedom of opinion and expression.

Feb 7, 2012
Asia Times Online – China presses Myanmar on stalled dam
By Melody Kemp

One of the first indications that change was afoot in Myanmar came when President Thein Sein announced last year the suspension of the China-backed, US$3.6 billion Myitsone dam slated for the country’s remote Kachin state. Now, signs are that the fight is not over as Chinese hydro-power lobbyists go on the offensive to have the mega-project restarted despite extreme environmental risks.

A PowerPoint presentation made by a delegate to the recent Mekong Energy and Ecology meeting in Bangkok indicates that China’s hydro-power industry is working hard to resurrect the shelved project. The presentation along with other Chinese-language documents indicate that China wants to resurrect the project as a symbol of its still strong clout in Myanmar at a time the United States and European Union bid to make diplomatic and commercial inroads.

The Myitsone dam is also apparently viewed by Beijing as a bellwether on Myanmar’s stance on other major Chinese investments, including the $17.5 billion oil and gas pipelines designed to transport fuel from Myanmar’s southern coast to China’s southwestern, land-locked Yunnan province.

The Chinese press have reported the pipelines create 50,000 new jobs and yield Yunnan economic returns estimated at 33 billion yuan (US$5.2 billion) in refined products per year. The pipelines will also allow China to avoid sending its energy imports through the congested and, in case of a future conflict with the United States, easily blocked Malacca Straits.

The Chinese Hydropower Association, government officials and Chinese media have all accused Myanmar’s government of breach of contract and of being in the thrall of foreign, read Western, non-governmental organizations that have campaigned steadily against the mega-project’s potential negative environmental and social impacts.

Chinese officials have asserted that Myanmar needs China’s foreign investment, which currently amounts to over 44% of the country’s foreign direct investment, to fuel economic development. However, 90% of the estimated 3,600-6,000 megawatts of electricity that would have been generated by the dam was slated for export to China.

Chinese hydropower interests, meanwhile, continue to assert that the environmental impacts of the dam would be minimal. That is the portrait painted by the upstream Ayeyawady Confluence Basin Hydropower Corporation, a local subsidiary of the China Power Investment Corporation, one of China’s top five electricity producers, in their latest publication “A Better Tomorrow on the Ayeyawady River.”

Zhang Boting, deputy secretary general of the Chinese Society for Hydropower Engineering and who writes for the government’s mouthpiece People’s Daily newspaper, has led the propaganda offensive against Myitsone’s suspension. In a recent newspaper column he referred to Thein Sein’s safety concerns over the project as ““illogical”.

“Will the natural beauty of Kachin and Myanmar be destroyed by the project? Absolutely NOT – dams and even earthquakes have been proven to create new beautiful scenery. This is the case with [China's] Three River Gorges Dam, which is now more beautiful than before. Don’t listen to the extreme statements of environmentalists,” he urged Thein Sein in a newspaper column.

Striking a more assertive pose, he also recently wrote: “It is impossible that the investor move the hydropower projects out of Myanmar … If the Myanmar people are at risk, the investment by the investor is at risk as well. The investor and the Myanmar people are both stakeholders in dam construction.”

“Will the reservoir cause people upstream to lose livelihoods? … As a World Bank official once learned in China, many people hope that they will be lucky enough to be resettled as a result of a dam project … as this is a way out of poverty,” Zhang’s China Society for Hydropower recently said in a statement.

“The people who designed the Myitsone are the same that designed the Three River Gorges Dam – for them resolving resettlement issues are very simple. The people living in the [Myitsone] resettlement area now live like people in upscale villas in China,” the statement said.

World Bank officials could not confirm the anonymous quote attributed to it in Zhang’s statement. Nor have those resettled from the Myitsone dam site been resettled into “upscale villas”, as he claimed. Photographs and reports received by this correspondent indicate that most of the resettled villagers – estimated by the opposition National League for Democracy to number 12,000 – have been forced off their fertile ancestral lands and lucrative orchards into tiny houses on clay beds incapable of producing basic crops.

Dam high risks
The environmental risks of Myitsone, meanwhile, are enormous by threatening the flow of the Irrawaddy River, Myanmar’s main and most culturally significant waterway. The proposed 152-meter high dam, which if built will create a reservoir the size of Singapore, would be situated between the Yunnan and Sagaing Faults.

A recent geological study jointly conducted by Myanmar’s Ministry of Transport and Japan’s International Institute of Seismology and Earthquake Engineering indicates that a major shift in the Sagaing fault, situated only 100 kilometers west of the dam site, could soon occur and might affect the new capital Naypyidaw. Their analysis and maps showing the fault extending south into the Andaman Sea and north into Kachin State is thought to have influenced Thein Sein’s decision on the dam.

Independent geologist and blogger Ole Nielsen noted in a blog entry that previous dams built in Myanmar have collapsed and suggested that the Kachin state capital Myitkyina would be wiped out in the event of a Myitsone dam collapse. He added that the Ching Hkrang dam 16 kilometers north of Myitkyina and the agricultural Washawng dam in Wiangmaw district collapsed in 2006 after incessant rains.

Experts say a dam as large as Myitsone, in combination with its seismic location, could also trigger earthquakes though so-called reservoir induced seismicity, a geological phenomenon where water in large reservoirs shifts land masses and through infiltration weakens underlying fault lines. There have been over 90 identified incidences of earthquakes triggered by water reservoirs worldwide, including in China’s Sichuan province in 2008.

Meanwhile, a United States Geological Survey team indicated in a recent report that the Himalayan glaciers, some of which feed the Irrawaddy River, are retreating at an alarming rate. (If so, in a few years the Myitsone dam could become a giant sandpit.) The survey warned that the glacial retreat brings a greater risk of so-called Glacial Lake Outburst Floods, which occur when melt water inside a glacier breaks out with extreme force and sends a tsunami of silt carrying water down stream slamming into dam walls. This has already had devastating effects in nearby Nepal.

The controversy over Myitsone runs deeper, however. Myanmar’s military junta first proposed the dam’s construction in 2006 and three years later contracted the local Asia World Company and China Power Investment Corp (CPI) to build it. Asia World was established by Lo Hsing Han, a Kokang Chinese from the opium-producing region of Myanmar ’s Golden Triangle who has been identified by the United States Drug Enforcement Agency for involvement in narcotics trafficking and money laundering.

Asia World is now controlled by his son Stephen Law (Tun Myint Naing) and close to Myanmar Vice President Aung Myint Oo who in turn is a close ally of former junta leader Senior General Than Shwe.

The now stalled joint venture agreement between the CPI and Asia World involves many powerful interests. The deal enabled CPI to build and operate Myitsone in partnership with Myanmar Electric Power Enterprises and a consortium of Chinese companies, including the China Gezhouba Group Corporation, whose contract is worth $153 million, China Power Investment Corporation Materials and Equipment Company, whose concrete work had been priced at $75 million and the politically connected Sinohydro Corp, which was responsible for road building and civil engineering.

Despite those big commercial interests, Thein Sein said he was responding to the “will of the people” in suspending the dam. The decision has raised bilateral tensions, with China’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs spokesman Hong Lei saying in October soon after the announcement that Myanmar must “protect the legal and legitimate rights of Chinese companies”. It’s unclear if Myanmar has paid any compensation since the mega-project was stalled.

CPI president and Communist Party secretary Lu Qizhou said in interviews soon after the September 30 suspension was announced that he was “shocked” by the decision and insisted that his company had followed all legal procedures in winning the contract.

The various interested parties in the dam maintain that hundreds of scientists had agreed that the environmental impacts would be minimal despite the size of the reservoir and the biodiversity significance of the dam site. (Some Yangon-based cynics say that this is because Chinese poachers have already cut or mined everything of value around the dam site.)
Myanmar has yet to formulate comprehensive laws supporting regulations or even research teams capable of completing the rigorous testing and reporting necessary to properly assess such a massive project. However, it is clear from Thein Sein’s “will of the people” statement that his government takes environmental concerns more seriously than the previous ruling military junta.

While the dam has been deferred until 2015, coinciding with the end of Thein Sein’s term, wrangling over the multi-billion dollar mega-project is expected to animate China-Myanmar relations in the years ahead. Taking into account the cultural significance of the Irrawaddy River and the ongoing conflict in Kachin state, it is possible that Thein Sein’s suspension will eventually lead to an outright cancellation. (Already some of the resettled families have returned to their home villages, according to on-the-ground sources.)

In a survey published in Myanmar Affairs, a website maintained by Myanmar academics, 58% of respondents surveyed approved of Thein Sein’s environmental initiatives. The survey found that 90% of the 1,000 people interviewed opposed the Myitsone dam for environmental, socioeconomic and cultural reasons. While China continues to propagandize that the Myitsone dam is Myanmar’s national interest, Myanmar’s people and leadership view it differently.

Melody Kemp is an environmental journalist currently living in Indonesia.

ABC Radio Australia – Rights abuses increasing in Burma, says campaigner
Updated February 6, 2012 21:55:20

The group, Burma Campaign Australia says the changes in Burma under President Thein Sein, are not as dramatic as reported in foreign media.

The head of World Vision Australia,Tim Costello, last month described the changes in Burma as a “miracle”.

Speaking to Radio Australia’s Connect Asia program, Reverend Costello said Burma was at a “tipping point” towards meaningful reform under President Thein Sein .

Zetty Brake from the group Burma Campaign Australia says Mr Costello made factual inaccuracies in that interview.

Reporter: Liam Cochrane
Speakers: Tim Costello, head of World Vision Australia; Zetty Brake, Burma Campaign Australia

ZETTY: Well, I think we’ve got to remember just to get the facts correct. On the day that Mr Costello referred to there weren’t 600 political prisoners released, there was only 300 and in total there still remains about 1,000 political prisoners in jail in Burma. We also need to remember that none of the laws that have allowed these people to be imprisoned and treated so inhumanely in jail have been removed, so there still remains a very big risk that people can be rearrested and that that threat of engaging in political activities and being too outspoken still exists in Burma.

COCHRANE: One of the other points Mr Costello made was that of trade unions being formed again and that being a positive sign for the country. Can you tell us your view of where that process is at?

ZETTY: Well, there definitely was a law that did say trade unions could be formed, that was passed by the parliament. However, what’s happened is it got passed and then it’s gone nowhere. It’s not been inacted upon, the president has not signed it into power. So even when there’s been trade unions that have tried to go and register, they’ve been denied and said you can’t register, we don’t allow trade unions still. So they have this law on paper but it’s not being inacted, so it doesn’t mean anything. Trade unions still cannot form in Burma.

COCHRANE: The organisation, World Vision has worked in Burma for many years, but you’ve pointed out to us the limitations in access to the country. Can you tell us about those restrictions and whether they’re still in place?

ZETTY: There is a very heavy restriction on aid workers in Burma and what happens is a lot of people who are most in need and most extremely vulnerable, particularly those communities in Burma’s ethnic areas along the country’s borders are denied aid. At the moment, in Kachin State to Burma’s north, in the last seven months 60,000 people have been forced to flee their homes because of military attacks and human rights abuses. They’ve been denied consistently aid. International aid organisations have not been able to access these populations except on very rare occasions. So these communities are living, existing in desperate need of aid and not getting anything because of the restrictions imposed upon them by the government.

If there had been real change in Burma, why are they consistently denying aid organisations access to extremely vulnerable and extremely needy communities.

COCHRANE: Tim Costello described what he saw happening in Burma as what looks like a miracle and the corrections that you’ve made to some of the figures and facts that he mentioned, notwithstanding, how would you describe the reforms taking place in Burma?

ZETTY: Well, it depends where you go. If you go to Naypyidaw and Rangoon, and you talk to some of the political elite, yes there is a lot of changes. I myself have just come back from a visit to Thailand and met with community-based groups there who are working with ethnic communities in Burma and what they are seeing is a very, very different story. They’re particularly seeing an increase in conflict, an increase in human rights abuses and an increase in people being forced from their homes. So for those communities, since the new government has taken power and all these positive changes there, they’re in a much worse situation than they were prior to this government taking shape. So for them to hear the situation being described as a miracle, and being described as positive is very disheartening because it does not reflect the reality that they are facing and the extreme hardships that they’re having to endure.

Channel NewsAsia – Myanmar opening up to tourists
By Anasuya Sanyal, Channel NewsAsia’s IndoChina bureau chief
Posted: 06 February 2012 1851 hrs

BANGKOK: Myanmar looks poised to become the newest hot spot for travellers to Southeast Asia, after decades of isolation.

But amid optimism at the recent changes in the country, there are concerns that existing infrastructure may prove inadequate.

Jetting around the country in a private six-seater plane may sound a bit strange, but it is now for one’s taking.

This luxury 3-night-4-day tour through Myanmar emphasises the cultural heritage of the nation – its unspoiled landscapes and ancient temples.

A little under US$6,000 per person for a group of six, the tour package comes at a time when the country is opening itself up politically and economically.

Willem Niemeijer, CEO of Khiri Travel, said: “There are enormous changes in Myanmar right now. The perception of Myanmar right now… is that you are able to visit Myanmar freely – a lot of difference from when Myanmar was a repressive… and not a free country.”

Despite the changes, there is concern about a luxury tour to one of the world’s least developed countries and one with 30 percent of its 60 million people under the poverty line.

Last year, Myanmar has just 400,000 tourism arrivals, in contrast to neighbouring Thailand’s 17 million.

Industry watchers see enormous potential in the tourism sector, but also potential issues.

There are not enough domestic flight connections, nor enough hotel rooms and trained staff.

Another worry is that growing too fast too soon will have negative social and environmental effects.

Kyi Kyi Aye, tourism consultant to the Myanmar government, said: “We must develop tourism in a fruitful… manner, which is responsible not for only people who are coming into the country but also the people who are hosting and providing services to tourists.”

But for now, glimpses of what Myanmar has to offer – from snow-capped mountains to tropical beaches – could be the next big tourist draw.

Battle Creek Enquirer – Burmese locals consider returning to Myanmar
Most still want to see more political improvements in home country
11:58 PM, Feb. 5, 2012  |

Democracy in Burma has been a moot issue for years, and that’s why thousands of refugees flee the country each year, some even settling in the Battle Creek area.

But Secretary of State Hillary Rodham Clinton last month announced that the United States and Myanmar, also known as Burma, will start exchanging ambassadors for the first time since 1990. The Obama administration, however, stopped short of lifting economic sanctions.

Recently, Myanmar’s military-backed, civilian-led government has tried to improve relations with the U.S. by agreeing to key Western demands, including an amnesty for hundreds of prisoners of conscience and signing cease-fires with ethnic rebels.

“I see a lot of improvement,” David Cungsang of Battle Creek said of the conditions in Myanmar. “But I cannot believe completely about any restored democracy.”

In 2011, more than 200 refugees made their way to Battle Creek with the help of Lutheran Social Services, an organization that helps get refugees settled their first 90 days here.

And more than 1,000 refugees are living in the Battle Creek area.

The Burmese left the country as refugees starting as early as about 30 years ago, many because they could not practice their religion freely and also to have a better life for their families.

Cungsung, 37, is one of those refugees who left Burma in September 2000, with his heart set on living in a free country.

Cungsang came to Battle Creek by himself, but now has two daughters he’s raising and is employed by Clyde Union Pump.

Family on his father’s side still remains in Burma, he said. He said he’s not certain the local population of refugees will decrease because of the seemingly improving conditions in Burma.

“It may slow, I think,” Cungsang said. “It depends on the politics. That will determine if people will continue to flee the country.”

If refugees did return to Myanmar, most would be returning to border regions of razed villages, minefields, traumatized people and almost nonexistent support systems in a country that is already among the world’s poorest. Many fear that with the world quick to applaud Myanmar’s reforms, pressure will mount to force them back before conditions are right.

“The Burma government is better than before,” said Burmese Battle Creek resident Joseph Runneisum. “The government is still run by the military, but it is trying to be better.”

Runneisum, 37, has been in Battle Creek for 11 years. He came here alone, but is now married and is a bilingual tutor to Burmese children at Valley View Elementary School. He has a sister still living in Myanmar, but his parents are deceased.

“If she can get a visa, she’ll come here, too,” he said, despite the improving conditions in their native land.

The U.S. government intends to continue supporting both the refugees and increased aid to Myanmar if reforms continue. U.S. Secretary of State Hillary Rodham Clinton, who visited Myanmar in December, said Washington was committed to “helping the refugees for the future in their homeland, so they can become self-reliant after two decades of just being dependent on aid in the camps.”

“I want to go back to my country, but not now. There may be changes in the big cities, but not in the countryside,” said May Soe, who fled to Thailand after Burmese soldiers killed her father and raped women in her village.

Aram Derbandi, office director for Lutheran Social Services, said changes are coming in Burma, but that likely won’t change the number of refugees leaving the country and coming to the Battle Creek area.

“Most of the refugees coming to Battle Creek have already left Burma and are coming here from Malaysia and Thailand,” Derbandi said. “I do not think there will be any change in the number of people coming here.”

Derbandi said Lutheran Social Services will continue assisting refugees from Mayanmar, an effort dear to his heart. Derbandi himself was a refugee from Burma 15 years ago.

“I love helping people,” Derbandi said. “I know how great it is to help them get the services they need to help them become a part of this society.”

GlobalPost – Banned in Burma: The Simpsons?
And have Burma’s superstitious rulings slowed to a halt?
Patrick Winn February 6, 2012 01:21

Joining the ranks of Skype, the band U2 and Rambo IV, The Simpsons Movie is allegedly banned in Burma.

Though news to me — I just learned this via a Thailand-based movie reviewer’s Tweet — this is actually old news. This tidbit made the rounds on film review sites years ago and was repeated recently on Flavorwire’s “Movies Banned in Foreign Countries for Weird Reasons” rundown. The cited reason for the ban — which can’t be verified — is that the cartoon’s prominent yellow-and-red color scheme offended censors.

Burma has been notorious for its edicts based on superstition. Perhaps the best-known example is the late 1980s ruling that all currency must be divisible by nine. Burmese who’d stockpiled bills lost their savings overnight.

What I’m now wondering is this: will Burma’s rapid reforms and newfound sensitivity to its pariah status bring an end to these superstition-derived rulings?

I haven’t seen one in some time.

The most recent example I can come up with is former ruler Than Shwe’s call for the population to start growing a nut called Jatropha Curcas. The nut, so the story goes, was said by his astrologer to mute the powers of influential dissident Aung San Suu Kyi.

Banning The Simpsons is a near-meaningless gesture in a country where only the fortunate have TVs, DVD/VCD players and an appetite for American cartoons. I bet you could score a copy in Yangon’s pirated-movie stalls.

But it could be that, as Burma adjusts to rule under an army-supervised parliament, officials will have less authority to draft law based on superstitious whims.

Dekalb Daily Chronicle – Bishop shares Myanmar ministries at Sycamore church
By NICOLE WESKERNA - nweskerna@shawmedia.com
Created: Monday, February 6, 2012 5:30 a.m. CST

SYCAMORE – The Sycamore community got a glimpse Saturday of a ministry from across the globe.

Bishop Zothan Mawia spoke at the Sycamore United Methodist Church with his family to share ministries from his home of Myanmar, a country in southeast Asia formerly known as Burma.

His sermon, “Making Disciples of all the Nations,” centered around the book of Matthew, chapter 28, which is about the responsibility of sharing Christ with people all over the world.

Pastor Harlene Harden said Zothan’s visit is part of the church’s multicultural celebration during the month of February. She said the church for the past four years has organized a series of special events to celebrate Black History Month, and this year morphed into a multicultural celebration.

Saturday’s presentation by Zothan kicked off the monthlong celebrations, Harden said, which also include tastes of the Philippines, China and India.

“We are a global community,” Harden said. “We’re not necessarily into our neighbors. There are all kinds of people living among us, but we don’t know about each other.”

Zothan is in the country studying for his Doctor of Ministry at Gerrett Evangelical Theological Seminary. His wife, Caroline Mawia, gave those who attended Saturday’s sermon some background about Myanmar, which has 135 ethnic minorities. She also showed photos of some of the Methodist churches that were built using money raised by missionaries in the United States.

Money raised by missionaries goes beyond building churches, she said, and is put toward helping children who can’t afford an education or are in need of school supplies. The Grace United Methodist Church in Myanmar was also one of the first to respond to the devastating Cyclone Nargis in 2008 that killed at least 120,000 people, she said.

The church includes a medical ministry that helps children with cleft palates and assists people with eye care they wouldn’t otherwise be able to afford.

Though the church has done a lot of good, Zothan told the audience about a time when spreading the word of God had its challenges. He shared a story about an incident where he and five of his friends were jailed after sharing the gospel with people on the streets and in supermarkets.

Their spirits were still high, even though they were locked in jail cells.

“Instead of crying, we started singing and praising the Lord,” he said.

After about an hour, officers in the country’s military regime asked them to each write down everything they were preaching. Zothan said he and his friends were elated to share the message with military officers. They were released after the officers realized that they were preaching purely gospel, not politics.

“We have been struggling too many times in the midst of difficulties,” he said. “We have been praying to God. It seems like God is far away somewhere. … Actually, he is here. He is in us. He will never leaves us, nor forsake us. That’s the God that lives in each one of us.”

Harden said the message she hopes to spread is all Christians worship the same God, no matter how near or far they may live, or what their cultural background is. SUMC has several other multicultural events planned this month, including a visit by a preacher from India.

“I hope it’s the beginning of something exciting in the community,” Harden said. “I put this on my heart to have a broader reach, more understanding and better relationships, perhaps rethinking how we feel about people and understand a little better what’s happening in other countries and why they’re happening.”

Tuesday, February 7, 2012
The Daily Star, Bangladesh – Burma’s reform process in the balance
Larry Jagan

Burma’s reform process is in the balance as the hardliners and liberals in government are locked in a bitter power struggle. Change in Burma remains fragile, despite encouraging signs and growing goodwill towards President Thein Sein internationally. So far there has been a lot of good intentions, but thus has only produced limited practical change, according to analysts.

The reason for that is that the liberal-minded ministers who support Thein Sein and the reform agenda are being cramped by the persistent pressure from the hardliners, led by the vice president Tin Aung Myint Oo, who are intent on de-railing the reform process.

The case of the release of political prisoners highlights the bitter battle being waged behind the scenes. Government ministers, advisers and even the president himself had promised the international community that the political prisoners would be freed as soon as possible. The speaker of the lower house U Shwe Mann hinted to the US Secretary of State Hilary Clinton on her visit to Burma last December that they should all be free before the end of the year.

Now many have been freed, including the high-profile activists from the 88 students group — Min Ko Naing and Ko Ko Gyi — the Shan political leader Khun Htun Oo, the Buddhist monk Gambira and the former prime minister and intelligence chief Khin Nyunt. But many still remain in prison as the power struggle at the top of the regime intensifies in the lead up to the forthcoming by-elections in April.

Before their release on January 13, there had been hints that most of the political prisoners would be on January 4 — Independence Day — and February 12 — Union Day. But when only a handful of political prisoners were let out and the sentences of other prisoners reduced — there was widespread dismay amongst the liberal circles in Burma. President Thein Sein appeared to have been cowed again by the hardliners.

Aung Min — the railways minister who has been leading the peace process and ceasefire talks with many of the rebel ethnic groups — was visibly depressed by the fresh hold-up, according to one of his close personnel friends. The speaker Shwe Mann virtually made a public apology.

The fate of the political prisoners is a microcosm of the broader power struggle that continues to dog the reform process. Although the president is the one who finally decides who will be released and when, he is constantly walking a tight-rope, trying to build a consensus around his “gentleman’s agenda” and not provoke the hardliners in his Cabinet.

Now news of what happened has emerged. At the December 30 meeting of the powerful National Defense and Security Council — the eleven member body chaired by Thein Sein and commander-in-chief of the military General Min Aung Hlaing discusses security and other major issues of national concern — the topic of the political prisoners was heatedly debated.

The country’s leading hardliner, Vice-president Tin Aung Myint Oo strongly disagreed with releasing political prisoners before the by-elections [to be held on April 1] as they could disrupt them. Apparently the former second most powerful general, Maung Aye has been constantly campaigning behind the scenes to prevent the political activists, including Khin Nyunt and his military intelligence officers, being freed.

U Shwe Mann — the third top military man in the old regime — has been at the forefront of trying to get the political prisoners released as soon as possible. At the meeting he argued that if the government did not keep it’s promise to free them, Aung San Suu Kyi and the National league for Democracy (NLD) might decide not to contest the elections. The interior minister Ko Ko — another former general — supported the immediate release of the prisoners. Some of the others suggested it was important not to release political prisoners, especially Min Ko Naing and the other 88 Generation leaders, until at least after all the candidates for the by-elections had officially registered.

The hardliners’ greatest fear was that the 88 group would form a party and run in the elections. So in the face of this strident opposition, the president dithered. In the end only a handful of activists were released for Independence Day; though two weeks later a significant batch of high-profile detainees including the hardliners bet noir, the 88 student leaders and Khin Nyunt.

President’s apparent volte-face was brought about by the reformers’ successful peace talks with the ethnic minorities, especially the Karen National Union (KNU). This emboldened Thein Sein and gave him the room to maneuver. Immediately after the KNU signed the truce and an end to hostilities with the Burmese government delegation — led by the railways minister Aung Min — on the January 12 the railways minister rang Thein Sein, according to sources at the meeting. This was what the President was waiting for; four hours later he announced the major prisoner release and signed off on freeing most of the high-profile prisoners.

That’s how fragile the situation is, stressed sources in the Burmese government. The hardliners have been dogging the president and the liberals all along the way, making it as hard as possible for the reform process to proceed unhindered. They have been pushing for the prisoner release to be delayed until after the by-elections — or at least to keep the 88 generation student leaders and Khin Nyunt detained until after the registration of candidates. They were in fact freed shortly before that.

The favourite method of the hardliners is to quote the former military supremo Than Shwe — who has officially retired by living in a mansion not far from the president’s palace. The hardliners — especially Aung Thaung, the former industry minister and now a leading member of the ruling Union Solidarity and Development party (USDP) — continuously claim that old man would be upset by a massive prisoner release in order to dissuade the president from speeding up the process. These old reactionaries from the former regime, who were close the old man before and still see him occasionally, are at the forefront of the battle to limit reform.

Everything is being tossed into the arena in this silent, dirty war. The hardliners are using every hiccup and problem to hound the liberals. The failure of the peace talks with the Kachin is strengthening the hardliners’ hands. Now they are waiting for social unrest and possible political demonstrations to use against Thein Sein and his liberal supporters as a pretext to attack the government’s recent release of political prisoners — behind the scenes of course.

For the moment there is something of an impasse, at least until the by-elections are over. The result of these elections may then determine the pace and extent of reform in the future. Some 20% of ministers are liberals and 20% are hardliners, with 60% sitting on the fence waiting to see who wins, the railways minister told foreign diplomats recently. It is a precarious game the liberals are playing according to Burmese officials close to them. “If we lose we’ll end up in jail” one of them confided.

The writer is a former Current Affairs Editor, Asia, BBC World Service.

The Irrawaddy – Govt Peace Delegation Meets Ethnic Rebels in Thailand
By SAW YAN NAING / THE IRRAWADDY Monday, February 6, 2012

A Naypyidaw peace delegation led by Burma’s Railways Minister Aung Min held talks with several ethnic armed groups and Burmese dissident organizations in Chiang Mai, northern Thailand, on Sunday and Monday.

Aung Min met the Karenni National Progressive Party (KNPP) on Monday. Four points were discussed, including a bilateral ceasefire, opening the KNPP’s liaison offices plus free movement and rehabilitation for internally displaced persons in Karenni State.

Although no agreement was signed at the Monday meeting, the KNPP agreed to hold further peace talks with the Naypyidaw delegation—most likely in Karenni State capital Loikaw early next month.

Khu Oo Reh, secretary 1 of the KNPP, told The Irrawaddy after the meeting, “It is a good first step. U Aung Min talked openly with us. We think we can trust him, and we believe that we can hold another meeting.”

Four leaders from the KNPP, including military chief Gen Bee Htoo, were also involved in the discussions.

The KNPP will focus on achieving a ceasefire when it holds further negotiations with the Naypyidaw peace delegation, said Khu Oo Reh. However, the repositioning of government military forces and rebel troops in Karenni State will also be on the agenda, he added.

The KNPP wishes to sign an agreement with Naypyidaw but it will depend on how productive their future discussions are, Khu Oo Reh explained.

Other than the KNPP, Aung Min also met representatives of the Pa-O National Liberation Organization and Thailand-based opposition groups such as the Democratic Party for a New Society (DPNS), the Forum for Democracy in Burma and the National League for Democracy-Liberated Area.

Aung Moe Zaw, the chairman of the DPNS, told The Irrawaddy that his meeting with Aung Min on Sunday was an informal discussion just to serve as an introduction before further talks. During the meeting, Aung Moe Zaw raised the issue of the return of exiled Burmese dissidents. He told Aung Min that the DPNS wants to return to Burma and continue its campaign work if it is allowed to register as a political party.

“He [Aung Min] told us about his meeting with the ethnic armed groups, and how he tried to arrange a ceasefire. His mandate is to deal with ethnic groups. But it is also necessary to meet opposition organizations. So, he also met us,” said Aung Moe Zaw.

“It was just to build a relationship. I hope further meetings will continue [in the future],” he added.

Aung Min has been meeting different rebel organizations and signed ceasefire agreements with several ethnic armed groups including the powerful Shan State Army–South and Karen National Union.

The Irrawaddy – Monks Evicted as Monastery Resealed
By HPYO WAI THA / THE IRRAWADDY Monday, February 6, 2012

RANGOON — When officials came to seal off Maggin Monastery in Thingangyun Township on Saturday afternoon, U Gambira, one of the leading monks of the 2007 Saffron Revolution, turned on them, asking angrily why they they were locking up a monastery that had sheltered a number of activist monks since their release from prison last month.

“You are creating dissension in the Sangha, between the All-Burma Monks Alliance and the senior monks from the Maha Nayaka Sangha Council. You are committing a cardinal sin!” he shouted at the sheepish-looking officials in the presence of fellow monks, political activists and journalists.

The two groups he referred to—the first an alliance of activist monks, the second the state-controlled  council of senior monks that manages monastic affairs in Burma—are key centers of power in the Burmese Sangha, or Buddhist monastic community. Causing discord among clerics is considered one of the greatest wrongdoings in Buddhism.

“Be tolerant, U Gambira. It is the means to success,” said the monastery’s abbot, U Indaka, 52, who until last month’s amnesty for jailed dissidents was serving a long sentence in Lashio Prison for his own role in the massive monk-led protests of September 2007.

Another monk also tried to cool off his raging colleague by hugging him.

It all happened less than 24 hours after the Ministry of Religious Affairs and the Maha Nayaka Sangha Council decided on Friday to lock up the monastery again, three weeks after it had been forced open on the evening of Jan. 13 by some monks who had just been released from prison.

“They had no place to spend the night, so they just did it,” said U Issariya, 52, a Maggin resident who was released from Hsipaw Prison in Shan State last month, referring to the monks who broke a lock to enter the monastery.

Even though he is not a permanent resident of the monastery, U Gambira, 33, had been staying there for much of the time since his release from Myaungmya Prison in Irrawaddy Division last month.

Due to appear before the Maha Nayaka Sangha Council on Feb. 9 to apply for a residency permit and the restoration of his status as a monk, he said he hadn’t received any notification from the council. “But I will see them if they ask me,” he said on Saturday, shortly after his return from a trip upcountry to visit his mother.

According to an official release signed by the township administrator, the monastery had been padlocked on Sept. 29, 2007—immediately after a night raid by the army to round up monks who participated in the Saffron Revolution.

The decision to close the monastery again was made at a meeting between its abbot, U Indika, and senior monks from the Maha Nayaka Sangha Council, as well as officials from the Ministry of Religious Affairs.

Under the decision, the monastery would be closed again pending the council’s approval of a residency request submitted by the abbot. Formerly imprisoned monks who wished to stay there would also have to be officially re-ordained. And until the monastery is reopened and their residency permits are approved, the monks have to find somewhere else to stay.

The abbot explained he reluctantly agreed to these conditions because he felt he had no other choice.

“But the council officially promised me that the monastery would be reopened within 15 days of submitting the residency request,” he said.

“It’s true that those monks have been officially set free. But they still need to restore their status and receive residency permits from the authorities before they can enter a monastery that has been closed by the government. That’s why we are urging them to do so,” said Dr Myint Thein, an official from the Ministry of Religious Affairs, speaking to The Irrawaddy on Friday. “We are just following the law.”

He said the authorities would also provide a temporary residence for the displaced monks. The monastery gave shelter to six monks and four laymen who did chores for the Buddhist clerics.

“I’m against the decision to seal off the monastery. It’s their fault. Our monasteries should have been opened by the relevant authorities before our release from prison.

Now they are making a pretext to hide their mismanagement,” said U Issariya, who has also been told that he must restore his status as a monk.

The decision to temporarily shut down the monastery has revived resentment of the Maha Nayaka Sangha Council among some Buddhist clerics, who see the body as just a group of old monks handpicked by the government to keep younger monks in line.

It was also criticized in the wake of the Saffron Revolution for turning a blind eye on the then military government’s bloody crackdown on protesting monks.

“The monastic council should work for the good of monks, not for the government,” said a 52-year-old Buddhist monk who lives a few meters away from Maggin Monastery.

But the blame for Friday’s decision was laid squarely at the feet of Ministry of Religious Affairs officials.

U Indaka, the abbot, said he had noticed at the meeting that some laymen from the ministry repeatedly called for the monastery to be resealed. “The senior monks said very little about it,” he said.

U Issariya, who also attended the meeting, said that the government officials wanted to take serious measures against the monks, but the council intervened on their behalf.

“The council stands on our side. The hardliners are the people from the ministry,” he said.

A few seconds after U Indika and his fellow monks left for their new temporary residence, Maggin Monastery was locked up again. An official thoroughly inspected the padlock before he left to make sure that the sealing wax on it was well in place.

And then, Maggin Monastery became as lifeless as it was until three weeks ago.

The Irrawaddy – NLD Looks to Youth Before April By-election
By SIMON ROUGHNEEN / THE IRRAWADDY Monday, February 6, 2012

RANGOON – Criticized in the past for an apparent reluctance to promote younger members, Burma’s National League for Democracy (NLD) has lined up some youthful candidates for the country’s April 1 by-elections.

At the party’s Rangoon headquarters, amid the din of volunteers packing party literature and selling paraphernalia, such as newly cast mugs and still sticky NLD t-shirts, sits Phyu Phyu Thin, a well-known HIV/AIDS activist and former student protester. She says that her experience assisting some of Burma’s HIV and AIDS afflicted motivated her to get involved in politics.

“Before, the government tried to stop us from educating people about HIV/AIDS, and the local authorities still sometimes interrupt our work,” said the 39 year old.

In response, if elected to the Rangoon constituency in which she will run, she says she will work on legislation to help people affected by HIV and AIDS in Burma. “Lots of volunteers and medical staff work at our centers, and I will continue this work if elected,” she said.

However, Phyu Phyu Thin says she is not solely motivated by the issue she is best known for. “Like almost all Burmese, I hope for democratization and want to work with Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and the NLD,” she said.

After recent reforms undertaken by Burma’s government, it seems that country has its best shot at democracy since a 1962 military coup. Street-side shops across the city now sell NLD t-shirts and other souvenirs featuring the image of Aung San Suu Kyi and her father, Gen Aung San, revered by many Burmese as the man who brought Burma out of colonial rule after World War II.

Could the rising groundswell of support see NLD candidates score some seemingly improbable wins?

At 35, Naing Ngan Lin is the second youngest of the 48 NLD candidates running in the April 1 by-elections. A private tutor living in Rangoon, he will run against Burma’s army-backed ruling party, the Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP), in its backyard in Naypyidaw, the country’s austere, Ozymandian capital.

“If it is a free and fair election, we will win,” he said, confident that even government officials working in the purpose-built capital will support the NLD. “Government staff know what is happening in our country, too, and they can hopefully vote as they wish,” he added.

He acknowledges that as a new and inexperienced politician, however, he will have to work hard to promote himself, and says that both he and the NLD have to hone their policy positions on a range of issues before campaigning starts on Feb. 10. “I am interested in developing our education system,  as this is the area of policy I know best,” he said.

He says it will be difficult for him as a candidate to compete with the well-financed USDP. “I don’t have much money for posters or such material,” he said. “But I ask my friends to contribute as much as they can.”

Party staff acknowledge that the NLD is in the process of “getting back on its feet,” and that they will have to work hard to make the most of party leader Aung San Suu Kyi’s popularity among ordinary Burmese.

Speaking to The Irrawaddy in the party’s relatively pacific upstairs offices, party elders such as Tin Oo, now 85, agree that the NLD should give youth its shot. “Our NLD youth are clever and passionate people, and they will greatly add to our party.”

Downstairs, however, the focus is not just on the upcoming by-elections. Young volunteers run through a list of Burma’s remaining 270 political prisoners, according to numbers put together by the party.

“We give each one 5,000 kyat per month and if they are ill, we send medical supplies, if we can,” said Thuzar Lwin, 25.

Asean secretary-general to visit Burma
Monday, 06 February 2012 20:28 Nyi Thit

Rangoon (Mizzima) – Dr. Surin Pitsuwan, the Asean secretary-general, will pay a two-day visit to Burma on February 20 to observe the changes that have taken place over the past year.

Surin, who supported giving the Asean chairmanship to Burma in 2014, will meet Burmese government senior officials to learn about current reforms being implemented, said an Asean statement.

The discussions will also involve the duties of the Asean chairmanship to be performed in 2014. He will also tour rehabilitation projects that followed the devastation wrought by Cyclone Nargis when it tore through the Irrawaddy Delta in 2008, leading to a major humanitarian effort by Asean and other groups to aid victims.

Burmese Foreign Minister Wunna Maung Lwin said Asean has been helpful in promoting international assistance in areas of peacemaking, economics and democratic principles.

In accepting the invitation, Surin told the foreign minister that the positive changes in Burma “have been welcomed enthusiastically throughout Asean and the world,” and said he hoped to identify how Asean can continue to play a role in the country’s development going forward.

Real estate value increasing in Rangoon
Monday, 06 February 2012 15:04 Mizzima News

(Mizzima) – Prices continue to rise in selected Rangoon suburbs with speculators snapping up property in anticipation of international civic and business groups moving into Burma.

“Land prices have tripled or even quadrupled over the past six months,” Tin Moe, a freelance business journalist who has lived in East Dagon for the past eight years, told The Diplomat website. The locals are selling up and moving somewhere farther out of the city, where prices are still quite low.”

Prices have also risen in Dawei, Kyaukpyu and Sittwe, the sites of major industrial expansion.

In East Dagon, 2,400 square-foot plots along a major access road that’s being upgraded have reportedly sold for as much as 130 million (about US$ 162,000) in recent weeks. When he moved into the area, Tin Moe said it was freshly reclaimed paddy fields with an irregular electricity supply and only “a handful of residents…it was very quiet.”

Abbot ready to speak out
Monday, 06 February 2012 12:45 Myo Thant

Chiang Mai (Mizzima) – The abbot in Rangoon who was evicted from his monastery in December says he is looking forward to Saturday when his ban on public speaking will end.

Shwe Nya Wah, the abbot of Sadu monastery, who is considered to have close ties with opposition groups, said the ban on his sermons by the state sangha authorities will soon be over this week, and he has scheduled sermons in several cities around the country.

The popular abbot was banned from preaching sermons for one year starting on February 11, 2011. He told Mizzima that the first words he would say from his seat are, “My mouth has got freedom at last.”

The abbot, who has been a thorn in the side of state religious authorities, said he would preach his first sermon in 2012 in Tachileik on February 11 and 12 and in Khin-U, Sagaing Region, on February 13 to 15. He will preach sermons in other cities including Rangoon.

The Sangha Maha Nayaka, the highest sangha monk body in Burma, said it banned him from preaching sermons because he spoke out on topics unrelated to religion. On December 12, he was ordered to leave the Sadu Pariyatti monastery and barred from conducting any training and classes in the monastery as penalty for preaching a sermon on International Democracy Day held in Mandalay at the National League for Democracy office in September 2011.

The abbot disagrees with the authority’s view of his sermons. “In my sermons, I preach the Pali texts of Buddhist scriptures and commentaries from Buddhist Pali text. I preach based on these Buddhist scriptures,” he told Mizzima.

Earlier, the religious authority also issued an order banning sermons by Abbot Thu Mingala (the Frying Pan abbot) of Mingala Monastery in Hmawbi, Rangoon Region, in December 2011.

On Thursday, it banned the Pauk Zedi Monastery in Mayangon Township, Rangoon Region, from holding a planned re-ordination and donation ceremony for 38 monks who were political prisoner and who were released in January, former political prisoner, Ko Ko Lay, told Mizzima.

The former political prisoners included Ashin Gambira, a monk leader in the “Saffron Revolution,” and abbots from Maggin, Ngwe Kyar Yan and Mingaladon monasteries in Rangoon.

Ko Ko Lay said the authorities actions are designed to restrict monks from playing any role in the reform and reconciliation process.

“The path they allow us to walk is just a dilapidated bamboo bridge made of a single bamboo,” he said. “We have to walk very slowly on it.”

New Burmese media law postponed
Monday, 06 February 2012 14:52 Mizzima News

(Mizzima) – A new Burmese press law to cover the print media is unlikely to be submitted to Parliament during the current session.

Tint Swe, the deputy director general of the Ministry of Information’s Press Scrutinization and Registration Department (PSRD), told the Myanmar Times on Monday, “This session is mainly focused on the budget and it probably won’t be possible to submit the draft for approval before it ends.”

However, because of the extra time, he said the ministry could also update the law to address points raised at a January workshop and also a “ministry-level workshop” planned for March, which will be held with support from international organizations including the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organisation (UNESCO).

“When we met with international organizations, they asked whether the law has been finalized because it had been sent to the Attorney General’s Office already,” he told the newspaper. “It’s still a draft. We need to take into account the outcomes from the workshops and discuss [the draft] widely. And representatives in the Parliament will also discuss it.

“But while we need to discuss the content and take advice from the workshops it is definite that the law will come out in 2012. After that there won’t be any more censorship,” of print media, he said.

The draft law does not include any changes to electronic media laws, he said.

Earlier, Tint Swe told the media that the draft law was drafted by PSRD officials and included 11 chapters, addressing rights, duties and ethical codes for writers and journalists; principles to be observed by publications; a committee for press freedom and ethical standards; registration of printers, publishers and distributors; and legal penalties.

Though the draft was adapted from the 1962 Law for Registration of Printing and Publishing, Tint Swe said the committee made “many changes,” adopting sections of media laws used by Asian countries as well as Western countries such as the United Kingdom, Germany and Hungary.

“There are many changes [to the 1962 law] in the draft,” he said. “We took the table of contents from the 1962 law but not the content. So while it includes regulations on registration [of publications], it is much more flexible. You don’t need to go through as many steps like in the past. For example, at the moment, you can publish a publication only when the ministry gives a licence. According to the draft, you can easily get a licence and anyone can get one.”

The chief of the VOA’s Burmese Service, Than Lwin Htun, who participated in a media workshop held last week at the Inya Lake Hotel, said the law shouldn’t be used to restrict journalists.

“Some people say that the…censorship board will be abolished but we will have to wait and see. A media law should protect journalists, not restrict them,” he said.

Burmese censorship rules have been modified in recent months and are now divided into two general categories: Group 1 includes nearly 200 publications focusing on sports, health, arts, children’s literature, crime, business and technology, which are not required to pass articles through censors prior to publication, but must submit copies after publication. Group 2 includes around 100 publications focusing on news, economics, and religion, which must pass articles through censors prior to publication.

Myanmar poll a ‘key test’ of reform: UN envoy
By Hla Hla Htay | AFP – 49 mins ago

A top United Nations envoy on Sunday hailed dramatic changes in Myanmar but said by-elections would be a “key test” of the army-backed regime’s commitment to reform.

UN special rapporteur on human rights in Myanmar, Tomas Ojea Quintana, welcomed a “continuing wave of reforms” since his last visit in August, but said “serious challenges remain”.

“The upcoming by-elections on 1 April will be a key test of how far the government has progressed in its process of reform,” he told reporters at a press conference to outline his preliminary observations.

“It is therefore essential that they are truly free, fair, inclusive and transparent.”

He said he had been told that the use of international observers was “under consideration” for the poll, which is likely to see opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi swept into parliament.

The democracy icon’s decision to stand in the poll is seen as a key sign of progress in the country, which was dominated by the military for nearly half a century.

A nominally-civilian government came to power last year following controversial November 2010 elections and has since surprised observers with a number of positive moves including a major release of political prisoners.

Quintana said the country must learn lessons from that poll, which was marred by widespread complaints of cheating and the absence of Suu Kyi, who was under house arrest at the time.

He said reports of “irregularities” and restrictions on political party campaign activities “should be addressed seriously” ahead of the April by-election.

Last week, Suu Kyi was greeted by tens of thousands of supporters during her first trip outside Yangon since declaring her intention to contest the polls.

But the pro-democracy campaigner decided to postpone a major political rally in the central city of Mandalay, due to start on Saturday, because the venue offered by the authorities was too small.

Quintana, whose six-day trip included talks with the government and Suu Kyi, will produce a full report on the visit to be presented to the 19th session of the Human Rights Council in March.

The envoy, who visited three prisoners of conscience in the notorious Insein prison in Yangon, said he was told that conditions had improved, although allegations of ill-treatment continue.

“The government should release all remaining prisoners of conscience without conditions and without delay,” he said.

“This is a central and necessary step towards national reconciliation and would greatly benefit Myanmar?s efforts towards democracy.”

Western nations are currently mulling easing sanctions, further raising hopes of an end to decades of isolation for Myanmar, but are likely to keep a close eye on progress in the ethnic areas and the upcoming by-election.

UNDP(Myanmar) – Statement of the Special Rapporteur on the Situation of Human Rights in Myanmar
By Tomas Ojea Quintana, 5 February 2012, Yangon International Airport, Myanmar

I have just concluded my six-day mission to Myanmar – my fifth visit to the country since I was appointed Special Rapporteur in March 2008.  I would like to express my appreciation to the Government of Myanmar for its invitation and hospitality, and for the cooperation and flexibility shown during my visit.

During the mission, I met with the Minister of Home Affairs, the Minister of Defence, the Minister of Border Affairs, the Attorney-General, the Chief Justice of the Supreme Court, the Union Election Commission, the Deputy Minister of Foreign Affairs, the Deputy Minister of Information, the Deputy Minister of Education, the Deputy Minister of Labour, as well as the Speaker and several members of the Pyi Thu Hluttaw.  During my meetings in Nay Pyi Taw, I also met with some of the Presidential Advisors and representatives of the Ministry of Social Welfare, Relief and Resettlement, as well as with members of the various Government and Parliamentary peacemaking groups, including the Minister of Rail Transportation.

In Yangon, I had another fruitful exchange of views with Daw Aung San Suu Kyi.  I met with members of the recently-established National Human Rights Commission and discussed a range of human rights issues.  Additionally, I met with three prisoners of conscience in Insein Prison, as well as with released prisoners of conscience,  including members of the 88 Generation Students Group, some of whom I had previously addressed in my reports or had visited in prison.  Also in Yangon, I met with representatives of civil society organizations and ethnic parties, as well as members of the United Nations Country Team.  I thank the Resident Coordinator and the Country Team for the support provided to me during my mission.  I also travelled to Kayin and Mon States where I met with the respective Chief Ministers and representatives of state government, as well as ethnic parties in state parliaments.  At the conclusion of my mission, I briefed the diplomatic community.

Since my last visit in August 2011, there has been a continuing wave of reforms in Myanmar, the speed and breadth of which has surprised many international observers and many in the country.  The impact of these reforms on the country and on its people is immediately perceptible.  During my mission, Parliament was meeting in its third regular session and was discussing a number of important issues, including, for the first time, the country’s budget.  Legislative reforms were underway, including a new draft media law which I was told would abolish censorship and provide some guarantees for the freedom of opinion and expression.  Campaigning for the by-elections scheduled on 1 April had begun in earnest and Daw Aung San Suu Kyi’s activities and statements were covered in the national media.  An initial agreement was reached with another armed ethnic group and negotiations continued with others.  It was therefore important to assess the human rights situation in light of these developments and at this key moment in Myanmar’s history.  My report containing my assessment will be presented to the Human Rights Council in March 2012.

Of great importance is the release of many prisoners of conscience, including a significant number in January this year, as well as many prominent figures over the past few months.   I welcomed their release in all my meetings and commended the Government for taking this bold step.  I stressed that they, and all people of Myanmar, should be allowed to play an active role in political and public life.  In my meeting with released prisoners of conscience, I received a clear signal of their intention to engage constructively in the political process and their commitment to further democratic transition.  Our discussion also addressed ongoing human rights concerns, including continuing limitations on the freedoms of association and assembly, and of opinion and expression, the continuing conflict in ethnic border areas, particularly in Kachin State, and the need to address longstanding social and economic development challenges.  I am, however, concerned by information received that some of those released were being monitored or followed.  I therefore urge that any restrictions on their exercise and full enjoyment of human rights should immediately be removed.

I also met with three prisoners of conscience at Insein Prison, one of whom I had previously met during my mission last year.  While I was informed that prison conditions had generally improved, I also received allegations of continuing ill-treatment by prison officials and the continuing transfers of prisoners to prisons in remote areas, often without their prior notification and without proper notification of family members.

Of particular concern is the information I received of remaining prisoners of conscience being held not only in Insein but also in other prisons; information which was also conveyed during my meeting with released prisoners.  I therefore reiterate that the Government should release all remaining prisoners of conscience without conditions and without delay. This is a central and necessary step towards national reconciliation and would greatly benefit Myanmar’s efforts towards democracy.   I am keenly aware that there are continuing discrepancies in the numbers of remaining prisoners of conscience from different sources.   A comprehensive and thorough investigation is needed to clarify records and determine accurate numbers.  I therefore encourage the Government to consider this issue urgently, including with the assistance of the international community as necessary.

Also of significance are the many legislative reforms that have been undertaken or are underway, including the adoption of the Labour Organizations Law and the Peaceful Demonstration and Gathering Law, as well as the amendment to the Political Party Registration Law.  In this respect, I am encouraged that the Parliament has been active in this legislative reform process.  During my mission, I was informed that the process of drafting a revised Prisons Act, a new media law – the Printing Press and Publications Law, and a new social security law, among others, were currently underway.  At the same time, I note concerns regarding some of the provisions in the newly-adopted legislation, particularly the Peaceful Demonstration and Gathering Law, and in draft laws, particularly the Printing Press and Publications Law, which I will elaborate upon more fully in my upcoming report.  I also note concerns regarding the lack of adequate consultation with relevant stakeholders, including civil society, on some of the draft laws being prepared.  Another concern is the insufficient attention being paid to ensure the effective implementation of the newly-promulgated and reformed laws.  This can be attributed to, among other factors, the slow pace in establishing the necessary implementing regulations and procedures, and the lack of corresponding capacity of institutions to implement.

There is also a lack of clarity and progress on reviewing and reforming the laws that I have previously identified as not in full compliance with international human rights standards, such as the State Protection Law, the Electronic Transactions Law and the Unlawful Associations Act.  These laws impinge upon a broad range of human rights and have been used to convict prisoners of conscience.  During my mission, I addressed this issue with the Attorney General.  While I welcome the assurances given that the Government is taking serious and gradual steps to reform these laws, I reiterate that this process should be accelerated.

Regardless of efforts made to reform legislation, an independent, impartial and effective judiciary within the powers of the Constitution is needed to uphold the rule of law and act as a last guarantor for safeguarding fundamental freedoms and human rights in Myanmar.  The judiciary is also essential for Myanmar’s transition to democracy and should play an important role in ensuring checks and balances on the executive and the legislative.   I have previously expressed concerns regarding the judiciary, and I remain concerned with its lack of independence and impartiality. In my meeting with the Chief Justice and other justices of the Supreme Court, there was little acknowledgement of any challenges and gaps, and a lack of willingness to address my previous recommendations.  I therefore strongly call on the judiciary to take a proactive approach to apply laws in a way that would safeguard and guarantee fundamental freedoms and human rights in line with the Constitution and with international human rights standards. In this regard, I urge the judiciary to seek technical assistance from the international community, particularly the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR) and other organizations.

During the mission, I also had the opportunity to engage with members of the National Human Rights Commission for the first time since its establishment by Presidential Decree in September last year.  I was informed of some actions undertaken by the Commission, including prison visits, visits to internally displaced persons (IDPs) in Kachin State, and the receipt and review of complaints from citizens.  I was encouraged to hear that the resources available to the Commission may be increased significantly, including an increase in the number of staff supporting its work.

Despite these positive developments, I am concerned that there are no indications as yet that the Commission is fully independent and effective in compliance with the Paris Principles.  At present, it seems that the Commission cannot fully guarantee human rights protection for all in Myanmar.  I was informed that the Commission’s draft rules of procedure were being examined by the judiciary, and were awaiting the approval of the Council of Ministers.  This sends the wrong signal that the Commission is not fully independent from the Government.  Also, I was informed that its prison visits were dependent on presidential authorization.   Moreover, while the President appointed Commission members representing different ethnic minority groups, the vast majority of the Commissioners are retired government civil servants.  And some informed me that they were neither consulted nor informed in advance of their appointment.  There also doesn’t seem to be clarity on its procedures, including for handling complaints and conducting prison visits. In this respect, I was informed that interviews were conducted in the presence of prison officials.

There is clearly a strong need to enhance the technical and substantive capacity of the Commissioners and its staff on human rights issues.  I welcome the willingness of the Commission to seek training and technical assistance from OHCHR and the international community as a whole on the Paris Principles and other important substantive areas, such as handling human rights complaints and prison monitoring.

I have stated previously and continue to believe that the upcoming by-elections on 1 April will be a key test of how far the Government has progressed in its process of reform.  It is therefore essential that they are truly free, fair, inclusive and transparent. During my meeting with the Union Election Commission, I noted that developments, such as the easing of media restrictions and the revision of the Political Party Registration Law, resulting in the re-registration of a number of political parties, including the National League for Democracy, and the decision of some to contest the by-elections, may allow for the organization of more credible elections.  And I was informed that the use of international observers was under consideration.

While I was given assurances by the Chair of the Union Election Commission that the by-elections will be free and fair, I must stress that the credibility of the elections will not be determined solely on the day of the vote, but on the basis of the entire process leading up to and following election day.  Thus, reports I received of campaign irregularities and restrictions on the ability of political parties to carry out campaign activities should be addressed seriously by the Union Election Commission.  Additionally, lessons should be learned from the 2010 elections, and problems such as the high cost of registration, the use of advance votes, and the procedures and costs for filing a complaint should be addressed as a matter of priority.  Further, respect for the freedoms of expression, assembly and association should be ensured.
Also during my mission, I was informed about the various measures undertaken to address Myanmar’s longstanding development challenges, including economic and financial reforms, and initiatives such as the conference on development policy options organized by the Government and the United Nations Country Team.  Parliament was also discussing the budget, which proposes to increase spending in health and education. While I welcome the Government’s commitment to socio-economic development and poverty reduction, many challenges remain and the situation is still dire.  Concerns regarding the availability and accessibility of education and health care were specifically highlighted, as well as the need for the teaching of ethnic minority languages in schools in minority areas.  Concerns regarding land confiscations and land grabbing, often without meaningful consultation of affected communities and any or adequate compensation, as well as the granting of economic concessions for energy or infrastructure projects without adequate environmental assessments done, were also brought to my attention.  In this regard, I renew my call on the Government to ensure not only the realization, but also the protection of basic economic, social and cultural rights.  These are fundamental rights that are equally essential to Myanmar’s democratic transition, national reconciliation and its long-term stability.

Concerns regarding the ongoing tensions and conflict with armed ethnic groups in border areas, particularly in Kachin State, were consistently raised during my mission.  I received continuing allegations of serious human rights violations committed during conflict, including attacks against civilian populations, extrajudicial killings, sexual violence, internal displacement, land confiscations, the use of human shields, the recruitment of child soldiers, as well as forced labour and portering.  And I must emphasize that I received reports of violations being committed by all parties to the conflict.  While I welcome the Government’s commitment to peace talks and the progress made in this regard, such as the agreements reached with various groups, including most recently, the Mon, it is vital that these allegations and reports be urgently addressed.  I was informed that action had been taken on some cases involving military personnel, but much more needs to be done.  It is also vital that the authorities and all armed groups ensure the protection of civilians in conflict-affected areas.

I must also emphasize that the needs of those displaced and affected by the conflict must be addressed as a matter of priority.  In this regard, it is important that the United Nations and its humanitarian partners have regular, independent and predictable access to all individuals, in particular IDPs, in need of humanitarian assistance, regardless of whether they are in Government or non-Government controlled areas.   Further, delivery of humanitarian assistance under the United Nations umbrella cannot be linked to ongoing negotiations between the Government and armed groups or be made conditional to the Government’s assistance to people in non-Government controlled areas.

More broadly, efforts towards finding a durable political solution to the conflict must be accelerated and are essential for broader national reconciliation.  These must address the root causes of the conflict, including systematic discrimination, displacement and economic deprivation affecting ethnic minorities. I therefore renew my call to the Government to develop a comprehensive plan to officially engage ethnic minority groups in serious and inclusive dialogue to resolve long-standing grievances and deep-rooted concerns.  The Government should ensure that ethnic minorities are granted fundamental rights.  This includes the Rohingya community.

Finally, I remain of the firm conviction that justice and accountability measures, as well as measures to ensure access to the truth, are fundamental for Myanmar to move forward towards national reconciliation.  During my mission, I made a careful assessment as to whether the National Human Rights Commission could play a role in this regard.  However, considering the lack of independence and the limited capacity of the Commission, it is crucially important that the Government of Myanmar involve stakeholders, including victims of human rights violations, in order to get their advice and views on how and when to establish truth, justice and accountability measures.  It is also important to learn lessons from other countries that have experience in these processes.

I heard from many interlocutors about the importance of moving forward.  But I must stress that moving forward cannot ignore or whitewash what happened in the past.  Thus, facing Myanmar’s own recent history and acknowledging the violations that people have suffered, will be necessary to ensure national reconciliation and to prevent future violations from occurring.

To conclude, I have previously stated that the steps taken by the Government had the potential to bring about an improvement in the human rights situation in Myanmar and deepen its transition to democracy.  My mission confirmed that a positive impact has been made; however serious challenges remain and must be addressed.  There is also a risk of backtracking on the progress achieved thus far.  Therefore, at this crucial moment in the country’s history, further and sustained action should be taken to bring about further change.   Prior to its assumption of the Chairpersonship of ASEAN in 2014,  I would encourage Myanmar to demonstrate concrete progress in improving its human rights situation.  The international community should remain engaged and should support and assist the Government during this important time.

I want to again thank the Government of Myanmar for its invitation and cooperation.  I look forward to another visit to the country before my next report to the General Assembly in October 2012.  I reaffirm my willingness to work constructively and cooperatively with Myanmar to improve the human rights situation of its people.

ENDS

Sydney Morning Herald – US scrambles back into Burma in a race for influence
February 6, 2012

THE Americans are returning to Burma. Jostling in hotel lifts with Chinese engineers who are here to build pipelines across Burma are new faces: US senators, business leaders and academics.

Hotels in the capital Rangoon that were largely empty six months ago are at capacity, as the outside world sees a once-rigid, secretive regime opening up politics and promising an end to economic isolationism and state controls.

The decision by opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi to contest a byelection in April for the new parliament is taken as a signal it’s now OK to deal with a government that has put on civilian clothes following tightly controlled elections in November 2010.

The release of about 2000 political prisoners has prompted the return of Washington’s ambassador and expectation that US trade and financial sanctions will soon be lifted. In the rush are US conservatives, anxious to counter Chinese influence in Burma. Republican John McCain and independent Joe Lieberman were among five US senators who came last month. They were followed by a group called US Executives for National Security, sometimes described as a ”voice of the military-industrial complex”.

A ‘’softer” anti-sanctions lobby is more concerned with fostering a Burmese middle class, seen as a force for more liberal politics. Among this group is George Soros, who came at the end of December to meet President Thein Sein, the former army general leading Burma’s transition, and to set up an office of his Open Society Foundation. A Bill Gates visit is rumoured to be in the offing.

”Washington is actually itching to get back,” Dr Sean Turnell, an economist at Macquarie University who closely studies Burma, said in Rangoon yesterday. ”They have a very idealistic concept of what Myanmar could be.”

On a recent visit to Washington, Turnell found officials and non-government agencies dusting off old plans and projects for involvement, some dating back to the 1950s when then civilian-ruled Burma was seen as one of Asia’s great hopes. The Obama administration’s special envoy on Burma, former Pentagon official Derek Mitchell, ”has a lot of credibility on all sides,” Turnell said.

A senior businessman in Rangoon adds that local sentiment sees relations with China and India, the two great Asian powers on either side, as mainly about money. ”The real relationship is with the West, through education and family members living in Western countries.”

The influx from America includes influential Burmese exiles, among them the eminent economist Hla Myint who quit as rector of Rangoon University 50 years ago and left his native land, vowing never to return.

A pioneer of the export-led growth model for developing countries, Professor Hla had despaired at how a new military leader, General Ne Win, was turning to economic isolation and state controls, expelling foreign advisers.

Hla went on to an eminent career at leading American universities, advising other Asian nations while Burma stagnated to become south-east Asia’s basket case. At the end of this week, Hla, now 91, returns to Rangoon, for the first time – a homecoming seen as a symbolic recognition that Burma has finally embarked on fundamental political and economic change after its lost decades.

A component of the stampede is lured by commercial, not strategic opportunity. ”We have been inundated with visitors, to the extent we have double or triple appointments, people asking to come and talk about investment,” says Serge Pun, a Burmese tycoon whose SPA Group is active in real estate, banking, agribusiness and car assembly. ”The low-hanging fruit is, of course, the tourism industry where the need for hotel rooms is very obvious.”

One focus is the tenders now floated by the Myanmar Investment Commission for refurbishment of the grand British colonial buildings – banks and law courts – in the old city centre of Rangoon, which is now subject to a heritage order. Australia has dropped 71 names from its list of military figures and business ”cronies” targeted for individual sanctions, leaving 392 names.

Hamish McDonald is in Burma as guest of Melbourne University’s Asialink for a dialogue with Burma and other south-east Asian officials, businessmen, and opinion leaders.

The Nation – Burma to introduce electronic visa applications
February 5, 2012 2:33 pm

Rangoon – Burma will introduce an electronic visa application system next month to facilitate visits to the once isolated state, news reports said Sunday.

“We are trying to introduce an e-visa system from March that would allow international visitors to apply for a visa from anywhere via the internet before visiting Myanmar,” Tourism Minister Tint San told the Myanmar Times.

The liberalization of visa procedures is likely to facilitate another jump in tourist arrivals in 2012.

Total arrivals to Burma last year were 816,369, up 26 per cent from 791,505 tourist in 2010, according to government sources.

Tourism revenues amounted to 319 million dollars last year, compared with 254 million in 2010, she said.

Burma has introduced a series of reforms since March.

The Nation – Exile-run news agency plans to open office in Burma
February 5, 2012 11:58 am

Rangoon- The Burmese exile-run Mizzima News Agency is preparing to open a branch office in Rangoon, reports said Sunday.

“If the government allowed us we could open it straight away and we have a strong belief that the government will allow us to do it,” Mizzama editor-in-chief Soe Myint told the Myanmar Times.

Soe Myint and his brother, managing editor Sein Win, visited Burma twice last month, on their first authorized trips since they fled the country in 1998.

The New Delhi-based news agency has been covering the country’s political and economic developments for more than a decade, without being subject to the heavy censorship exercised inside Burma.

Soe Myint said that if allowed to open a Rangoon office, the group would seek to diversify into broadcast media.

“If we have a chance, we want to open our head office here,” he said.”Our intention is to set up our own media group but if we have the chance to work with others, we may also do that.”

The government of President Thein Sein has relaxed restrictions on the local press and internet since coming to office in March.

But it is doubtful that a bill to officially end censorship will be approved during the current legislative session that started on January26.

“This parliamentary session is mainly focused on budgets and it probably won’t be possible to (submit the draft for approval) before it ends,” Tint Swe, deputy director of the Ministry of Information’s media registration department, told the Myanmar Times.

“The draft is only for print media and electronic media is not included.”

Bangkok Post – Surapong plans Myanmar talks to stop checkpoint closures in Tak
Published: 5/02/2012 at 12:00 AM
Newspaper section: News

TAK : Thailand will hold talks with senior officials from Myanmar later this month on the Moei River embankment to try to prevent important trade checkpoints being closed again.

Foreign Minister Surapong Tovichakchaikul and Thai officials have inspected one of the three checkpoints at Ban Huay Maha Wong in Mae Sot district. The Public Works Department built an embankment along the river which was opposed by Myanmar and resulted in the Mae Sot-Myawaddy checkpoint being closed since July 2010.

The checkpoint was reopened on Dec5. After just two months, trade volume between the two countries has increased from two billion baht to 2.4 billion baht per month.
Mr Surapong said he was confident the volume could hit 100 billion baht a year in the future.

The Public Works Department built the embankment to prevent further erosion caused by a change in the river’s current flow.

But as a result, Myanmar has taken the attitude that the embankment requires the border demarcation between the two countries to be revised.

“I will bring the facts and discuss them with Myanmar officials on Feb 13 when both countries meet on the sidelines of Asean-India Dialogue in New Delhi,” Mr Surapong said.
Thailand will explain that the embankment helps to prevent drastic erosion, he said, adding it should be acceptable to Myanmar.

A government source said Myanmar has always disagreed with Thailand building the embankment even though it could slow any change in the course of the river. Thailand has asked Myanmar many times to start negotiations on border demarcation but there has been no response, the source said.

In regards to labourers from Myanmar working in Thailand, Mr Surapong said he would also discuss discrepancies in the number. Thai records show there are about 900,000 workers, but the Myanmar government claims the number is closer to two million.

Hindustan Times – MNCs enter Myanmar’s door
Jason Burke, GNS
February 05, 2012

In the single street of Yangon’s crowded Bothun San neighbourhood, attention is focused on the daily afternoon lottery. Hugely popular among the near-destitute labourers and their families, and played between neighbours on the flattened earth, it offers the prospect of a square meal rather than immediate life-changing wealth.

Stakes are small but wins are big, enough to feed a family for a day or so.

“If I win then we get fish or even chicken,” said Myat Soe, a 50-year-old labourer who lives with seven relatives in a makeshift bamboo house without power or sanitation. “If I win 100 times maybe I’ll get rich.”

Myat Soe is not the only one thinking about making large amounts of money in Myanmar, the new name of Burma. Hundreds of the world’s biggest companies are making plans to move into the country if political progress towards democracy continues. They hope to make millions as the repressive regime seeks to reintegrate in the international community.

The European Union (EU), the United States and Canada are considering how and when they will ease sanctions imposed over the past 20 years on the brutal military authorities that ruled — and some say still rule — the country. Any change will send a signal to potential investors that Myanmar is no longer considered a pariah state.

A week ago, travel restrictions on senior Burmese officials were lifted by the EU. A full review of the sanctions is scheduled for April.

One businessman staying at a five-star hotel in Yangon spoke this month of a “gold rush” in Asia’s second-poorest country. “It is when, not if, for most of us. I think there’s a bit of a Klondike feel,” said the businessman, who did not want to be named.

Prompting the change has been a series of reforms implemented by the nominally civilian government that took power last year. President Thein Sein has met key opposition leaders including the democracy campaigner Aung San Suu Kyi, eased censorship, legalised trade unions and released hundreds of political prisoners.

European politicians ranging from the British foreign secretary to the Norwegian foreign minister have visited Myanmar in recent months to “encourage” the changes. Hillary Clinton came late last year, the first US secretary of state to travel to Myanmar for more than 50 years.

All the visitors have made clear that further reforms will be rewarded. Since the sanctions were imposed after the bloody repression of protests in the late 1980s and a cancelled election in 1990, Yangon has been isolated economically.

In recent years, Chinese companies, many state-backed, have established a large presence, investing in infrastructure and natural gas to timber and precious gems. One reason for the authorities’ attempt to “democratise” may be a fear of over-dependence on Beijing. Another may be a simple desire to catch up with countries such as Thailand or Singapore.

There is no shortage of interest from global and regional businesses.

Myanmar has more than 60 million inhabitants and a key coastal location between India, China and the “tiger” economies of south-east Asia, making it an attractive market. It also has vast mineral, metal and other resources.

The longest queue at Yangon airport these days is not for check-in, taxis or cappuccinos costing $4 each but for mobile phone connections. As things stand, no overseas network can be used here. Hotels are full as business delegations arrive.

Shipra Tripathi, vice-president of Indian pump-makers Kirloskar, travelled from Delhi to Myanmar with a trade delegation.

“I wanted to see the opportunities that are opening up. I was pleasantly surprised by the pro-activeness of the government. We have already got teams in the country and are looking at a pilot project,” Tripathi said.

Asian Tribune – Burmese Diplomacy and Repression – Why the West should not Invest or Lift Sanctions on Burma
Mon, 2012-02-06 01:12 — editor
By Kanbawza Win

Even though man is essentially an economic animal and greed always supersedes the need, great caution should be taken by the Western world regarding Burma. They should not to be too excited or hysteria about the opening of Burma as Dr Zarni describes it as hyper ballistic characterization that the country is “on the verge of great transformation.”

One should think twice about the investment and commercial dealing with the Junta orchestrated puppet Thein Sein administration and will have to watch it very closely the developments after the elections.

Currently the ruling hierarchy are the same butchers of 1988, except that they have discarded their uniforms for longyi a Burmese sarong, and wear

Goungbaung the Burmese headdress, instead of the military caps. Their de facto leader Than Shwe staying in the side lines is the same person that placed old man, Ne Win in his dotage stage, is the real architect of seizing power from the civilian administration and replaced his senior Saw Maung, the Chairman of the State Law and Order Restoration Council and later SPDC.

One may have fancies that there can be a change of hearts, as belligerent generals can become reconcilers and peace-makers and noble dissidents become realist politicians. But their actions, which speaks louder than words is an unmistakable proof of their evil mentality or techniques not to mention their strategy have not change, just like the leopard that cannot change its spots .The only aspect of change is that they are in silk attire. This is the perspective which happens to be the major dividing line between a native born Burmese and a foreign experts, as the Burmese saying goes, “A snake sees the legs of the other snake”

A classic example is that one can witness that these ex brass continue to adhere to the concept of “Lying the very concept of Truth” e.g. at first they deny that there were political prisoners, then they release the first batch of few political prisoners but being pressured they are forced to release the 2nd batch in substantial numbers but the world knows that there were more than 900 political prisoners remain detained in jails across Burma. Even though UN Special Rapporteur on Human rights in Burma Tomás Ojea Quintana urged the regime to release all remaining political prisoners, they refused to do so. Beside the current political prisoners released were under Section 401(1) of the Criminal Procedure Code which explicitly means can be rearrested and forced to serve the remainder of their original sentences any time the regime chose to do. Of course these can be construed as the internal affairs of Burma and has nothing to do with the business community. But the logical question is can you trust to do business and invest in this regime when lying the truth is their standard norms?

In January, the regime continued to promote the appearance of a reform agenda by pursuing ‘peace agreements’ with ethnic nationalities freedom fighters and armed groups. The regime’s apparent haste to produce ‘initial’ agreements is clearly aimed at removing economic sanctions and other barriers to foreign investment because this is but one of the conditions placed by the Western powers after the release of the Lady. The simple logic is that if they do not meet this condition, than there is little hope of lifting sanctions not to mention investment. So the Regime representatives signed agreements with the Shan State Army-South (SSA-S), the Chin National Front (CNF), the Karen National Union (KNU), and the Shan State Army-North (SSA-N). However, the Kachin Independence Organization (KIO) sees the writings on the wall and the regime failed to reach an agreement with them.

So the Burmese army, the notorious Tatmadaw continued to launch an all out war against the Kachin Independence Army (KIA) in Kachin State and Northern Shan State with their scorch earth policies. There was such amount of human casualties and the hue and cry of the international community was so loud that on Jan 13th President Thein Sein issued an order for Tatmadaw forces to cease hostilities against all ethnic armed groups in Burma. However, the Burmese army indirectly control by Than Shwe refused to listen and continued to mobilize troop’s reinforcements and supplies to conflict areas estimated to be over 20,000 Tatmadaw soldiers. The Kachin have adhere to the real Pyidoungsu the Genuine Union of Burma which makes the generals and the ex generals on the defensive and one can ask the Kachin of what is the raw deal put on their table is that Naypyidaw estimated that it will take three years to bring the Kachin to its knees before they launched another major war against the WA of Shan State who is much stronger.

It was in this aspect the question rises to the conscience of the Western business circles, “Is the regime genuinely seeking peace with their ethnic nationalities or just a superficial way of covering the hole with the paper and if so how can one do business with the regime who can destabilize the country at any moment and their business and investment can disappear within a moment?”

“Some people in the international community together with some political groups are crowing that they have press freedom now.” How far is it true when it prohibit not to publish any of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi’s call for the release of remaining political prisoners, comments made by 88 Generation Students concerning the need for the creation of student unions and the regime’s flawed policies vis-à-vis ethnic groups and News about the eviction of abbot U Pyinnya Thiha from his Rangoon monastery.

On 19th January, Freedom House released its annual “Freedom in the World 2012” reported Burma as “Not Free” and Reporters Sans Frontières (RSF) released its “Press Freedom Index 2011/201 2.” rated Burma as 169th out of 179 countries of the world. How can one do business with the country when reliable news including economic and statistics are absent or figures lied? And yet the Western Business community is bent on going to Burma. Why?

The regime’s plan was –: through the soft-spoken President Thein Sein termed by those who see him as a sincere gentleman bent on genuine change – which Dr Zarni term it as Kyaung Ché meaning soft excreta of a cat that looks and feels soft, but equally stinky and potent. No doubt that he is successful in attempting to convince Daw Aung San Suu Kyi to adopt the evolutionary way of changing things rather than the revolutionary way which the mass desired and has used her something like a tool to get US sanctions that block any type of World Bank/ADB and IMF ‘assistance’ to Burma. But the underlying cause is that the Generals want to stock their ill gotten millions, if not billions of dollars in Western banks for their near and dear ones, as they have learnt a lesson of what the Chinese do to Milosevic’s money after his downfall.

When it is clear that without any serious and genuine change, the Lady will not give them a blank check as she starts talking about the changing of the Constitution and settling the ethnic nationality grievances by calling the Second Panglong Conferenc that tends to reveal the true picture that the Tatmadaw generals are the real culprit of the Genuine Union of Burma (Pyidaugsu) as well as against Democracy will definitely rouse up the peoples’ emotions and send cold shivers through the spines of these men is silk skirts and headdress.. Even now she is attracting thousands and thousands of people whenever she appears. Hence they said a big “No” and regime in future is going to be less inclined to continue playing ‘nice nice’ with the Lady.

Will the West invest in such a climate?

What more proof is wanted when Daw Aung San Suu Kyi has to postpone her political trip to Mandalay, the second capital of Burma because she could not obtain permission to hold a political gathering at a football stadium , a lame excuse, if not a sour note just to show who is the real boss, Thein Sein or Than Shwe. It can be pressured by the big Chinese community in Mandalay via Beijing to rein in the lady through the puppet regime of Thein Sein. For business community of the West this episode clearly paints the picture that the regime can go back to its Orwellian rule at any moment not conducive to business dealings and investment and will have to think twice before investing.

The Western response to these developments should be somewhat similar way it responded to Yeltsin’s Russia with caution. George Soros invested $500 million in Russian gas and oil sector and lost all. However if one construe: “Free Market, that benefits Western investors and corporations, is good. Anything, idea, any institution that stands in the way is bad, for instance, state subsidies for basic survival necessities, public provisions of health, education, social security, electricity and other necessities.

Private good, public bad. Egalitarianism bad, ’survival of the fittest is good” then they should join the band wagon like TOTAL of France, Chinese, Thai and Singapore companies, Narco barons, cronies or may come up under the humanitarian associations funded by the Nazis ancestors, the Myanmar Egress and so on.

The Junta’s love affairs with the Kachin lasted for nearly one and half decades and even then there is still no happy ending as it ends in divorce. Now the romance with another new lover Daw Aung San Suu Kyi’s NLD has just began and is not even one year yet when there are several indicators that the honeymoon is not going well as the Mandalay episode reveals . The Western business circles bent on entering Burma may knew that it is neither holistic nor conducive to wholesome morality to do business with the regime but can their obsession of profit motive and rationale be cautioned that it is still not subservience to business dealings and investment either?

Shelter for unwanted Fla. Burmese Pythons opens
Published: Feb. 3, 2012 at 3:34 PM

JUPITER, Fla., Feb. 3 (UPI) — Reptile dealers and hobbyists in Florida say they’ve set up a “retirement home” for Burmese Pythons following a U.S. ban on imports and sales of the snakes.

The Burmese Python Initiative has been set up in Palm Beach County out of concern owners may abandon their snakes if they have to move out of state for any reason, the South Florida Sun Sentinel reported Friday.

The organization said its facility will serve as a temporary shelter and adoption service for pythons and two other species, the African rock python and yellow anaconda, subject to the recently enacted federal ban.

“We’re really trying to take care of these animals,” said Billy Leonard of Ben Siegel Reptiles of Deerfield Beach, which helped sponsor the organization and donated $150 worth of frozen rodents as food for the snake.

“Our concern is with all these pets in households all over the country. We want to give options to people to not dump them in a wooded area or in the Everglades or euthanize them.”

Kenan Harkin, a former bicycle motocross competitor, television sports commentator and reptile enthusiast, operates the facility in Jupiter that is licensed to keep pythons and other reptiles.

Unesco to help draft Myanmar media law
By Indo Asian News Service | IANS India Private Limited – 7 hours ago

Yangon, Feb 4 (IANS) Myanmar will draft a media law with help from the UN Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organisation (Unesco), the official media reported Saturday.

The information ministry is drafting the law in accordance with international and regional norms, Xinhua quoted the daily New Light of Myanmar as saying.

Both sides will hold a discussion on the proposed law that guarantee press freedom, responsibility and accountability in promoting democracy.

Meanwhile, the Myanmar Writers and Journalists Association (MWJA) and Singapore’s Asian Media Information and Communication Centre (AMIC) Monday jointly organised a workshop here on media development in democratic society. Representatives from Indonesia, Myanmar, Malaysia, the Philippines, Singapore, Sri Lanka, Thailand and the US took part.

The workshop discussed media-related laws and publication.

February 04, 2012 20:19 PM
Asia Society’s Experts Believe Asean Members Can Prod Myanmar Towards Democracy
By Manik Mehta

NEW YORK, Feb 4 (Bernama) — Association of Southeast Asian Nations (Asean) member countries can influence fellow member Myanmar to follow the path of reform and democracy.

Its “core members”, particularly Singapore, Malaysia, Indonesia and Thailand, can play a constructive role in this endeavor, according to a task force set up by the Asia Society in New York on United States policy towards Myanmar.

The task force, which comprises diplomats, academics and other experts, held discussions at the Asia Society on Wednesday, on Myanmar’s political transition, with two of its key members.

The members were Priscilla Clapp, a former chief of mission at the US Embassy in Yangon from 1999-2002, and a principal advisor of the task force; and, Suzanne DiMaggio, vice-president of Global Policy Programmes at the Asia Society and a project director, returning from a visit to Myanmar.

Speaking to Bernama on the sidelines of the discussions, Clapp said Asean could be very effective in moving Myanmar towards the path of democracy.

Myanmar, which wants to chair the Asean group in 2014, will be more open to listening to the Asean group.

Both Clapp and DiMaggio visited Myanmar to engage in what is being called the ‘Track-II Dialogue’, an informal channel of communication between experts from both countries, to explore opportunities for cooperation and elevate the hitherto downgraded US-Myanmar relations.

The discussions had been focused on a range of issues, including political and economic development, environmental sustainability, rule of law, democracy building, and people-to-people exchanges.

They met government officials, civil society and private sector leaders, besides opposition representatives, including Aung San Suu Kyi.

DiMaggio spoke of the “remarkable changes” taking place in Myanmar, particularly the return of opposition parties to Myanmar’s political scene.

Forty-seven political parties, she said, had registered for a parliamentary by-election on April 1.

The National League for Democracy has registered nearly two dozen candidates to run in the election, including Suu Kyi.

Bangkok Post – Heeding the call of history
Michelle Yeoh on playing political icon Aung San Suu Kyi MAIN PHOTO: YINGYONG UN-ANONGRAK
Published: 4/02/2012 at 12:00 AM
Newspaper section: Muse

It is one of those sensational, semi-stupid questions that a journalist sometimes cannot summon his wit and restraint from asking: Would she, Michelle Yeoh, have made the same decision as the character she plays, Aung San Suu Kyi?

“I don’t know,” replies Yeoh, her eyes probing from under her glasses. “I wasn’t brought up like her, so that’s a hard question.” She pauses. “I could’ve told you ‘Yes, I would!’ But no. I really don’t know.

“Because with that kind of commitment over so many years, it must be very, very tough,” Yeoh continues. “Aung San said that during her first year of house arrest, she learned to meditate, and the idea of what she had to do became clearer in her mind.

“I think at the most difficult moment in life, you find yourself.”

Yeoh’s reply outwits the impossibility of the question. The decision that Aung San Suu Kyi made, as currently retold in The Lady, her biopic directed by French director Luc Besson, is too formidable, too historic to impose as generality: She decided to choose her country over her family – to heed the call of history and leave the warmth of normalcy behind, maybe forever.

In 1988 Suu Kyi, who had been living with her husband and two sons in Oxford, returned to Myanmar to visit her ailing mother. In Yangon, demonstrations broke out against the military junta and Suu Kyi, daughter of Aung San, a soldier who fought for Burmese independence from the British, was thrust into the frontline of the pro-democracy movement that lasts until this minute. The junta soon realised how dangerous this small woman with an air of calm authority was, and put her under house arrest. Suu Kyi didn’t return to England since and hardly saw her family again. Not even when her husband, Michael Aris, was dying of cancer in 1997.

It was a different kind of commitment that has brought Yeoh, a Malaysian-born actress, to portray the Burmese Nobel laureate. Yeoh had heard of a script being written about the life of Suu Kyi, and she was so inspired by it that she put all her efforts and influences to make sure the project took off. It was she who approached Luc Besson to direct (”She cast me, I didn’t cast her,” Besson says). And since the first image of the film was released last year, Yeoh’s striking resemblance to Suu Kyi – the narrow face, the serene conviction, the steadfast eyes, even the flowers in her hair – aroused much expectation from the first feature film of this iconic figure who’s still active and whose struggle seems to have recently gained a sliver of hope.

“It’s a great compliment to think that I can look even half like Daw Suu,” Yeoh says, using a respected nickname of Aung San Suu Kyi. “Physically she’s one of the most beautiful women, and internally she is like that, too.

“Daw Suu is such a recognisable figure, so to try to look like her is the least thing we have to do in our profession. But when we sat down with the hair and the makeup people and went through the period of 10 years that we wanted to show her life, from the beginning we realised quickly that it wasn’t just the angle, or the lighting or the way I looked. It’s what she has in her eyes that tells us what’s happening inside her, and that’s the most challenging task.”

The Lady, which is showing in Thai cinemas now and which has received mixed reviews internationally, opts to give an equal weight to Aung San Suu Kyi’s political ordeal and her domestic dilemma. In the film, Yeoh gets to do a big rallying speech, in Burmese, in front of the Shwedagon (digitally matted in, since 80% of the film was shot in Thailand), and she also gets to do crunching scenes of longing and heartache with David Thewlis, who plays the British husband of Suu Kyi.

“For us, this isn’t just a political story. It’s also a love story,” says Yeoh. “We always see Aung San as a strong, tough woman. There are two stories running in parallel. You see the contradictions between the East and the West, and you see someone who does mundane and normal things – someone who’s supposed to be a housewife – and then someone who’s become important and imprisoned. This is a story of a commitment of a family that has to sacrifice and go through a lot of pain.”

“Our mission is to show how she became Aung San Suu Kyi,” adds Besson. “What we know when we read articles about her is just a facade. But how would you go from a woman in Oxford with two kids straight to 30 years of fighting? What makes you that person?”

The Lady is one of the two recent biopics of strong women who walk unblinking into the eye of a political hurricane – the other is the somewhat differently titled The Iron Lady, in which Meryl Streep brays and blusters through the swamps of Westminster as Margaret Thatcher. The discussion has been prevalent about the kind of acting as impersonation, when high-powered actresses calibrate every tic and mannerism to match the actual figures they portray, or at least the public image of those figures. We can also add Michelle Williams playing Marilyn Monroe in My Week With Marilyn to this roll call of contemporary performers in the shoes of historical women.

Yeoh has a different idea; she finds the term “impersonation” rather undignified, especially when it comes to a person she has such great love and respect for. It was impossible for her to meet Aung San Suu Kyi before filming – Daw Suu was under house arrest until November 2010, and Yeoh only went through Bangkok to see her in Yangon last year. So to prepare for the role, the actress dug into a long and laborious research. She read all the articles and she watched all the footage of Suu Kyi in the process of inhabiting the inner self of the personality most people know only from a newspaper. “I watched and watched and watched, and I tried to put inside myself who her hero was, how she’s become who she is, the story of her father and mother, even what kind of books she read when she was young,” says Yeoh.

“So I sat there and pieced together everything, because I knew it’s up to me to bring her to the big screen. However, the big issue is her private life, and you get to the point where you realise that the only person who knows the exact truth about Daw Suu is Michael Aris [her late husband]. It’s really hard, but then you have to trust your own instinct [going into the role]. I hope that when you’re watching the movie, you don’t see me and you see a three-dimensional Aung San Suu Kyi.”

We’ll see her, but it’s not easy for the people in Myanmar to do the same. Despite the recent signs that the military government has relaxed its iron grip, and that Suu Kyi will run for a seat in parliament in a few months, it’s unlikely that The Lady will find an official channel to be shown in Myanmar. The story of Aung San Suu Kyi – the real Suu Kyi – is far from over; in fact, it’s only getting more interesting with the unexpected developments of the past year.

“We hope we could show the film in Myanmar, of course we’d love to do that,” says Yeoh. “We’re storytellers who wish to remind that this is what happens. We’re not trying to demonise or make anybody ashamed. We’re telling the story as it is. What happened is bad history, and let’s hope that the future is going for the better. We wish them the very best,
and we’d love to see Aung San Suu Kyi as the president one day.”

The Irrawaddy – Mon to Mark National Day in Rangoon
By LAWI WENG / THE IRRAWADDY Friday, February 3, 2012

For the first time in 17 years, Rangoon’s ethnic Mon community will be allowed to hold public celebrations of their national day, in the latest sign that the Burmese government is trying to ease ethnic hostilities as it tries to win support for reforms.

“We are very happy. Not only me, but all Mon here are very happy about it,” said Nai Soe Kyi, the secretary of the Mon National Day Committee in Rangoon, speaking to The Irrawaddy on Friday.

The move comes just days after the New Mon State Party, the main Mon ethnic armed group, reached a tentative five-point agreement with the Burmese government during peace talks in the Mon State capital of Moulmein on Feb. 1. The group said it may sign a peace agreement later this month.

Until this year, Mon National Day celebrations have only been permitted in Mon State. However, Rangoon also has a sizable Mon population, estimated at around 10,000, while there are also more than 40 Mon Buddhist monasteries in the country’s largest city.

In recent years, only small gatherings have been permitted. Most Mon usually donate food to monks at low-key merit-making ceremonies to avoid having problem with the authorities.
This year, however, the Mon National Day Committee in Rangoon plans to invite all of the city’s Mon, as well as people of other ethnic nationalities, said Nai Soe Kyi.

“In the past when we sought permission to hold our national day ceremony, we were always rejected. So we need to thank this new government for giving us permission,” said Nai Soe Kyi.

Many Mon living elsewhere in the country and overseas also welcomed the news.

Ramanya Ravika, a Mon Buddhist monk living in the US, wrote on his Facebook page that he and other Mon were “glad to know our fellow Mon in Rangoon will have a chance to celebrate legally for the first time in 17 years.”

According to Nai Soe Kyi, the permission came from the Rangoon Division’s Chief Minister’s Office.

The Mon, who are one of Burma’s major ethnic groups, will celebrate Mon National Day on Feb. 8 this year. The event commemorates the day when the first Mon kingdom, Hongsawadee, was established in 1116 of the Buddhist Era, or 573 CE.

Major celebrations are held every year in Moulmein, Mudon, Thanbyuzayat, Ye and other townships in Mon State.

The Mon have kept their national day alive for more than 60 years, despite efforts by the Burmese authorities to discourage overt displays of Mon nationalism because of fears it could fuel anti-regime sentiment.

Suu Kyi biopic big hit in pirated copies
Friday, 03 February 2012 17:47 Mizzima News

(Mizzima) – They’re scratchy and poor pirated copies, but DVDs of “The Lady” are the rage in Rangoon now, perhaps because Aung San Suu Kyi has emerged in a more public way in the past several months.

Whole stalls are devoted to selling copies of the movies, and so far the authorities have done nothing to prevent vendors from selling cheap versions of the movie, according to an article in The Guardian newspaper published on Thursday.

A dramatic narrative of Suu Kyi’s life, “The Lady,” a film by director Luc Besson, isn’t likely to be released in Burma, but it’s scheduled for release in the U.S. next month.

Whether “The Lady” will ever be released in Burma may be the next great test of a democracy yet to come, said The Guardian.

Actress Michelle Yeoh said playing  Suu Kyi was the role of a lifetime. The Malaysian-born star said she remembers her pride when Suu Kyi was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize.

“She was fighting for democracy in a nonviolent way, where passion was the armor and love for liberty was the weapon,” Yeoh told The Associated Press as she promoted the movie in Thailand this week.

Yeoh is internationally known for her roles in the James Bond movie “Tomorrow Never Dies,” “Crouching Tiger, Hidden Dragon” and “Memoirs of a Geisha.”

Yeoh met Suu Kyi in Rangoon in December 2010 when the film was in production, but the government deported her in June 2011, when she again visited the country.

She told the AP, “She’s one of those people that you meet and you’ll never forget.” She said she was awe struck, but  Suu Kyi quickly put her at ease.

Suu Kyi told reporters in Rangoon in January that she has not watched the film. “I don’t really like seeing films which are supposed to be about me,” she said.

Analysis – Myanmar’s ambitious Dawei project faces uncertainty
By Jason Szep | Reuters – 6 hours ago

DAWEI, Myanmar (Reuters) – Dusty roads and makeshift offices are the only hints of the ambitious $50 billion (31 billion pounds) project slated for the thick jungles near Myanmar’s southern city of Dawei, billed by its developers as the “new global gateway of Indo-China.”

Big questions surround the far-reaching plans by Thailand’s largest construction firm, Italian-Thai Development Pcl, to transform 250 sq kms (97 sq miles) of scrubland in southern Myanmar into Southeast Asia’s largest industrial complex.

“There is very little activity around here related to this project. A lot of us wonder if they are really confident enough about it to go forward with it,” said Kyaw Naing Oo, 40, a trader in Maungmakan, whose white-sand beaches would border the project.

That comment is echoed by other villagers, industry analysts and even the government.

In a country where a third of the 60 million people live on less than one U.S. dollar a day, Dawei is striking in its scale and ambition.

Super-highways, steel mills, power plants, shipyards, refineries, pulp and paper mills and a petrochemical complex are part of it, as are two golf courses and a holiday resort – all strategically nestled in Southeast Asia between rising powers India and China.

But just over a year since the former military junta signed a deal to create Myanmar’s first and biggest special economic zone (SEZ) at Dawei, the project has made little headway, despite the dramatic political reforms sweeping the country and the prospect of a gradual lifting in Western sanctions as the former British colony emerges from half a century of isolation.

Italian-Thai has yet to secure $8.5 billion to finance construction of its first phase — roads, a telecoms network, utilities and a port — after building a dirt road of more than 100 km (62 miles) to neighbouring Thailand. Its executives hope to find a strategic partner by year-end and plan to present the project to potential investors in South Korea this month.

Myanmar Energy Minister Than Htay told Reuters last week that at least two other SEZs would be developed more quickly than Dawei: the Thilawa project near the commercial capital, Yangon, and Kyaukphyu, where the China-Myanmar pipeline starts and a deep-sea port is nearly finished.

“It is faster than the Dawei zone,” he said of Kyaukphyu. “Now we are considering supplying the electricity at Kyaukphyu area,” he said.

Securing a stable source of electricity has been at the heart of Dawei’s problems since the government abruptly halted construction of a 4,000 megawatt coal-fired power plant in the area on January 10, citing environmental concerns.

ENERGY SUPPLY “NOT SURE”

Somchet Thinaphong, managing director of Dawei Development Co Ltd, controlled by Italian-Thai, told Reuters on January 23 that its power plant partner, Ratchaburi Electricity Generating Holding Pcl, would decide on a fuel type within three months, including the possible use of natural gas funnelled to the site via a 50 kms (31 mile) pipeline from fields within Myanmar.

But Than Htay ruled out using natural gas to fuel Dawei.

“Up to now the electric power supply for that project is not sure,” he said of Dawei.

In a country beset by chronic electrical outages, powering even a home can be difficult, let alone an industrial zone. Blackouts are common across the country, even at Yangon’s international airport.

That puts pressure on Ratchaburi, whose involvement is limited to a feasibility study as “a preliminary step,” it said in a November 16 statement.

Than Htay stressed other ministries would decide Dawei’s future, not his. But he offered his personal view of what the government will do: “My guess is sell out, according to the contract made by the previous government.”

Italian-Thai , which signed a 60-year concession to develop Dawei 14 months ago, has brushed aside those comments. Somchet of Dawei Development Co insists the project will go ahead. “It’s at the point of no return. They can say whatever they want but the final decision will depend on the special committee chaired by Myanmar’s president,” Somchet told Reuters on January 27.

He has a powerful local partner. A quarter of Dawei Development is held by Max Myanmar Group, owned by Burmese tycoon Zaw Zaw, whose close ties to the government put him on the U.S. targeted sanctions list in 2009.

A November 15, 2007 U.S. diplomatic cable described Zaw Zaw as an “up and coming crony.” Today he is one of Myanmar’s most influential businessmen.

Thailand’s top lender, Bangkok Bank, is advising on the power project and Siam Commercial Bank on the whole project.

Companies that Italian-Thai has identified as possible investors include Malaysia’s Petroliam Nasional Bhd, Japan’s Mitsubishi Corp, Mitsui & Co and Sumitomo Corp, and South Korea’s POSCO.

Japanese Trade and Economy Minister Yukio Edano discussed the project with the Myanmar and Thai governments when he visited both countries last month.

“This project is huge and is getting a lot of interest from foreign investors,” said Somchet, who personally met Edano and sees Dawei as a possible location for Japanese firms to build parts for use at car manufacturing plants in Thailand, as well as a low-cost location for industrial production for Thai companies.

He expects much of the infrastructure, including a proper road to Thailand, to be completed within three years, creating a stable route for cargo sent to Dawei from the Middle East and Africa for shipping to Bangkok and beyond in Southeast Asia, bypassing the congested Strait of Malacca.

“CLOUDED WITH RISKS”

Brokers appear less sure.

In a recent note to clients, Singapore stock brokerage DBS Vickers Securities highlighted the risks.

“Despite potential to bring economic prosperity to Burma, the project is still in its infancy and clouded with risks,” it said. “The sudden call to halt the 4,000 megawatt coal-fired power plant project would make it difficult for Italian-Thai to secure strategic partners to help fund the project.”

It described Dawei Development Co’s plans to sell land in the area to raise funds for the project as “optimistic” and stressed that without strategic partners and firm funding, Dawei Development would remain a drag on Italian-Thai’s earnings this year.

In the year to date, Italian-Thai shares have underperformed those of its peers and the overall market due to uncertainty over the Myanmar project. The stock has risen just 0.1 percent in the past 12 months.

Italian-Thai has an “Analyst Revision Score” of 14 under a model by earnings-tracker StarMine which ranks stocks according to changes in analyst sentiment, with 100 representing the highest rank.

Kanit Sangsubhan, director of the Thai Finance Ministry’s Economic and Financial Research Institute, told Reuters Dawei would need heavy government involvement or state enterprises to co-invest.

Whether that will happen is unclear. Than Htay of Myanmar’s Energy Ministry said the government wanted to promote more private involvement. “Regarding the petroleum refineries or the downstream plants, now most of the plans will be taken charge of by the private sector. Up to now, I have no plan to participate in that area because I need to mind existing jobs.”

PTT Exploration and Production Pcl, Thailand’s top state-controlled oil and gas explorer, has shown little interest in the project, and neither has its parent, PTT Plc, Thailand’s biggest company.

“It is still very early days on Dawei,” said Sean Turnell, an expert on Myanmar’s economy at Macquarie University in Sydney, Australia. “They are better off having a special economic zone near Yangon. Dawei mainly benefits Thailand. There are not a lot of benefits to Burma from that one.”

IN DAWEI, MIXED VIEWS

In Dawei itself, views of the project are mixed.

Some such as Hsan Htoo, a 25-year-old high school dropout working on a fishing trawler, hope it can bring jobs to the impoverished area, where many live in thatched-roof huts and many young people have left to work in neighbouring Thailand.

“I heard that Dawei will create job opportunities for many local people. That would be very good. It would mean that we wouldn’t have to leave our homes and work in other countries,” he said.

Others worry about the potential environmental toll and health risks from a project that would be four times bigger than Thailand’s largest industrial estate, Map Ta Phut, where pollution between 1996 and 2009 may have contributed to at least 2,000 cancer-related deaths, according to environmental activists who sought legal action to halt the estate in 2009.

“It is just not worth it,” said Sein Win Aung, a 34-year-old private taxi owner who came out to listen to opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi address a crowd of thousands in Dawei on Sunday. “We hear about the problems at the industrial estate in Thailand. We don’t want those problems here.”

Some activists visited Map Ta Phut to see the impact first-hand.

In a sign of dramatic change in Myanmar, a village advocacy group has been formed to oppose the project. The Dawei Development Group has raised concern that as many as 32,000 people would be displaced in a region known for its pristine coast, groves of coconut palms and plantations of cashews, mango and rubber.

Such groups would have been quickly shut down, their leaders arrested, during the half-century of military rule that ended last March when a nominally civilian government took office.

Instead, they are now becoming more organised, emboldened by the government’s surprise suspension of the $3.6 billion, Chinese-led Myitsone dam project on September 30 following weeks of public outcry.

“What we want is for the project to be done with transparency. It may ultimately go ahead, but we want to make sure it is done by the rule of law and that environmental assessment studies are carried out,” said one senior activist in Yangon who has worked closely with the Dawei Development Group.

But Dawei is an economic lifeline for villagers such as Win Aung, a 34-year-old driver for Italian-Thai, one of about 200 of the company’s workers in Dawei. He used to work in Thailand, but hated it. He chafed at living away from his family. “I didn’t enjoying working there at all. Most of my friends don’t enjoy their jobs either but most people have no other choice.”

He said the project was going ahead, and expects it will eventually transform the isthmus that separates the Andaman Sea from the Gulf of Thailand, strengthening Myanmar’s relationship with India, China and Southeast Asia by linking them together in trade.

Bulldozers were clearing land, he said. Buildings for offices and staff quarters were being built, but no major construction had begun. Many villagers need to be relocated.
Italian-Thai is buying land from the locals but has yet to complete new homes where they would live, he said.

He remained optimistic about what it would mean for villagers like him. “It will create many, many job opportunities for local people,” he said.

Myanmar plans jump in health, education spending
By Aung Hla Tun | Reuters – Thu, Feb 2, 2012

YANGON (Reuters) – Myanmar’s government has proposed a budget for the 2012/13 fiscal year that would give a huge boost to the health and education sectors but still provides far greater resources for the armed forces.

The military, which ruled Myanmar for almost five decades until a nominally civilian government took office in March last year, will receive a budget of 1.87 trillion kyat (about $2.3 billion at the widely used black market rate).

That is 14.4 percent of the total 13.04 trillion kyat budget for the year starting from April and 36 percent higher than last year. The total budget will increase 63 percent from the current year’s 7.98 trillion.

Health would get 368 billion kyat, four times as much as the 92 billion in the last budget, while spending on education would almost double to 617 billion from 310 billion, according to information provided to Reuters by senate member Aye Maung.

The proposal, which is in line with the government’s reform agenda, could help win it support at home and boost Myanmar’s case for a lifting of Western sanctions.

The government has many of the same generals, now retired, who ruled the country with an iron fist, spending large sums of money on the armed forces and little on schools and hospitals, but the new administration insists the welfare of its people is now its priority.

“It is important that the collection of receipts and allocation of public finance is in accordance with the desires of the people. It is necessary that the public is content with it,” Finance Minister Aung Hla was quoted as telling legislators this week.

DECADES-OLD DEBT

For the new fiscal year, he is banking on 10.52 trillion kyat in receipts, leaving a 2.52 trillion kyat deficit. That compares with a projected 5.78 trillion kyat in receipts and a 2.20 trillion kyat deficit for the current fiscal year.

Dollar conversions from Myanmar’s kyat currency are complicated by the country’s two exchange rates: it has a fluctuating black market rate and an official rate that is barely used other than for some government data.

Myanmar is seeking help from the International Monetary Fund to unify its rates.

On Thursday, the kyat traded on the black market at about 820 to the dollar, compared with the official rate of 6 kyat.

According to the senator, Aung Hla also revealed that Myanmar owes some $11.02 billion in external debt run up decades ago, while its foreign currency reserves are a little over $7 billion.

Such data was rarely, if ever, published by the military governments that ran the Southeast Asian country under various guises since 1962, but the new government is doing its utmost to appear transparent as foreign investors knock at its door.

Hla Tun said that $8.41 billion out of the $11.02 billion in external debt was incurred during a socialist military regime from 1962 to 1988.

That included $6.39 billion owed to Japan, $802 million to the World Bank, $582 million to Germany and $357 million to the Asian Development Bank.

Debt run up after 1988 amounted to $2.61 billion, including $2.14 billion owed to China.

It was unclear if the totals included accumulated interest or whether the government was servicing any of the debt. The minister said that total foreign exchange reserves were $7.20 billion.

US decries ‘worsened’ Myanmar violence
By Shaun Tandon | AFP – 13 hrs ago

The United States urged Myanmar to address what it called worsened ethnic violence and to accept international monitors to ensure the fairness of closely watched upcoming by-elections.

A US official reiterated that President Barack Obama’s administration wanted better ties with the country formerly known as Burma and praised recent moves by the government including the release of hundreds of political prisoners.

“Yet at the same time violence in the Kachin state has worsened with reports of serious human rights abuses and violations of international humanitarian law,” said Michael Posner, the assistant secretary of state for human rights.

“Ultimately the ethnic violence is rooted in political causes and it will require negotiated political solutions on both sides to address the underlying grievances,” he said at the National Endowment for Democracy.

Myanmar’s nominally civilian government, which took over last year, has reached ceasefires with Shan and Karen rebels in an effort to end ethnic bloodshed that has gripped parts of the country since independence in 1948.

But bloody battles have taken place since June in Kachin state in the far north. Human Rights Watch in a recent report said that Myanmar’s army raped, tortured and killed civilians in ethnic minority conflict zones last year.

President Thein Sein has surprised even many critics by undertaking reforms and talks with minorities and the opposition. Democracy icon Aung San Suu Kyi is optimistic enough that she is seeking a seat in parliament in April 1 by-elections.

Posner said that the United States has spoken to Myanmar about letting in monitors to ensure an “open and fair election.”

“We have had those discussions and very much hope that the process will be open both to local monitors and to those coming from outside,” Posner said.

US senators who recently visited Myanmar including John McCain also said that they asked Thein Sein to accept monitors but had not received a commitment.

Suu Kyi’s National League for Democracy swept elections in 1990 but military rulers ignored the results and confined the Nobel Peace Prize winner to house arrest for most of the ensuing two decades.

Posner said it was unrealistic to expect Myanmar’s reforms to advance without a hitch.

“When ossified societies begin to loosen up, the process is neither linear nor smooth. That is why this administration is committed to a long-term engagement, one that both continues to push for reform and change while at the same time offering encouragement and support,” Posner said.

The Obama administration last month said it would move to restore full diplomatic relations with Myanmar for the first time in three decades. It has also voiced openness to ease its sweeping sanctions in return for more progress.

Bauk Gyar, an activist from Kachin state who is running in the by-elections, said at the National Endowment for Democracy event in Washington that it was premature to lift sanctions.

“If you look at it right now, even in the different ethnic areas all the companies are run by the government. Therefore if you open the road to people coming and doing business, the ethnic people will have to suffer more than before,” she said.

Appearing at the same event, Zarganar — Myanmar’s most famous comedian who was freed in the recent amnesty — said that he did not want to take a stance on the controversial issue of lifting sanctions.

But he said: “(Due to) the sanctions from American or from Europe, our government changed their mindset. I don’t like sanctions, but according to the strategic thinking, it’s a very good instrument.”

Michelle Yeoh says Suu Kyi role ‘lifetime opportunity’
AFP – 2 hrs 40 mins ago

Actor Michelle Yeoh said Friday that playing the role of Aung San Suu Kyi in the “The Lady” was an opportunity of a lifetime, as the film about the Myanmar democracy leader made its debut in Hong Kong.

But the Hong Kong-based, Malaysian-born star refused to be drawn on the film’s likely reception in Myanmar, otherwise known as Burma, where Suu Kyi’s recent release from house arrest has ignited the democracy movement.

“When I first heard that someone wants to make a movie about Aung San Suu Kyi, instinctively I knew as an actor that this is a role of a lifetime,” the former Bond girl told reporters ahead of the film’s Hong Kong premiere.

“She is such a revered person, she is such a good human being (who) would be very inspirational for me not just as an actor but for my audience as well.”

The 48-year-old star of films including “Tomorrow Never Dies” and “Crouching Tiger, Hidden Dragon” said the pressure of playing a Nobel Peace Prize winning icon of democratic struggle was a weight on her shoulders.

“Of course I was pressured, of course you feel a great sense of responsibility because of who she is and what she represents,” Yeoh said.

“But I think what is important for me is my commitment not just to myself but to the profession that I love… This was truly an opportunity of a lifetime.”

“The Lady” is a two-hour biopic that focuses on the private life of Suu Kyi, her late British husband, Michael Aris, and their two sons as she assumes the mantle of democracy leader in a country ruled by an iron-fisted junta.

Suu Kyi’s struggle for her country came at a high personal cost. Her husband died in 1999 in Britain, and in the final stages of his battle with cancer the Myanmar junta denied him a visa to see his wife.

Suu Kyi refused to leave Myanmar to see him, certain she would never have been allowed to return.

While there is no scheduled release of the film in Myanmar, pirate copies of “The Lady” have flooded the streets of Yangon, which its French director Luc Besson described as an “excellent news”.

“As an artist I’m always very happy even if it’s through piracy that they can have access to culture, so obviously I’m really fine with that,” he said.

But Besson said he hoped the recent signs of opening in Myanmar would see the film being officially released in the impoverished Asian nation.

“I’m even ready to give it for free… in Burma you know but the film is banned from Burma. They show a couple of signs of opening so I hope they will tolerate the film,” he said.

“It’s a wonderful film about Burmese people — not so much the government but the people and I think any Burmese should be proud of the film,” he added.

During the shoot, Yeoh met Suu Kyi at her Rangoon home in December 2010 weeks after the Nobel laureate was released from a seven-year house arrest.

The star was however deported and blacklisted when she tried to visit again in June last year.

Besson filmed the movie in Thailand near its border with Myanmar, as well as secretly in Myanmar itself, and used footage shot by pro-democracy activists.

Asia News Network – Burma’s economic coming out
Editorial Desk
The Straits Times
Publication Date : 03-02-2012

Burma’s political reforms, revolving on elections that led to the installation of a civilian government, have caught the imagination of the international community. So has the deepening rapprochement between opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi and the new political leadership. Broad support for political reforms from within and outside the country is natural because the hardline Burmese junta stood out for long as a political anachronism in the region. But the country’s political development will remain woefully incomplete without it jettisoning the legacy of a closed and autarkic economy that fed on a prickly nationalist suspicion of the wider world. Burma is now breaking out of both political and economic isolation. It needs to be encouraged for its own sake and in the interests of Asean, of which it is the second largest member-country after Indonesia. An International Monetary Fund mission that visited Burma last month focused on what it should do for inclusive and sustainable growth. Noting that the starting point is macroeconomic stability, the mission said the process has begun with plans to unify the exchange rate and to lift exchange restrictions on international payments and transfers.

The momentum of reform must be channelled into improving monetary and fiscal management, and implementing structural reforms. Obstacles to growth need to be removed. The authorities should improve the business and investment climate, modernise the financial sector, and go further in liberalising trade and foreign direct investment. The good news is that Burma has no dearth of friends that can partner it in the process. Asean countries, China and India have a history of engagement with it, although tight control of its economy has previously prevented a deeper engagement. With the gradual lifting of Western-imposed sanctions, the United States, Germany and Japan are expressing deep interest in trade and investment. And Singapore firms are looking at industries ranging from manufacturing to education in which their expertise and experience give them an advantage. A memorandum of understanding signed this week during Burmese President Thein Sein’s state visit underlined the importance of these ties. It identified economic development, human resource development and public administration as three areas in which Singapore can share its strengths. If the government in Naypyidaw is serious about developing its economy, it must regard such tested ties – and new ones it must forge with the international community – as vital to its future. It must be prepared to embrace and be open to ideas as much as to investments. That will be key if Burma’s economic transformation is to begin in earnest.

The Malaysian Insider – The promise and peril of Myanmar’s economy — Simon Tay
February 02, 2012

FEB 2 — Just as Myanmar’s long-detained icon Aung San Suu Kyi began campaigning for a parliamentary seat, the country’s President Thein Sein made a state visit to Singapore.

Accompanied by a high-level delegation, the President’s visit concluded with an agreement for technical assistance and training in a number of key areas including finance, investment law and trade facilitation.

These two events over the same week demonstrate the ambitious pace of change and growing confidence in Myanmar. Reaching out to Singapore also brings into the spotlight an economic dimension to the ongoing political reform.

Businesses from many countries have been eager to explore investments in Myanmar. Considered the last large and untapped market in Asia, many sectors of the economy have been underdeveloped or else dominated by Chinese firms.

The Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) — the regional group to which Myanmar belongs — wants to be supportive and so does Singapore, as a major hub for the region. This goes beyond the politics of having Myanmar assume the group’s chairmanship in 2014.

ASEAN’s plan for a more integrated economic community, targeted for 2015, can also gain.

Much, however, depends on whether sanctions put in place by the West for more than two decades are lifted. The European Union has already begun to unwind its sanctions. In Washington, a complex legal process is gaining bipartisan support.

There is cause for optimism, but is Myanmar ready for business and investment? Can the country follow up on its current political reform with parallel reforms to the economy and boost the country’s development?

A recent publication by the International Monetary Fund (IMF) predicts the economy will grow at a rate of some 5.5 per cent for 2012. Such projections — in line with neighbouring Indochinese economies — are significant given the weak global outlook. But there is potential for greater, sustained growth.

Consider the country’s ample natural resources of oil and gas, as well as forestry products and minerals. Factor in a strategic location that can link China, India and Southeast Asia.

Add also that Myanmar has a sizeable population of some 54 million, many of whom are of working age and eager for jobs. The economy, among the region’s poorest at present, has the potential to grow.

There are, of course, concerns, many of which are typical of frontier economies — like the need for infrastructure and concerns about corruption and power shifts during this political change. But Myanmar also faces special challenges.

One key issue — as pointed out by the IMF — are exchange controls and currency stability. Officially, US$1 (RM3.10) is exchanged for just six Myanmar kyats. But in the widespread black market, the rate currently hovers around 750 kyats and has been as high in recent years as 1,250 kyats. Only with astute financial management can the country hope to liberalise its currency while maintaining macro-economic stability.

Another issue important for businesses coming in is that investment protection laws need improvement, with stable policies to be put in place. Recall that in the mid-1990s, some companies invested in the country, anticipating its membership in ASEAN. Many investors of that period were, however, left stranded by circumstances and policy changes.

Another issue to watch will be the central government’s effort to settle decades of fighting with different ethnic groups. The recent ceasefire deal with the Karen is a prime example.

The Karen have been active in the Dawei industrial zone in the south of the country and this is now undergoing a major overhaul worth US$50 billion as a cornerstone of the government’s revitalisation plan.

As economic opening moves ahead, it will be essential that gains go beyond the circle of those in power. If development is to be sustained in tandem with political reform, the government must give attention to educating and training its people and meeting their basic needs, such as housing.

This sets the context for the agreement between the governments of Myanmar and Singapore. Tapping on Singapore’s expertise in finance, law and providing public services can help Myanmar kick-start economic development. The agreement was in many ways to be expected, given that the countries have long-standing ties in trade, as well as training programmes for public officials.

The spotlight thus far has understandably been on Myanmar’s dramatic political opening. Economic reform is now emerging as a twinned issue and the agreement with Singapore is but an early step on this path. Advocates for human rights and democracy will continue to watch developments in Myanmar but expect that businesses too will increasingly be part of the equation for change. — Today

* Simon Tay is chairman of the Singapore Institute of International Affairs.

Feb 4, 2012
SPEAKING FREELY
Asia Times Online – Lest we forget in Myanmar
By Nancy Hudson-Rodd

Speaking Freely is an Asia Times Online feature that allows guest writers to have their say. Please click here if you are interested in contributing.

The Myanmar delegation to the United Nations in Geneva complained last year that some members failed to show due diplomatic respect by referring to their country as Burma rather than Myanmar. Now most diplomats and news publications refer to the country as Myanmar as a reward the regime’s recent so-called reforms. But is this respect justified and are long-time Myanmar observers now suffering from selective amnesia?

Last year, opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi, recently released from years of house arrest, remotely addressed the annual World Economic Forum in Davos “on behalf of the 55 million people of Burma who have largely been left behind”. Suu Kyi, who has long supported Western sanctions imposed against her country’s military regime, appealed to international participants to promote Burma’s genuine democratization, human development and economic growth.

Her National League for Democracy (NLD) party a week later detailed the kinds of policies needed to promote positive change and rebutted claims that Western sanctions were only detrimental to Burma’s people, not leadership. The party argued that “criticism of sanctions served to divert attention from the main problems plaguing the country” which it listed as blatant cronyism, corruption, and the military regime’s refusal to release their iron-clad grip on power.

It also argued that the legislative assemblies formed out of the 2010 elections, which the NLD did not contest and hence was subsequently banned, are totally dominated at both the national and regional levels by the combined body of the military’s Union Solidarity Development Party and the non-elected military representatives who account for 25% of all legislative seats. Moves to designate these assemblies as the country’s only political forum reduced democratization in Burma to a “parody”, the NLD said.

A year later, optimistic reports of positive change flow freely from the country. President Thein Sein has portrayed himself as a leader who sincerely wants to improve citizens’ livelihoods, alleviate poverty and include the NLD in the political process. He has formed a new Human Rights Commission, opened previously closed doors to international diplomats and their corporate sponsors, and relaxed laws to promote more international investment and development.

The timing has been impeccable. International corporations, many nervous over Europe’s debt crisis and America’s sustained sluggishness, are eager to find fresh new places for their funds and Burma is suddenly emerging as a possible destination. As the chairman of the Singapore-based Rogers Holdings told Bloomberg Television last November, “If you can find ways to invest in Myanmar you will be very, very rich over the next 20, 30, 40 years.”

China and Thailand currently account for more than 70% of total investment in Burma, but as the executive vice president of the Stock Exchange of Thailand recently said, “Every Western company complaining about sanctions is looking around. The more the merrier … There are vast opportunities in Myanmar.”

Following those words, a high-level American business delegation that will include Microsoft chairman Bill Gates is due to visit the country in February in the latest sign of strengthening US ties with the long-isolated, military-run country. European businesses are known to be interested in various sectors, including natural resources and infrastructure, the President of the Thai-German Chamber of Commerce recently said while opening the new European-Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) Business Center in Bangkok.

There are commercial reasons to be optimistic. Myanmar is developing a US$8.6 billion port and industrial complex at the coastal town of Dawei which is designed to cover an area 16 times bigger than Thailand’s largest manufacturing park. Thanet Sorat, head of the Federation of Thai Industries, said recently “What makes Dawei interesting is Myanmar itself. It was closed for so long and now the government is more open. Thai companies see many opportunities there due to cheap labor costs and many natural resources.”

However, the government’s and military’s continued rights abuses in the same region are less widely publicized. The Human Rights Foundation of Monland (HRFM) recently reported widespread violations against citizens in Dawei’s Tenasserim Division. In fishing villages along its coastal areas, the Navy’s administrative unit extorts monthly household fees, commandeers fishermen’s boats and drivers to transport staff and troops, demands rations from the local population, and forces people to act as security guards, according to HRFM.

Last year, the same navy unit allegedly confiscated over 1,000 acres [405 hectares] of rubber and perennial fruit plantations from local farmers. None of the agrarians were compensated for their lost lands. Over 3,000 more acres of rubber plantations have been surveyed for confiscation, according to reports. Many local authorities now make money by granting permission to displaced former land owners to work as cheap labor on their confiscated plantations for a monthly fee.

The recently released 38-page Burmese language book, Forced Expropriations of Farmland and Partial Victories, published by the Farmers Rights Defenders Network, also tells the story of villagers’ struggle against army-backed companies taking their land for industrial development.

To date the new National Human Rights Commission, run by the Home Ministry, has not investigated any of these claims. “There is no real change and development yet in spite of the government’s claim. This is because the abuses that locals in the region face are committed by local military men, who do not seem to care and respect the government’s order and power,” remarked a local former school teacher quoted in the HRFM report.

Cosmetic change
So are the positive changes supposedly taking place in Burma more cosmetic than substantive? And does Thein Sein’s nominally civilian, military-backed government deserve the international recognition and rewards it has recently and may in future receive, including the lifting of economic and financial sanctions?

One condition for removing Western sanctions has been the release of political prisoners. Those who have been released by recent presidential pardons committed no crimes yet at any time may be sent back into prison to complete their sentences if they do anything deemed as improper by authorities. Significantly, the amnesties have not been based on any law but rather the whim of the leader.

Over 1,000 political prisoners still remain imprisoned, according to the Thailand-based Assistance Association for Political Prisoners Burma (AAPPB). The real number is unknown. No independent review of prisons, prison labor camps, and agricultural production camps have been allowed since 2005 when the International Commission of the Red Cross was denied access.

Despite all the talk of reforms, none of the arbitrary laws and regulations that have been used to crush dissent have been changed. And there remain many unanswered but highly pertinent questions that Western governments looking to engage Thein Sein’s supposedly reformist regime should be asking.

For instance, where are products of agricultural prison labor camps being sold? What compensation schemes are in place for government-confiscated lands, crops, and resources? Where is the discussion of land ownership and rights, particularly at a time foreign investors look to establish presences in the country?

To be sure, Suu Kyi’s announcement that the NLD will re-enter politics confers a degree of legitimacy on President Thein Sein and his nominally elected parliamentary government. Her endorsement of what so far has been a limited democratization process has attracted eager corporate interest but little improvement in civil liberties and human rights – the reasons economic sanctions were imposed in the first place.

All laws passed since 1988, when the military slaughtered over 3,000 pro-democracy demonstrators, have been passed through executive decrees rather than legislative processes. There is no independent judiciary. There is no rule of law. The 2008 Constitution, rammed through in a sham referendum, is designed to ensure continued domination of the military regime. Anyone who speaks out against the regime still risks being thrown into prison. The press is still pre-censored. Change has been marginal, at best.

Despite the pretensions to democracy, Thein Sein’s government still depends on one of the largest armed forces in Southeast Asia for its survival. With no serious prospect of a foreign invasion, this standing force remains solely to control the population. A culture of impunity has long existed in Burma, where government officials and military personnel have gone wholly unpunished for a litany of widely documented abuses.

The 2008 constitution perpetuates that culture of impunity by giving blanket amnesty for serious crimes committed by former junta members, including former leader Senior General Than Shwe. It also denies victims the right to remedy for past violations as the military still hold disproportionate influence over Thein Sein’s government. Authorities continue to restrict access to mechanisms of citizen complaint while harassing and taking legal action against those who have dared to challenge the military’s authority over civilian affairs.

NLD stalwart Win Tin, who was held as a prisoner of conscience for 19 years, has said he sees “no difference, no change” with the new government. He has argued that the newly established Human Rights Commission is similar to the previous ineffectual ones set up by past military regimes. “There is no change. If you go to the countryside you find poor people who are facing violations of their human rights,” Win Tin said.

Win Tin’s is the voice of moral authority few Western governments and corporations want to hear these days. But the long, hard fought struggle for freedom and justice in Burma continues and truth speakers should be supported rather than ignored. While the West blindly supports Thein Sein’s shallow democratic transition, it increasingly runs the rising risk of being on the wrong side of Burma’s history.

Nancy Hudson-Rodd is a human geographer and honorary senior research fellow at the Edith Cowan University in Australia.

Speaking Freely is an Asia Times Online feature that allows guest writers to have their say. Please click here if you are interested in contributing. Articles submitted for this section allow our readers to express their opinions and do not necessarily meet the same editorial standards of Asia Times Online’s regular contributors.

Evening Standard Magazine – Slow Burma
Adrian Mourby
3 Feb 2012

Welcome to the new Burma!’ says Myo, forgetting for a moment that the generals renamed it Myanmar. Myo is a cheerful man, wrapped in the traditional longyi. He leads us to a beautifully polished Chevrolet bus left behind after the Second World War. Now, at last, we get the chance to see a country whose regime has been so roundly criticised in the West.

From what I can glimpse through the small windows, Yangon (British Rangoon) looks run-down but full of cars. Myo tells us there are no motorbikes (the generals banned them) and no university students either. ‘The generals close the old universities and build new ones in the rice fields. I don’t think the government trust students. I think they are scared.’ He talks freely about how poor people are and how bad healthcare is. One of our party asks if he would have spoken this openly a year ago, before Aung San Suu Kyi was released and began negotiatons with the government. ‘Oh, no!’ he answers.

We pass Inya Lake, a pleasant stretch of water that edges the smarter downtown houses. ‘You remember that American who swam across the lake to visit Aung San Suu Kyi?’ says Myo. ‘It was here.’ It is more built up than I expected, and the houses are sumptuous. I’d imagined a vast stretch of water patrolled by boats with searchlights. History is always less dramatic when you get there.

Our hotel, The Governor’s Residence, is in the diplomatic district. It’s an air-conditioned haven sealed off from the broken pavements and overgrown gardens outside. A lodge manned by diminutive security staff and over-eager porters gives way to a covered bridge across fish ponds and a swimming pool. In the lobby, fans sweep overhead. The place is owned by Orient-Express and the look is tropical-chic. I catch echoes of empire, Somerset Maugham and George Orwell – although they actually stayed at The Strand further into town.

After lunch we tour the city in bicycle rickshaws, squeezed into basic sidecars designed for slim Burmese hips. Old Rangoon is dominated by huge red-brick buildings that the British left behind in 1947. In 2005, the government moved the capital hundreds of miles away at a cost of $250 million; money this impoverished country could ill afford. Ever since, the British administrative buildings have stood empty. In the sultry climate they are rapidly growing moss; saplings cling to the gaping window ledges. We are shown the Secretariat, a vast building, where General Aung San (father of Aung San Suu Kyi) and his cabinet were assassinated soon after independence. That was when Burma started to go wrong – people tell you this quite openly. It hasn’t gone right yet, despite some very positive moves by the new president, Thein Sein.

Two of our group manage to arrange a visit to Aung San Suu Kyi at her party headquarters. She greets us solemnly. Softly spoken, she insists that democracy is coming, but that now is ‘only the beginning of the beginning’. Known respectfully as Daw (Aunt), Suu is keen that Westerners visit Burma. Her country can only benefit from the contact. ‘Tell people to come to Burma,’ she insists as we shake hands.

Goldene, my guide to Scott’s Market, a 1920s structure containing more than 1,600 tiny stalls, admits she is amazed at the recent changes. When we see photos of Aunt Suu and her father for sale, she says that even a few months ago this would not have happened. I compliment her on her English and she tells me that for her it was easy to learn but for her parents it was impossible because in 1965 the daughter of General Ne Win (who seized control of Burma in 1962) was refused a visa to study in the UK; in retaliation the general banned the teaching of English in his country. The regime has loosened its grip since then, thank goodness.

Throughout my visit I was struck by the enthusiasm and efficiency of the hotel staff and later by the boat crew when our party took a cruise up the Ayeyarwady (now Irrawaddy) river to Mandalay. All but two of the 75 crew were Burmese and seemed to relish the opportunity to work. In a country where a farm labourer earns $4 a day, tourism pays well.

In Bagan we took a balloon trip over the ruins of some 2,000 temples built in the 11th and 12th centuries. Bagan was the first visit that Aung San Suu Kyi took outside Yangon after the conditions of her house arrest were eased last summer. Our balloonist was Lee from Bristol, a jolly man who relished the chance to drink European wine and talked openly about the recent changes in Burma and the hard work done by his 60-strong ground crew. ‘Everyone wants democracy,’ he laughed. ‘But no one is sure what it means.’ Lee was welcomed in by the Burmese government nine years ago and is now the single biggest employer in Bagan. There was no doubting the commitment of his workers as they chased our balloon through peanut fields to make sure we landed safely and didn’t disrupt the ox-cart traffic for too long.

A balloon trip at dawn over Bagan’s temples is stunning, like seeing an aerial view of a landscape conjured up for Queen Amidala in Star Wars. As the number of tourists to Burma increases, it’s going to be on many lists of things to see before you die. But each flight brings huge benefits to those on the ground too. Without Balloons Over Bagan, those 60 men would be back working on farms for $4 a day.

Since my visit in October 2011, more progress has been made in Burma than anyone expected. Many political prisoners have been released by President Thein Sein, and Aung San Suu Kyi has registered her party to take part in future elections, a demonstration of her cautious faith that this time the regime is serious about reform. As The Lady herself said, now is the time to come to Burma. ES

The Independent – Burma back on the map: Tourism returns to South-east Asia’s forbidden land
Burma has plenty to entice visitors – and with the travel boycott at an end, they are sure to arrive in numbers, says Simon Usborne.
Simon Usborne
Monday 04 February 2013

I arrived in Yangon – or Rangoon, as the British knew Burma’s old capital – half expecting not to make it beyond the airport. I’d heard stories about interrogated journalists and swarms of all-seeing secret police. I had a tourist visa and had listed my profession as “management” but my bag contained a laptop and note pads. A web search of my name would expose me in a second. And I’m a hopeless liar. “Good afternoon,” said the bored immigration officer after my flight from Bangkok. She glanced at my passport while tourists and business people waited behind me in the gleaming arrivals hall. “Thank you.” She waved me through. “Are you sure?” I almost asked.

I was in Burma to write a travel article but I had questions about a country emerging, blinking and nervously learning to walk again, after decades of confinement by a brutal military dictatorship. Most people answered with anxiety bordering on fear. One Burmese man, who works in tourism but asked not to be named, said: “Probably it’s OK now: nobody will listen. But nobody knows what’s going to happen. Maybe they will come back in six months and …” Here, he mimed somebody yanking him away by the neck.

If I was being watched during the following days, I didn’t notice. To the retired European in a beige hiking shirt and sandals (I saw lots of these), Burma probably feels not unlike Laos or Vietnam, but there are signs of change. I walked from my hotel along Bogyoke Aung San Road, named after General Aung San. He was assassinated six months before his negotiations helped win independence from Britain in 1948. He is also the father of Aung San Suu Kyi, the democracy leader and would-be president of Burma, who was released from house arrest in November 2010.

Tiny bells tied to the wheel of a sugar cane press rang out across the crowded pavement. There were bookstalls and plastic stools arranged around pans of fish broth. And on a corner, a man selling calendars. They featured photos of Suu Kyi, affectionately known in Burma as “The Lady”. Very recently, the calendars could have earned prison sentences for the seller and printer, and a police escort to the airport for me for buying one.

Suu Kyi had discouraged foreign visitors since the 1990s, when it emerged that the concrete being poured into new hotels and roads was mixed with the sweat and tears of slaves and displaced villagers. Many travellers stayed away until Suu Kyi herself invited them back last year.

There are no vacancies now. I visited Burma last month with Intrepid Travel, which plans 20 fortnight-long trips in the coming year, starting next month.

Like most responsible operators flocking here, it does everything it can to direct money to people, not the generals (Intrepid says 85 per cent of its customers’ money goes this way). People such as Ma Gyi. She is 56 and has exceptionally strong legs. In her youth, she was one of the only women leg rowers on Inle Lake, a body of water fringed with verdant hills, 350 miles north of Yangon. The peculiar rowing technique involves standing at the back of a canoe on one leg and hooking the other around a long oar. It frees the hands to cast nets, but today Ma Gyi cooks rather than catches, serving fish at Four Sisters Inn, which she runs with, yes, her three sisters.

Fifteen years ago, Four Sisters was one of just five guesthouses in Nyaung Shwe, the biggest town on Inle Lake. Now there are dozens, as well as a swish, Swiss-owned restaurant where I sipped a gin and tonic. Earlier, Ma Gyi joined me for a trip across the lake. We pulled into a grid of canals and houses on stilts. We watched women weave silk and girls roll cheroots. Outside, the sun had peaked and the water was glassy. We putt-putted past floating farms of tomato vines and gold-painted stupas, the balance of the rowers untroubled in our wake.

After a dinner of Inle carp and a warm salad of peanuts and green tomatoes, Ma Gyi produced an old guidebook to Burma. It opened to a faded photo of a young rower. She wears a tamein, a traditional wrap skirt, and her cheeks are smeared with thanaka, a paste of ground bark that women use to protect skin against the sun and wrinkles. “It’s me,” she said, smiling to reveal the only lines on her face.

As Ma Gyi’s journey from the photo shows, the tourism boycott didn’t put off everyone. By 2010, Yangon airport was welcoming 300,000 visitors a year, including 5,000 from Britain. In the same year, more than 15 million people travelled to neighbouring Thailand. But those who stayed away disappointed people whose livelihoods depended on visitors in one of the world’s poorest countries. “I understand about The Lady,” says Gabriel, my Burmese tour guide, “but we wanted tourists to come.”

I was on a tight schedule, with six days to get a feel of a country that is bigger than France, albeit one with limited access (vast regions riven by tribal conflict remain off-limits).

Logistics had conspired to exclude Bagan from my itinerary, which is like going to Cambodia and skipping Angkor Wat. You will go there and marvel at a vast plain dotted with more than 4,000 stupas (I’m quoting a guidebook). I, however, flew to Mandalay, Burma’s second city, to see some comedy.

The Moustache Brothers have spent time in prison breaking rocks for telling jokes. The three men, now in their sixties, had performed traditional Burmese folk opera for years, then a few satirical jokes at a performance for Aung San Suu Kyi in 1996 earned two of them seven-year jail terms. Released in 2002 but banned from travelling, they turned a room in their house into a tiny theatre. Despite police harassment, they have developed a nightly routine in English for tourists.

“I went to a dentist’s in Thailand,” Lu Maw, the third brother, told the small audience through a rusting microphone. “He said, why do you come here to see a dentist? I said, Because in Burma we are not allowed to open our mouths.”

But what room for satire amid such change? “Suu Kyi has been released but General No 1 (President Thein Sein) is still in charge,” Lu Maw said. “It’s new bottle, same wine.” The brothers’ comedy wouldn’t win awards but such ballsy dissent is thrilling to hear. “Every night we skate on thin ice,” Lu Maw said, “but with tourists here the generals are afraid. Tourists protect us.”

Tourists also bring money – and it has never been more welcome. From Mandalay, I travelled south to Kalaw, a hill town and haven for trekkers nestled in the pine-forested mountains of the Shan Plateau. I walked through tea plantations and paddy fields to reach remote villages.

In one, a woman emerged from her bamboo house as if surprised to see me and my small group. She invited us in. Inside were a flask of green tea, a bowl of oranges – and some scarves for sale. Over another cup of tea in a larger village, which already sees several guided tour groups pass through most days, the chief’s wife said: “Tourism is good for the country because now it is peaceful. If we don’t see foreigners for two or three days we don’t eat well.”

Whether it brings physical or financial security, Burma is preparing to cash in. It’s not an especially cheap country. Basic rooms that would cost $5 a night in Cambodia are more like $20. Operators are now warning of imminent new price rises as hotels, airlines and restaurants struggle to meet demand.

As many as a million people are expected to go to Burma this year but is the country ready for a sudden tripling of visitors? At Amarapura, my bus pulled up at U Bein bridge, which links the former royal capital with Mandalay. Said to be the longest teak bridge in the world, the narrow construction of posts and planks stretches for a mile across Taungthaman Lake. Already, monks and locals jostle for space with tourists and hawkers. There are no railings and one section is worryingly wobbly. Litter floats on the water as tourist boats circle for sunset shots. It is still an impressive sight, the blood-red sun silhouetting old bicycles and monks’ maroon robes, but that bridge cannot support many more people.

In Yangon, there are crowds, too, at Shwedagon Pagoda, a mountain of gold visible from across the city. The witness to all of Burma’s modern upheaval soars to a diamond-tipped point almost 100m in the sky, like a giant upturned spinning top. It is a startling sight. For Burmese, who come here at least once in their life, it is also the holiest of the countless payas that dot the country. It has survived earthquakes and raids by colonisers. It has been the site of protests and revolutionary speeches. But now it is peaceful. And busy. As the evening light faded and the gold took on a richer shade, tourists struggled with low-light settings and moved clockwise, taking pictures of Burmese praying to the relics of old Buddhas.

Burma has been bled dry by colonisers, picked to the bone by military dictators and, in 2008, all but drowned by Cyclone Nargis. It would be a cruel fate were it now to be buried under the weight of tourism. Conservation efforts are patchy. Unesco reportedly declines to award Bagan World Heritage status because of the unsympathetic methods being used to preserve it. In Yangon, grand colonial-era architecture is being left to rot – or eyed-up by developers. Shwedagon, meanwhile, has been decorated in some places with blinking neon fairy lights.

I ask Gabriel what he thinks. He is 29 and met his first foreigner – an American – on a train when he was 12. He is engaged to a beautician in Yangon. He is proud of a country and a people of great warmth and beauty. Gabriel is also excited about the ground-shifting change there. But he, too, has concerns. “I think there needs to be some sort of cultural change,” he said. “We welcome more foreigners but it’s possible that they will threaten our culture. It’s our responsibility to take care of Burma.”

At Inle Lake, Ma Gyi keeps her old oar propped up in the dining room of Four Sisters Inn as a souvenir. Above it, hangs an old portrait of her parents, a taxi driver and a cheroot maker. She can have no idea how much more Nyaung Shwe will develop. “Tourists come to appreciate, we will have to find a way to maintain it,” she reassured me. “Now I’m just very happy because so many people come and my rooms are full.”

Travel essentials: Burma

Getting there

* Direct flights no longer operate between the UK and Burma. The usual connection is via Bangkok, but Kuala Lumpur or Singapore are also possible hubs. A typical return fare from Heathrow via Bangkok on Thai next month is £730.

* Intrepid Travel (0844 499 8487; intrepidtravel.com) offers a 15-day “Best of Burma” group trip from £1,230, excluding flights. The circular itinerary takes in Yangon, Bagan, the Ayeyarwaddy River, Mandalay, Kalaw and Inle Lake. It includes 10 nights’ hotel accommodation, three nights in a guesthouse and an overnight berth on a boat, as well as most breakfasts, some meals and transfers.

More information

* British passport-holders need a visa, which costs £14 for visits of up to three months. A visa can be obtained from the Myanmar Embassy, 19A Charles Street, London W1J 5DX (020-7499 4340; myanmarembassyuk.co.uk.

* The official tourist site is myanmar-tourism.com

Burma still has a long road to travel
By Peter Popham

If the promise of recent reforms bears fruit, we may not have much longer to enjoy the peculiar charms of Burma under the junta: the beaten-up Nissan taxis; their drivers’ furtive quest for bootleg petrol, delivered by jerry can at the side of the road; the vast discrepancy, almost unchanged in my 20 years’ acquaintance with the place, between official and black market currency exchange rates. Then there’s the paranoia that starts at the airport: why are staff on the tourist desk so insistent that Happy Land II is the only place worth staying?
The modernisation of Burma got off to a false start in the early 1990s, as General Ne Win, dictator since 1962, faded away and the generals who replaced him decided Get Rich Quick was a preferable ideology.

Everywhere was renamed, including the country itself. Rangoon (Yangon) was tarted up. Even the tatty old Strand Hotel became just another stop on the heritage trail – all gleaming brass and green onyx – and multi-storey hotels sprouted downtown.

The process came grinding to a halt when Aung San Suu Kyi told Harriet O’Brien of The Independent that, in her opinion, the best response to the regime’s “Visit Myanmar Year” campaign was to stay away. The world took notice, giving the generals a reminder of the influence Suu Kyi had. A year later, the Asian financial crisis hit. Efforts to turn Burma into a destination to rival Thailand, or at least Laos, were shelved.

And that is how things remain. Most tourists still fly between three or four destinations – correctly urged not to try the trains – and they stay in mediocre, over-priced billets. But change is afoot and some main roads have been improved, so overland journeys are better.

A year ago, my son and I drove from Rangoon to Hpa-an, capital of Karen (Kayin) state, and visited Thamanya, a pretty town famous for its temple. From Thamanya temple’s highest point you can see across miles of dense forest to the Thai border. The civil war had meant all border areas were out of bounds and the only way to see this, as a journalist, was to enter surreptitiously from the Thai side.

But if the peace which the Burmese government has now signed with the Karen National Union sticks, these little-visited regions will be accessible at last. Then Burma would really be on the map.

Peter Popham, a foreign affairs specialist at The Independent, has visited Burma seven times as an undercover reporter. His biography of Aung San Suu Kyi, The Lady and the Peacock (Rider), is out now.

The Economist – Myanmar and Singapore, Among friends
Didn’t he do well? Singapore celebrates a reformist ex-general
Feb 4th 2012 | from the print edition

MEMBERS of Myanmar’s elite are frequent visitors to Singapore for all sorts of reasons. They come to shop, to pay anxious visits to their bank deposits and their doctors, to put their children into school, to gamble at the world’s biggest casino and to ogle a vision of globalised prosperity. Thein Sein, the president, came this week with a big delegation, for the signing of and agreement on co-operation in areas from tourism to the law and to thank Singapore for its loyal support over the years. But he came mainly to take a bow.

Like a prize-winning schoolboy who vindicates his maligned teachers, he makes everybody feel good. A former general, he is Myanmar’s first civilian president for half a century. He has led a startling liberalisation. Most notably, the political system is now open to Aung San Suu Kyi, the leader of the opposition, and her party. She is to contest a by-election in early April and, soon afterwards, Thein Sein implied last month, may find herself in his cabinet.

After long years of repressive military rule, this is huge progress, and has been welcomed by world leaders. Singapore—and by extension Myanmar’s other partners in the Association of South-East Asian Nations—is keen to take the credit for an effective policy of engagement. Speaking this week at the World Economic Forum in Davos, Kishore Mahbubani, a former Singaporean diplomat and now a writer on international affairs, boasted that “the gradual ‘drip-drip-drip’ diplomacy eventually yielded results.”

This week it naturally suited the Burmese delegation to accept this argument and to thank Singapore for continuing to trade with and invest in Myanmar even when its generals were
shunned by the West. Yet an equally convincing case can be made that the real impetus behind reform was the desire to see Western sanctions lifted.

The debate is academic. It is a diplomatic win-win, where all parties can claim they were right. The same is true of the whole liberalisation process. Freed political prisoners and the democratic opposition have won, but so have the leaders of the former junta, whose wealth and freedom are not, as yet, under threat. On the campaign trail, Miss Suu Kyi has already started to raise some difficult issues—such as Myanmar’s constitution, which enshrines a decisive role for the army and may only be changed with its consent. It would be nice if democracy were a win-win proposition. Sadly, even Myanmar cannot escape its need for losers.

The Irrawaddy – NLD to Reopen Mandalay Offices
By NYEIN NYEIN / THE IRRAWADDY Friday, February 3, 2012

Despite being forced to call off a major rally in Mandalay, the National League for Democracy (NLD) will go ahead with plans to reopen two branch offices in Burma’s second largest city over the weekend in preparation for upcoming by-elections, according to party sources.

Two of the party’s senior leaders, Win Tin and Ohn Kyaing, arrived in Mandalay on Friday for a four-day visit that will include a fund-raising event and the reopening of branch offices in two of the city’s five townships, said Win Mya Mya, the head of the NLD’s organizing committee in Mandalay.

Ohn Kyaing, who is the NLD’s chief spokesperson, will contest the April 1 by-elections as the party’s candidate for Mandalay’s Mahaaungmye Township, where the NLD will reopen its local branch office on Feb. 5.

Mahaaungmye is the same constituency that Ohn Kyaing was elected to represent in 1990, when the NLD won a landslide victory in nationwide elections that was subsequently ignored by Burma’s then ruling military council.

The other office due to be reopened is in Chanayethazan Township, which includes Mandalay’s central commercial district.

According to Dr Zaw Myint Maung, the party’s campaign leader for Mandalay Division, 82-year-old Win Tin will attend a fund-raising event on Saturday as part of his organizing activities in the division, where 10 of 48 seats up for grabs on April 1 are located.

The event, an art exhibition featuring the work of 103 artists at the Dhammathila Hall in downtown Mandalay, will be the highlight of a weekend that was originally supposed to include a political rally led by NLD leader Aung San Suu Kyi.

The rally had to be called off at the last minute because of problems finding a suitable venue, after the managers of the Ba Htoo Football Stadium said it could not be used to host the event. Max Myanmar, one of Burma’s largest companies, has a 20-year lease to operate the stadium.

The party tried to find other venues, but none were large enough to accommodate the expected turnout, said Ohn Kyaing, speaking to The Irrawaddy on Friday.

Suu Kyi flew to Nyaung-U in Mandalay Division on Tuesday, en route to Pakokku in Magwe Division, where she visited foreign-funded development projects in Myaing Township.

Last Sunday, she also traveled to Tavoy in Burma’s far south, where thousands of supporters turned out to greet her on her first major trip on the campaign trail.

Burmese Banks Balk as Exchange Rates Rise
By THE IRRAWADDY Friday, February 3, 2012

Many official bureaus de change at private banks in Rangoon have stopped purchasing US dollars due to competition from outside moneychangers, say financial sources in the former Burmese capital.

An official from a private bank told The Irrawaddy that while US dollars were buying and selling for 818 kyat at banks along Thein Byu Road, black marketeers were offering 812—better for those buying dollars rather than buying kyat.

“If traders and dealers buy dollars outside and then sell them at banks on Thein Byu Road they will get six kyat profit on the dollar,” he said.

Since the Central Bank of Myanmar amended regulations on Feb. 1 to allow anyone—with or without paperwork—to buy or sell up to US $10,000 at official bureaus de change, those selling dollars have tended to use the official channels.

A woman, who is the person-in-charge at a money changer of the Myawaddy Bank, told The Irrawaddy that private banks had suffered losses under different exchange rates thus, they had limited selling amount.

“We have bought a lot of dollars,” said a clerk at the bureau de change in the Myawaddy Bank. “That’s why we can now only accept $300 maximum at a time.

“However, anyone who wants to sell dollars will not be limited,” she said.

An economist in Rangoon, however, said it is important for the government to act in the short term by amending laws and regulations while implementing a market economy.

“Stop putting up the dollar price and let the exchange rates go up and down in accordance with the market’s nature,” said a city economist. “The country’s economy will flourish on that.

A good footballer must be able to play both on a grass pitch and a muddy one,” he said.

“What the government must do is to annul, amend and promulgate whatever laws it can, and prepare in advance for foreign investments,” he concluded.

In September and October last year, the Burmese government granted 17 private banks licenses to change money. The banks opened a total of 57 bureaus de change or money-changing offices with rights to buy and sell US dollars, Euros, Singapore dollars and Foreign Exchange Certificates (FECs).

Any Burmese citizen wishing to exchange money is obliged to produce an ID card, and submit evidence of where the money came from if the amount is more than $10,000.

Kachin peace vigil at U.S. White House
Friday, 03 February 2012 13:33 Mizzima News

(Mizzima) – The U.S. Campaign for Burma will hold a 24-hour vigil in front of the White House in Washington from Friday to Saturday to show solidarity with over 60,000 Kachin refugees affected by the renewed fighting in eastern Burma.

Called the “Peace Vigil to End Violence Against Ethnic Minorities in Burma,” the event will take place in Lafayette Park in sight of the White House.

The group calls for continued sanctions against the Burmese government, support of tripartite talks between the government, the National League for Democracy and the alliance of ethnic minorities, and an end to hostilities and assaults on the Kachin people.

Tens of thousands of Kachin in eastern Burma were forced to flee their homes when the Burmese military renewed civil war in June 2011. International aid groups have been prevented from access to aid the refugees, many of whom are in need of food, medicine and shelter.

‘The process is neither smooth nor linear’
Friday, 03 February 2012 14:02 Mizzima News

(Mizzima) – Establishing peace in ethnic areas will be the most difficult challenge looking ahead in Burmese politics, a high U.S. human rights official said on Tuesday.

Michael Posner, the assistant secretary of state for democracy, human rights and labor, in a speech to the U.S. National Endowment for Democracy, said the “most important and most difficult remaining challenge is the need to end violence in ethnic minority areas and to advance an inclusive, meaningful dialogue leading towards genuine national reconciliation.”

Ultimately the ethnic violence in Burma is rooted in political causes, he said, and it will require extensive negotiated political solutions on both sides to address the underlying grievances.

“In the coming months and years we must steel ourselves for challenges that will inevitably come with this transition,” he said.
“Over the years, it’s my observation that when ossified societies begin to loosen up, the process is neither smooth nor linear.”

He said that “where Burma goes from here will depend on the political will of its leaders and the willingness of the government’s opponents to engage. And this political will needs to flow from two directions – from the top down, and from the bottom up.”

Posner said President Thein Sein and his advisors have created “a kind of top-down reform process.”

“To make Burma a home for all of its people requires broad, grassroots engagement by the widest possible range of politically active citizens,” he said.

Diverse civil groups in all areas will need to push for structural changes from the bottom up, “at the same time as the political leadership works to push reform from the top down.”

He said the project of reforming the system from within is immense. “It will require both political will from the top down and dynamism from the bottom up. Those who have profited from power in every country are often resistant to sharing it, and thus a backlash is always possible.”

The move to democracy will take time and much effort, he said, and the U.S. will “seize the opportunities to support the people, and especially politically active civil society, to pursue real, sustainable reforms from within.”

Ultimately, he said he was optimisitic because of opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi. “Her country is fortunate to have a leader of her principles and her caliber to inspire and guide it through these tumultuous times,” he said.

ZRO not offered peace talks
Friday, 03 February 2012 13:21 Nay Myo

New Delhi (Mizzima) – The Burmese government has yet to extend a peace talk offer to the Zomi Reunification Organization (ZRO), which is fighting for ethnic Zomi national autonomy.

The government has offered peace talks to the Chin National Front and the Arakan Liberation Party, which also  operate on the India-Burma-Bangladesh border, but they have not yet extended such an offer to the ZRO, Min Thang told Mizzima.

Explaining the lack of an offer, he said, “We don’t attack”  Burma in an armed struggle for ethnic rights. “We are supporting the objectives of the NLD from India by supporting Aung San Suu Kyi on her democratic path,” he said.

The Manipur State-based ZRO was formed in the Pha Pyin region under the control of the Kachin Independence Organization in 1993. It says it has a 1,000-man   army, which is led by current chairman Pu Thang Lian Pau.

Thang Lian Pau is a former secretary of the Zomi National Congress and is also an MP-elect from the 1990 general election.

Zomi nationals live in Tamu, Kalay, the Kabaw valley and Chin State in Burma, India and Bangladesh.

“We bear arms for our security,” said Min Thang. “We fight through nonviolent means also, but we think nonviolence means is not workable so we hold arms for self-defense and for accomplishing our goal of Zomi re-unification.”

At the a meeting with ZRO officials on December 17, 2010, Indian Home Minister P. Chidambaram said he appreciated ZRO efforts to maintain regional peace for democracy in Burma, according to a statement issued by the ZRO Information and Public Relations Department.

DVB News – Thai energy workers strike in Tavoy
By AHUNT PHONE MYAT
Published: 3 February 2012

Low salaries and poor working conditions have prompted workers for the Thai state-owned PTT energy company to go on strike in Tavoy [Dawei], the southern Burmese town currently being transformed into a massive industrial complex.

Around 60 labourers are dissatisfied at the $US5-a-day wages they are receiving, and complain that other companies involved in the project are paying their employees nearly double that.

Now in its fourth day, the strike threatens to draw further attention to the controversy surrounding the Tavoy venture, which upon completion in 2019 will become Southeast Asia’s largest industrial complex, and threatens to displace up to 30,000 people.

The workers say that on top of the low salary, they are required to work from dawn until dusk and are often denied meal breaks.

“About two weeks before our protest, the company gave us a contract to sign which demands we work 12 hours a day, seven days a week,” said one of the strikers. “There’s no benefit for us in that – only they [PTT] profit.”

He continued that PTT had not responded to a complaint lodged with its socioeconomic department, and 58 people began a strike on Tuesday. That number has now dwindled, but has had a nominal impact: PTT employees on Tuesday “promised a pay rise”, although the worker lamented that nothing had yet happened.

The group had been working on the Kanpauk gas pipeline project, one of a smorgasbord of features being developed for the industrial site, which will house petrochemical plants, steel mills and plastics factories, as well as a giant deep-sea port.

Plans for a 4,000 MW coal-fired power station were scrapped by the Burmese government in a shock move last month that drew the ire of Thailand, which had expected to receive around 3,400 MW of the output.

The project is led by the Thai construction giant Ital-Thai, but draws on migrant labour from across the region. One protestor said the mixture of different nationalities had created friction. “There aren’t enough water purifiers and the Chinese people point at things with their feet and not with a finger,” he said, referring to a practice considered rude in Burma.

The development is rapidly turning this quiet stretch of coastline in Tenasserim division into a vast construction site, with local campaigners fearing substantial environmental damage. But the government has attempted to portray the project as a signifier of its potential to become a key economic and strategic player in the region, given its geographical position as a gateway to ASEAN economies.

DVB News – Top Karen leader facing treason charge
By AYE NAI
Published: 3 February 2012

A top Karen National Union leader appeared in court yesterday on charges of unlawful association and treason, only three weeks after the Burmese government agreed to a ceasefire with its long-time foe.

Mahn Nyein Maung was brought to a courtroom inside the compounds of Rangoon’s notorious Insein prison where hundreds of political prisoners have been tried over the years. If found guilty of treason, he faces a possible death sentence or life imprisonment.

His lawyer, Kyi Myint, said that judges yesterday heard two prosecution statements, including one from a police investigator. Both charges stem from his role in the KNU, which has been battling the Burmese government for more than six decades – originally the group was fighting for an independent state, although it now calls for a federalised Burma.

A tentative ceasefire agreement on 12 January appears not to have helped Mahn Nyein Maung’s case – the treason charges were brought only recently, after he had already been in detention for seven months on immigration charges. It was only during his time in Insein prison that police discovered he was a KNU member.

His lawyer said the main evidence used by the prosecution was documents they discovered on the internet, something he claims does not qualify as concrete proof of his guilt.

“We questioned the court over whether they would accept in a trial if we submitted material from the internet as evidence against [the government],” Kyi Myint said. “At the end of the hearing, the court decided to throw out the [internet material] as evidence – that is exceptional.”

Mahn Nyein Maung has already spent time in prison on the Coco Islands, 300 kilometres south of Rangoon in the Andaman Sea. After nearly a decade in jail on the islands, he and another prisoner managed to escape on rafts, but were apprehended on the Burmese mainland and thrown back in jail.

The government has been warned that the trial could derail fragile peace talks with the KNU, which appear to be on tenterhooks in the wake of renewed attacks by Burmese troops in Karen state last week.

Although death sentences are still awarded by courts in Burma, no one has been formally executed for a number of years. Two whistleblowers sentenced to death in January 2010 for leaking details of secretive senior-level governmental visits to North Korea and Russia remain in prison.

Myanmar’s Suu Kyi postpones planned political trip
Associated Press – 50 mins ago

YANGON, Myanmar (AP) — Pro-democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi has postponed a trip to central Myanmar because she could not obtain permission to hold a political gathering at a football stadium there, a party official said Thursday.

Ohn Kyaing, a spokesman for her National League for Democracy party, said she would reschedule the trip to Mandalay which had been slated for this weekend.

The failure to receive Election Commission permission strikes a sour note in the reconciliation process under the reforms of the elected but military-backed government of President Thein Sein. Suu Kyi is leading a slate of her party’s candidates contesting 48 parliamentary seats in an April 1 by-election.

Thein Sein’s democratic reforms after decades of military repression have drawn praise from Suu Kyi as well as from previously critical Western nations.

Suu Kyi last week made a political trip to the southern city of Dawei, where she received an enthusiastic welcome from thousands of people.

The party submitted a request 10 days ahead of time for permission to use the Bahtoo football stadium for a speech because a large crowd was expected, Ohn Kyaing said. The law requires that applications be made at least seven days in advance.

Ohn Kyaing, who will run for one of the 10 seats from the Mandalay region in the polls, said the NLD asked football authorities for use of the stadium, but the football federation said Mandalay’s Election Commission must first approve the request.

However, the Election Commission said the NLD needed to obtain permission from the football federation first.

“We are a bit saddened with the inconvenience,” Ohn Kyaing said.

NLD leaders then sought permission to use an open field under the administration of the ministry of sports but no approval was given by Thursday evening, so the party decided to cancel Suu Kyi’s planned trip.

At Suu Kyi’s rallies, signs of a new Myanmar
By Jason Szep | Reuters – Wed, Feb 1, 2012

DAWEI, Myanmar (Reuters) – Shortly after her aging aircraft rattled its way off the runway and into the skies of southern Myanmar, Aung San Suu Kyi crossed the aisle to where three orange-robed Buddhist monks were seated in the first row.

She knelt down and bowed her head, as passengers watched aboard a suddenly hushed plane. Media were not alerted. There were no clicking cameras.

“That’s a wonderful moment,” the lone Western diplomat on the plane said quietly.

Her display of obeisance and humility, less than an hour after ecstatic crowds feted her like a rock-star in the southern city of Dawei, revealed a side few have seen.

This more deferential demeanour of the 1991 Nobel Peace Prize laureate may well help sustain the most sweeping reforms in the former British colony since a 1962 military coup when it was known as Burma.

DEMONISED AS WESTERNISED

While she is widely admired at home, figures in her own movement have criticised her as too dogmatic, inflexible or arrogant – accusations amplified by state media under the former military junta which handed power to a nominally civilian parliament in March.

The ruling generals often demonised her as Westernised, out of touch with Myanmar. It contrasts with her international image as an enduring symbol of democracy, locked away 15 of the past 22 years for her beliefs until freed from house arrest in November, 2010.

Her steadfast support of Western economic sanctions over the years, however, divided the dissident community. Some felt they hurt the general public and allowed the junta and its cronies to carve up Myanmar’s resources and other assets for themselves. Suu Kyi countered they were crucial to force the generals to produce sincere reforms, echoing U.S. and European views.

But as Myanmar changes, so too, is she. At 66, many see her now as more politically astute, more realistic.

“She wasn’t always humble, she wasn’t always flexible. But to succeed now, she needs to be flexible, and she is starting to show that,” said one veteran Burmese journalist.

Her genuflection in the plane was emblematic of her position as opposition leader as well: monks have been at the forefront of the pro-democracy movement in Myanmar, and Suu Kyi had just finished speeches calling for changes to the army-drafted constitution at the heart of Myanmar’s power structure.

Later, speaking with Reuters aboard the 1970s-era Myanma Airways aircraft, she ticked off her top priorities, including introducing the rule of law and ending several ethnic insurgencies. But above all, she wants to amend the 2008 constitution ensuring the military’s strong influence over the resource-rich country of nearly 60 million people.

“That’s our election platform,” she said.

UNLIKELY LEADER

Her last campaign, ahead of the 1990 elections, awoke similar passions and ended with troops surrounding her lakeside villa, locking her under house arrest.

In the tumult before the election, thousands of pro-democracy protesters were killed, and the 43-year-old Suu Kyi emerged as an unlikely leader. She had a home in Oxford, England, a British husband and two sons. But as the daughter of assassinated independence hero Aung San, considered by many as the nation’s founding father, she was urged to speak up.
Just months after returning to Yangon to care for her ailing mother in 1988, she shot to prominence.

“I have never really wanted to get involved in politics but the people of Burma had a very high regard for my father … so obviously I felt a sense of responsibility,” she told Reuters in an August, 1988, interview. “After the August demonstrations and the killings, I felt it would be too cowardly of me to sit tight in my house and pretend that nothing was happening.”
In less than a year, she was drawing tens of thousands of supporters at rallies, becoming a symbol of democracy. After her arrest, the junta tightened its grip.

STAR POWER

Two decades later, her star power is undimmed.

In Dawei on Sunday, thousands of ecstatic supporters turned out for a glimpse of her, lining dusty streets, cheering and waving little red-and-white flags, the colours of her opposition National League for Democracy (NLD) party. Some wore shirts with her image. Many chanted “long live mother Suu”.

At each stop, she roused them into wild cheers.

After her rallies in Dawei, state media reminded candidates that formal campaigning had yet to begin for the 48 available seats in the 1,158-seat legislature.

Suu Kyi’s speeches on Tuesday in rural Myaing township toed that line. She did not mention the election or even her party, speaking instead about a British development project.

While in 1989 she defied authorities by holding illegal rallies and ended up under house arrest, Suu Kyi now seems less willing to provoke authorities into a backlash that could undermine the nascent reforms.

But her appearances in Dawei had the unmistakable feel of a campaign. She spoke on stages over loudspeakers in four villages, pressing her demand for changing the constitution whose clauses reserve a quarter of parliament’s seats for the military, and warning that any government that lies to the people should be removed.

“There are certain laws which are obstacles to freedom of the people, and we will try to abolish these laws within the framework of the parliament,” she said at one rally. “Only when democracy prevails will the people’s power rule.”

LIVELY PARLIAMENT DEBATE

While little has changed physically on Myanmar’s rutted streets, the government has seen a dramatic transformation the past six months. Last August, President Thein Sein, a former junta leader, stunned lawmakers in the capital Naypyitaw, urging them to pursue reforms, adopt good governance and do the unthinkable: freely voice opinions.

Since then, hundreds of political prisoners have been freed. The government regularly engages with Suu Kyi. Parliament, dismissed as a rubber-stamping sham when it opened a year ago, began a third session last week with lively debate on a reform programme that could lead the West to start lifting sanctions by mid-year.

Anti-corruption legislation is being drafted, along with bills ending the secrecy surrounding the national budget. A law is in the works that would overhaul a village administration system that has stacked election odds in favour of the dominant military-backed party. U.S. President Barack Obama has hailed Myanmar’s “flickers of progress.”

“We’re finally moving in the right direction,” said Sai Saung Si, 65, a lawmaker from northern Shan State and vice-chairman of the Shan Nationalities Development Party, a major ethnic party that won 18 seats in the lower house in 2010.

Each Sunday, he holds meetings in his home for villagers to raise issues. At first, people were afraid to speak up. But that’s changing, he said. “When I go back to my town and when there are problems, because of my status as a member of parliament, what I say takes effect. It is working,” he said.

He takes the most difficult problems directly to the relevant ministries. If they try to ignore him, he plays back the president’s words. “I tell them the president wants good governance. They generally don’t argue with that.”

CLOUD OF REPRESSION LIFTING

During Suu Kyi’s swing through Dawei, children in white and green school uniforms lined the streets waving and cheering. Under the junta, they would have been strictly barred from opposition events.

The usual retinue of undercover police did not trail her every move as they did on a July 5 visit to Bagan, north of Yangon, where some feared a reprise of the 2003 bloody attack on her motorcade in which 70 supporters were killed.

In Yangon this week, journalists, government officials and media executives both local and foreign met in a conference room to discuss changes to laws that for a half-century meant that every song, book, cartoon, news story and planned piece of art would require approval by teams of censors rooting out political messages and criticisms of Myanmar’s authoritarian system.

“Now we have a chance to change our policy,” U Than Htay, Minister of Energy, told Reuters in an interview in Naypyitaw. “Once we took office, we have changed many things to develop our nation than previously.” His first policy shift was to ban the export of natural gas from new fields in Myanmar, and use those resources to speed up development of local industry.

STRONGMAN RETIRED?

A turning point for Suu Kyi came on August 19 when she and President Thein Sein met one-on-one in Naypyitaw. The president has since repeatedly urged parliament to pursue reforms, while Suu Kyi has voiced support for the government.

What the two discussed has not been made public. Some people here think Thein Sein may have reassured Suu Kyi of not just the government’s support but also of the military’s.

More importantly, they speculate, Thein Sein conveyed another, crucial message: that Myanmar’s former strongman, retired Senior General Than Shwe, had given his blessing to the reforms.

That is not entirely clear. But diplomats say it would allow him to retire in peace rather than face the possibility of an Arab Spring-style popular revolt.

The 78-year-old military strategist remains mostly out of public view and seldom speaks with outsiders. Dissidents paint him as a paranoid despot driven by a mixture of greed, fear and superstition. But the general who spent much of his military career as an expert in psychological warfare is also considered a brilliant tactician and is thought to remain influential.

Some skeptics in the democracy movement say Suu Kyi is working too closely with a government stacked with the same former generals who persecuted dissidents, fearing she is being exploited to convince the West to lift sanctions.

“If it will serve the country, let them exploit me, let them take advantage of me,” Suu Kyi said in response to such criticism last year.

PRESIDENT ONE DAY

The breathtaking pace of reforms does pose plenty of challenges for her.

Her party lacks experience in administration and organising campaigns, but that also may be changing. In the Dawei region, t-shirts with her image or the party’s name were distributed free of charge before her arrival in a sign of efficiency.

Another question is how much influence she can wield over the year-old parliament. But lawmakers interviewed by Reuters said it could be formidable.

“When she comes to the parliament, if she raises one issue, and this issue is very beneficial to the country, then who will dare go against it?” said Sai Saung Si of the Shan Nationalities Development Party.

Still, it will take time before many Burmese no longer fear their government – something Suu Kyi directly addressed.

“You must be able to go to bed without having to worry who will come and knock on your door at night, and you must be able to wake up with this in your mind,” she told one rally at Dawei.

But she was also careful not to raise expectations too high, telling party leaders not to “give impossible pledges….When you pursuade someone to vote for you, it should be done spiritually.”

Managing expectations could her most daunting challenge. If she wins the April 1 by-elections, her supporters expect her to accelerate the reform process and possibly transform parliament. And many have even higher hopes.

“As to whether we should feel optimistic about the changes happening in Myanmar, the key person is Aung San Suu Kyi,” said Maung Tin Thit, an environmental activist and former political prisoner in Mandalay. “She is the person who will decide whether we should be optimistic. She will be president one day.”

Myanmar agrees to ceasefire with Mon separatists
Reuters – Wed, Feb 1, 2012

YANGON (Reuters) – Myanmar agreed to a cease-fire with ethnic Mon separatists Wednesday, a peace mediator said, the latest in a series of tentative peace deals sought by a nominally civilian government trying to escape economic sanctions.

The cease-fire between the army and the New Mon State Party (NMSP) was the seventh such agreement between the government and ethnic rebel groups since former military junta leader and now President Thein Sein made a public call for peace talks with separatists late last year.

The cease-fire, one of 11 being sought by the government which came to power in 2010 in disputed polls, may strengthen Myanmar’s case for getting Western sanctions lifted.

Along with freeing political prisoners and holding fair by-elections in April, the United States and European Union have made peace with ethnic militias a pre-requisite for a review of their embargoes.

The NMSP, the political wing of the Mon National Liberation Army (MNLA), which has fought for autonomy in eastern Mon State under various guises since 1948, agreed to set up liaison offices and restrict movement of weapons, a mediator told Reuters.

“The Mon State government and NMSP this morning signed a five-point preliminary agreement in principle,” Hla Maung Shwe said by telephone from Mawlamyaing, the venue for the talks about 304 km (190 miles) east of the biggest city, Yangon.

Most ethnic groups seek some form of self-rule.

Deals have been reached with the Karen National Union (KNU) and Shan State Army (South).

But talks with the powerful Kachin Independence Army (KIA) have been derailed by persistent fighting that aid groups say has displaced as many as 50,000 people and underlines the high political, economic and diplomatic stakes at play.

Kachin State is central to the energy interests of both Myanmar and China, hosting crucial hydropower dams and twin pipelines that will transport oil and natural gas to supply southwestern Yunnan province.

The Malaysian Insider – The promise and peril of Myanmar’s economy — Simon Tay
February 02, 2012

FEB 2 — Just as Myanmar’s long-detained icon Aung San Suu Kyi began campaigning for a parliamentary seat, the country’s President Thein Sein made a state visit to Singapore.

Accompanied by a high-level delegation, the President’s visit concluded with an agreement for technical assistance and training in a number of key areas including finance, investment law and trade facilitation.

These two events over the same week demonstrate the ambitious pace of change and growing confidence in Myanmar. Reaching out to Singapore also brings into the spotlight an economic dimension to the ongoing political reform.

Businesses from many countries have been eager to explore investments in Myanmar. Considered the last large and untapped market in Asia, many sectors of the economy have been underdeveloped or else dominated by Chinese firms.

The Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) — the regional group to which Myanmar belongs — wants to be supportive and so does Singapore, as a major hub for the region. This goes beyond the politics of having Myanmar assume the group’s chairmanship in 2014.

ASEAN’s plan for a more integrated economic community, targeted for 2015, can also gain.

Much, however, depends on whether sanctions put in place by the West for more than two decades are lifted. The European Union has already begun to unwind its sanctions. In Washington, a complex legal process is gaining bipartisan support.

There is cause for optimism, but is Myanmar ready for business and investment? Can the country follow up on its current political reform with parallel reforms to the economy and boost the country’s development?

A recent publication by the International Monetary Fund (IMF) predicts the economy will grow at a rate of some 5.5 per cent for 2012. Such projections — in line with neighbouring Indochinese economies — are significant given the weak global outlook. But there is potential for greater, sustained growth.

Consider the country’s ample natural resources of oil and gas, as well as forestry products and minerals. Factor in a strategic location that can link China, India and Southeast Asia.

Add also that Myanmar has a sizeable population of some 54 million, many of whom are of working age and eager for jobs. The economy, among the region’s poorest at present, has the potential to grow.

There are, of course, concerns, many of which are typical of frontier economies — like the need for infrastructure and concerns about corruption and power shifts during this political change. But Myanmar also faces special challenges.

One key issue — as pointed out by the IMF — are exchange controls and currency stability. Officially, US$1 (RM3.10) is exchanged for just six Myanmar kyats. But in the widespread black market, the rate currently hovers around 750 kyats and has been as high in recent years as 1,250 kyats. Only with astute financial management can the country hope to liberalise its currency while maintaining macro-economic stability.

Another issue important for businesses coming in is that investment protection laws need improvement, with stable policies to be put in place. Recall that in the mid-1990s, some companies invested in the country, anticipating its membership in ASEAN. Many investors of that period were, however, left stranded by circumstances and policy changes.

Another issue to watch will be the central government’s effort to settle decades of fighting with different ethnic groups. The recent ceasefire deal with the Karen is a prime example. The Karen have been active in the Dawei industrial zone in the south of the country and this is now undergoing a major overhaul worth US$50 billion as a cornerstone of the government’s revitalisation plan.

As economic opening moves ahead, it will be essential that gains go beyond the circle of those in power. If development is to be sustained in tandem with political reform, the government must give attention to educating and training its people and meeting their basic needs, such as housing.

This sets the context for the agreement between the governments of Myanmar and Singapore. Tapping on Singapore’s expertise in finance, law and providing public services can help Myanmar kick-start economic development. The agreement was in many ways to be expected, given that the countries have long-standing ties in trade, as well as training programmes for public officials.

The spotlight thus far has understandably been on Myanmar’s dramatic political opening. Economic reform is now emerging as a twinned issue and the agreement with Singapore is but an early step on this path. Advocates for human rights and democracy will continue to watch developments in Myanmar but expect that businesses too will increasingly be part of the equation for change. — Today

* Simon Tay is chairman of the Singapore Institute of International Affairs.

New York Times – Myanmar: Total of Freed Political Prisoners Is Updated
By EDWARD WONG
Published: February 2, 2012

Amnesty International has now counted at least 299 political prisoners released by the Myanmar government among the total of 651 prisoners who were let out of confinement last month, according to Benjamin Zawacki, a Myanmar researcher based in Bangkok for the organization.

The prisoners were released Jan. 13 as part of the reforms that President Thein Sein of Myanmar, the first civilian leader of the country in nearly 50 years, has been pushing. Amnesty International estimated on Jan. 13 that at least 130 of the people released were political prisoners.

The organization’s updated count of 299 now matches a count from the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners, a group based in Thailand.

Mr. Zawacki said in an e-mail that it was unclear whether Amnesty International’s list of names is exactly the same because the organization has not crosschecked the two lists.

The National League for Democracy, which is led by Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, has its own list.

Moneycontrol.com – Myanmar plans jump in health, education spending
Published on Thu, Feb 02, 2012 at 18:22 |  Source : Reuters
By Aung Hla Tun

YANGON (Reuters) – Myanmar’s government has proposed a budget for the 2012/13 fiscal year that would give a huge boost to the health and education sectors but still provides far greater resources for the armed forces.

The military, which ruled Myanmar for almost five decades until a nominally civilian government took office in March last year, will receive a budget of 1.87 trillion kyat (about $2.3 billion at the widely used black market rate).

That is 14.4 percent of the total 13.04 trillion kyat budget for the year starting from April and 36 percent higher than last year. The total budget will increase 63 percent from the current year’s 7.98 trillion.

Health would get 368 billion kyat, four times as much as the 92 billion in the last budget, while spending on education would almost double to 617 billion from 310 billion, according to information provided to Reuters by senate member Aye Maung.

The proposal, which is in line with the government’s reform agenda, could help win it support at home and boost Myanmar’s case for a lifting of Western sanctions.

The government has many of the same generals, now retired, who ruled the country with an iron fist, spending large sums of money on the armed forces and little on schools and hospitals, but the new administration insists the welfare of its people is now its priority.

“It is important that the collection of receipts and allocation of public finance is in accordance with the desires of the people. It is necessary that the public is content with it,” Finance Minister Aung Hla was quoted as telling legislators this week.

DECADES-OLD DEBT

For the new fiscal year, he is banking on 10.52 trillion kyat in receipts, leaving a 2.52 trillion kyat deficit. That compares with a projected 5.78 trillion kyat in receipts and a 2.20 trillion kyat deficit for the current fiscal year.

Dollar conversions from Myanmar’s kyat currency are complicated by the country’s two exchange rates: it has a fluctuating black market rate and an official rate that is barely used other than for some government data.

Myanmar is seeking help from the International Monetary Fund to unify its rates.

On Thursday, the kyat traded on the black market at about 820 to the dollar, compared with the official rate of 6 kyat.

According to the senator, Aung Hla also revealed that Myanmar owes some $11.02 billion in external debt run up decades ago, while its foreign currency reserves are a little over $7 billion.

Such data was rarely, if ever, published by the military governments that ran the Southeast Asian country under various guises since 1962, but the new government is doing its utmost to appear transparent as foreign investors knock at its door.

Hla Tun said that $8.41 billion out of the $11.02 billion in external debt was incurred during a socialist military regime from 1962 to 1988.

That included $6.39 billion owed to Japan, $802 million to the World Bank, $582 million to Germany and $357 million to the Asian Development Bank.

Debt run up after 1988 amounted to $2.61 billion, including $2.14 billion owed to China.

It was unclear if the totals included accumulated interest or whether the government was servicing any of the debt. The minister said that total foreign exchange reserves were $7.20 billion.

Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses – Myanmar’s Critical Role in Bolstering India’s Look East Policy
Arvind Gupta
February 2, 2012

India implemented a Look East Policy (LEP) in the early nineties, aimed at strengthening relations with the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) member states. In keeping with its bid for a leadership role in Asia and beyond, India seeks greater integration with ASEAN and is striving to create an Asian Economic Community. Looking back, it can be said that the Policy has been moderately successful. India’s relations with ASEAN and its member states have developed significantly over the years. The India–ASEAN Free Trade Agreement, signed in 2009 and operationalised in 2010, has been a tangible outcome of India’s LEP.

The key highlights of the LEP include:

India has summit-level relations with ASEAN, is a full dialogue partner in the ASEAN Regional Forum (ARF), and is a member of the ASEAN Defence Ministers Meeting (ADMM+).

The next India–ASEAN Commemorative Summit will be held in New Delhi in 2012.

India is a founding member of the East Asia Summit (EAS).

India and ASEAN have an FTA in operation.

India–ASEAN trade has been increasing in recent years at a fast rate. According to Government of India (GoI) data, India’s trade with ASEAN in 2010–11 was US$ 57.9 billion; of this, exports accounted for US$ 27.3 billion, and imports accounted for US$ 30.6 billion. Trade with ASEAN constitutes about 10 per cent of India’s global trade.

Indian investments in the ASEAN countries are increasing.

More and more Indian professionals are working in ASEAN countries.

ASEAN welcomes cultural engagement with India. As part of this, the international Nalanda University is being set up in Bihar.

While these are positive developments, what are the prospects for India–ASEAN relations over the next 20 years? Undoubtedly, the past two decades of LEP have provided the foundation for rapid growth of India–ASEAN relations in the next 20 years. Yet, a critical and objective analysis of the LEP would show that its full potential has not yet been realised.

Connectivity between India and the ASEAN region is still poor.

The trade is below potential, especially if seen in comparison with ASEAN’s trade with China or Japan.

Investments in each others’ economies remain low.

People-to-people contacts remain at a low level. Visa restrictions continue to prevail, and tourism is below par.

BIMSTEC (Bay of Bengal Initiative for Multi-Sectoral and Technical Cooperation) and MGC (Mekong-Ganga Cooperation) are performing much below their potential.

New areas of cooperation have not been tapped. India should invest in capacity building, strengthening of democratic institutions and engagement with civil society. The potential of cooperation in health, education and tourism also need to be utilised.

ASEAN counties are not yet comfortable with the idea of enhancing cooperation in defence and security areas due to the China factor.

Cooperation on counter-terrorism has not reached a critical mass.

Flagship projects like the Nalanda University have made slow progress.

A major lacuna in India’s LEP has been the absence of deep engagement with Myanmar, which is not only India’s neighbour—sharing a land border with India—but also a gateway for India to ASEAN. Closer engagement with Myanmar will give a boost to India’s LEP.

Another key impediment has been the relative lack of development in India’s North-East region. The North-East must be made an integral part of India’s LEP as both a key driver and a staging post for the Policy.

This will require, first and foremost, the settlement of the continuing insurgencies in the region as it would take care of many of India’s security concerns. It must be noted that considerable progress has been made in this regard in recent years. The recent improvement in India–Bangladesh relations has had a major security benefit for India in terms of winding down of the ULFA insurgency. Similarly, improving ties with Myanmar will help India in dealing with the Naga and Manipur insurgencies. Economic and social development in the region will also pay security dividends for India.

The North-East region has the potential to become a manufacturing hub for engaging with neighbouring Bangladesh, Myanmar, and ASEAN in general. For this, the North-East needs to be connected more densely with Bangladesh, Myanmar, and the ASEAN region beyond. This will require building infrastructure—roads, railway lines, river transport, airports, tourism infrastructure, border check-posts, educational, and health infrastructure, etc.—in the North-East on an urgent basis. The GoI needs to invest big sums in the region in order to make LEP a success. Moreover, linking the North-East to Myanmar and Bangladesh will help in the development of the region and address the issue of poverty.
Myanmar’s Role in India’s Look East Policy

The transition to democracy in Myanmar is a development of great significance for Indo–Myanmar relations. It will also impact the region as a whole. Since March 2011, when a civilian government came to power and political and economic reforms were subsequently initiated by President Thein Sein, Myanmar’s isolation is gradually receding. The US and the European Union are also contemplating engagement with Myanmar. Given its geo-strategic location and natural resources, Myanmar is on the verge of a major take-off.

President Thein Sein visited India in October 2011 and the Myanmar Foreign Minister, Wanna Maung Lwin, paid a visit in January 2012. India’s External Affairs Minister, S.M. Krishna, also visited Myanmar in 2011. Thus, there is mutual interest in taking bilateral ties forward. A key challenge for India is fast-tracking its relations with Myanmar as that will boost its Look East initiative.

The current state of Indo-Myanmar relations appears healthy. Both countries have set a target of doubling bilateral trade to $3 billion by 2015. According to information provided by the GoI to Parliament, India has offered assistance to Myanmar

“for road development projects to build physical connectivity with Myanmar. These include up-gradation of the Tamu-Kalewa-Kalemyoa road (about 160 km) in Myanmar across the border from Manipur; Kaladan Multi-Modal Transit Transport Project, which envisages development of road and inland waterways from Sittwe port in Myanmar to Mizoram;
upgradation of Rhi-Tiddim Road (about 60 km) in Myanmar adjoining Mizoram; and some segments of Trilateral Highway Project (about 1,360 km) connecting Moreh (Manipur, India) to Mae Sot (Thailand) through Myanmar.”

The Kaladan Multimodal Transit Transport Project and the Rhi-Tiddim project, once completed, will transform India’ North-East and the bordering Myanmar regions.

President Thein Sein’s visit to India in October 2011, when he was accompanied by a number of cabinet ministers, was a landmark event that sought to transform India-Myanmar relations. A number of agreements were signed during the visit, including a Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) for the up-gradation of the Yangon Children’s Hospital and Sittwe General Hospital, and a programme of Cooperation in Science & Technology for the period 2012–2015. India has already extended lines of credit worth $300 million for the development of railways, transport, power transmission lines, oil refinery, and OFC link, etc., to Myanmar. During the visit, India announced the extension of a new concessional facility of a $500 million line of credit to Myanmar for specific projects, including irrigation projects. The Indian Prime Minister announced that India would extend technical and financial support for the following new projects: setting up of an Advanced Centre for Agricultural Research and Education (ACARE) in Yezin, and a Rice Bio Park at a farm in Nay Pyi Taw. The Prime Minister also announced India’s support to Myanmar for setting up an Information Technology Institute in Mandalay and a second Industrial Training Centre at Myingyan with technical support from HMTI.

Energy security and the power sector are important areas for mutual cooperation. During President Thein Sein’s visit, it was agreed to enhance cooperation in the area of oil and natural gas. In this context, Myanmar welcomed the substantial investments made by Indian companies, including GAIL, ESSAR, ONGC, among others, in off-shore and on-shore blocks, and the construction of natural gas pipelines. Myanmar agreed to encourage further investments by Indian companies, both public and private, in its oil and natural gas sectors.

During the visit, the two sides reiterated their commitment to cooperate in the implementation of the Tamanthi and Shwezaye projects on the Chindwin River Basin in Myanmar. While the Detailed Project Report (DPR) on the Tamanthi project by NHPC has been submitted, the final updated DPR for Shwezaye will be available in March 2012. While designing these projects, India must factor in their impact on the local population and environment. It is essential to take their views into account.

Indo–Myanmar cooperation in the past has been marred by delays and uncertainty. These delays have cost India productive cooperation in the hydrocarbon sector, where China has been the gainer. Undoubtedly, there is far greater potential in Indo–Myanmar relations than the few projects India has undertaken so far. These projects should be competed at the earliest but more needs to be done.

The following steps can be considered by the GoI:

India should enhance its investments in Myanmar and set up a much larger sum of, say, $5 billion for investment in Myanmar’s economic and social projects in the form of grants and soft loans. This investment should be made in building critical infrastructure in Myanmar, infrastructure enhancing connectivity between India and Myanmar, and also in trilateral projects between India, Myanmar, and Thailand.

People-to-people contacts between India and Myanmar should be enhanced rapidly through liberalisation of the visa regime, educational and cultural cooperation, border areas development, and the development of tourism infrastructure.

Security cooperation between the two countries should be upgraded by establishing information sharing, joint patrolling of the borders, and cooperation on border management.
Indian investments in Myanmar should be increased in the areas identified by the latter, particularly in minerals, energy, and agriculture.

India and Myanmar should enhance cooperation in maritime security.

India should share the benefits of its science and technology with Myanmar. A 10-year programme of science and technology cooperation should be established and implemented.
India should share its experience in strengthening democratic institutions with Myanmar.

The two counties should coordinate their approaches on the issue of cooperation in BIMSTEC, ARF, EAS, and ADMM+, etc.

Myanmar has a significant Indian diaspora, which is well integrated in the local society. The diaspora can play an important role in strengthening India–Myanmar relations.

The existing Joint Committee at the Commerce Ministry level should be elevated to a Joint Economic Commission to take a holistic and comprehensive view of the bilateral economic relationship. A business forum consisting of businessmen on both sides can also be set up. High-level mechanisms of officials should be set up to focus on greater connectivity between India and Myanmar.

An MoU for defence cooperation between the two sides should be considered.

The two sides should consider signing a cultural exchange programme.

Given the affinity between Myanmar and India’s north-eastern states, cooperation agreements to promote closer cultural and trade affinity between the two sides should be considered.

As Myanmar opens up to the outside world, India can aid it immensely in nurturing its nascent democracy. The two neighbours have a historic opportunity to come close to each other once again and transform their bilateral relations as well as the larger region. Myanmar is rich in natural resources, and consistent and long-standing cooperation with India will help it develop its true potential. For India, cooperation with Myanmar will help transform the North-East, bolster its LEP, and help it emerge as a major Asian power.

The author is the Director General, IDSA, New Delhi. This presentation was made at an International Conference on “Myanmar : Bridging South and Southeast Asia” held at Jamia Milia Islamia University, New Delhi on 30-31 January 2012.The views expressed in this article are personal.

Washington Post – Possible repatriation of 1 million refugees looms as Myanmar undergoes rapid reforms
By Associated Press, Published: January 31

MAE LA REFUGEE CAMP, Thailand — The children who live in this camp for Burmese refugees have known no other life. Neither have many of their parents — or their grandparents.

Yet now, surprisingly rapid reforms and cease-fires under way in Myanmar are opening the prospects for the return of one of the world’s largest refugee populations — some 1 million Burmese huddled in frontier camps and hideouts across five countries.

“There’s a time for war, and a time for peace. Sixty-three years is long enough for killing,” Pastor Simon Htoo told more than 300 young Burmese refugees gathered for morning prayers in a weathered, jungle church in Mae La, a camp near the Myanmar-Thai border. “Hope to see you all soon in our beautiful land.”

The looming task for the international community will be massive. One of the least known diaspora of recent times includes an array of ethnic groups and religions — Buddhist, Christian and Muslim — driven from their homeland by oppression of political dissidents and brutal military campaigns against Myanmar’s minorities.

The fighting and human rights abuses still persist in some areas, and even if stopped, many refugees say the hatreds, suspicions and double-crosses of past decades must be overcome before they feel safe enough to return.

One of the ethnic groups, the Karen, has been waging a guerrilla war for greater autonomy for 63 years from iron-fisted military regimes. The Kachin took up arms again last year.

“Signing a cease-fire is very easy — you can do it in a few minutes — but implementation is a different matter. That depends not on the smiles on their faces, but their sincerity, what is really in their hearts. Maybe it’s another trick,” Htoo, a Karen Baptist pastor, said after his sermon in this camp sheltering more than 50,000 refugees.

When they do return, the refugees will emerge from Bangladesh, India, Thailand, Malaysia and China, a refugee mass that with the Iraqis and Afghans ranks among the largest in the world.

Their living conditions vary vastly. In the fetid settlements of Bangladesh, as many as 400,000 illegal Rohingya, a Muslim ethnic minority, hover on the edge of existence. Others live in a well-established string of U.N.-recognized camps along the Thai border, home to three generations who have spent their entire lives there.

Most would be returning to border regions of razed villages, minefields, traumatized people and almost nonexistent support systems in a country that is already among the world’s poorest. Many fear that with the world quick to applaud Myanmar’s reforms, pressure will mount to force them back before conditions are right.

“People in the refugee camps must be given a choice: to go home, stay in Thailand or be resettled abroad. We don’t trust Burmese politics because things are still very unclear,” says Dr. Cynthia Maung, a refugee doctor they call “Mother Teresa of Burma” whose Thai border clinic has treated thousands. “Nobody is going back now.”

Although preliminary plans for repatriation are being discussed among aid organizations and refugee leaders, roughly 1,000 are still fleeing into Thailand every month, says Jack Dunford, veteran head of the Thai Burma Border Consortium, which provides basic food and supplies to the Thai camps.

Thailand insists that there will be no forceful repatriation “until the situation is safe,” Thai Foreign Ministry spokesman Thani Thongphakdi told The Associated Press. “No time frame has been set for their return.”

But in Bangladesh, more than 10,000 are set for repatriation, and negotiations are under way with Myanmar for the rest to follow.

“Right now we are motivating the refugees to return home since we believe the human rights situation has improved,” said Firoz Salahuddin, the Bangladesh government official in charge of the repatriation. “But it’s a difficult task. Refugees are still fearful and need a lot of persuasion.”

Those who qualify can seek resettlement in third countries, which have taken 114,000 from the Asian region since 2005, according to the International Organization for Migration. Of these, 90,000 have gone to the United States, with the others spread among 12 other nations, including Australia, Canada, Sweden and Japan. Up to 18,000 will be resettled this year.

The U.S. government intends to continue supporting both the refugees and increased aid to Myanmar if reforms continue. U.S. Secretary of State Hillary Rodham Clinton, who visited Myanmar in December, said Washington was committed to “helping the refugees for the future in their homeland, so they can become self-reliant after two decades of just being dependent on aid in the camps.”

But other donors enthusiastic about the recent changes, notably the European Union, are shifting their focus and funds to Myanmar’s heartland, dominated by the Burman majority, and the refugees are feeling the crunch.

Dunford says food distributions will have to be slashed further this year to a “breakpoint” 1,650 calories — well below the World Health Organization minimum daily adult requirement of 2,100. Items for shelter like bamboo and salaries of camp teachers also will be reduced.

In camps like Mae La, a warren of thatch and bamboo huts sprawled below limestone cliffs, everyone closely follows developments in Myanmar with a mix of hope, anxiety, suspicion and indecision.

“I want to go back to my country, but not now. There may be changes in the big cities, but not in the countryside,” said May Soe, who fled to Thailand after Burmese soldiers killed her father and raped women in her village.

Torn between following her brother to the United States or staying, the 41-year-old medic remained behind to serve in the children’s ward of Dr. Cynthia’s Mae Tao clinic.

Others, like 36-year-old teacher Saw Wado, are ready to return and help rebuild the country. “We have lived at such a low level for so long that we are not afraid to go home,” he said.

The Karen and other ethnic minority Christians have also retained an unwavering faith, more akin to that of the 19th century when they were converted by American missionaries.

At the camp’s Care Villa, a shelter for the most severely handicapped, a group of young men — all blinded by land mines, missing arms and legs — joyously belted out a hymn.

“We don’t know what the next day will bring, what the future holds for us, but God will lead the way,” they sang in flawless part-harmony.

The Scotsman – Burma’s 1m exiles look homewards
Published on Thursday 2 February 2012 00:00

The pastor stood before more than 300 young Burmese refugees gathered for morning prayers in a weathered jungle church.

“There’s a time for war, and a time for peace. Sixty-three years is long enough for killing,” he told them. “Hope to see you all soon in our beautiful land.”

Simon Htoo’s buoyant words this week would have been unlikely just a few months ago.

However, rapid reforms and ceasefires under way in Burma are opening prospects for the return of one of the world’s largest refugee populations – about a million Burmese of various ethnic groups and religions, huddled in camps across five countries, driven from their homeland by oppression of dissidents and brutal campaigns against Burma’s minorities.

One of the ethnic groups, the Karen, has been waging a guerrilla war for greater autonomy for 63 years from military regimes. Another, the Kachin, took up arms again last year.

“Signing a ceasefire is easy – you can do it in a few minutes,” Mr Htoo, a Karen Baptist pastor, said after his sermon at Mae La, home to 50,000 refugees.

“But implementation is a different matter. That depends not on the smiles on their faces, but what is really in their hearts. Maybe it’s another trick,”

When they do return, the refugees will emerge from Bangladesh, India, Thailand, Malaysia and China. Their living conditions vary vastly. In Bangladesh, as many as 400,000 illegal Rohingya, a Muslim ethnic minority, hover on the edge of existence. Others live in a string of UN camps along the Thai border, home to three generations who have known no other life.

“People in the refugee camps must be given a choice: to go home, stay in Thailand or be resettled abroad. We don’t trust Burmese politics because things are still very unclear,” says Dr Cynthia Maung, a refugee medic they call “Mother Theresa of Burma”, whose Thai border clinic has treated thousands. “Nobody is going back now.”

Although preliminary plans for repatriation are being discussed among aid organisations and refugee leaders, roughly 1,000 are fleeing into Thailand every month, says Jack Dunford, head of the Thai Burma Border Consortium, which provides food and supplies to Thai camps.

Thailand insists there will be no forceful repatriation “until the situation is safe”, a foreign ministry spokesman said. But in Bangladesh, more than 10,000 are set for repatriation, and negotiations are under way with Burma for the rest to follow.

“Right now we are motivating the refugees to return home since we believe the human rights situation has improved,” said Firoz Salahuddin, the Bangladesh government official in charge of the repatriation. “But refugees are still fearful and need a lot of persuasion.”

In camps like Mae La, a warren of huts sprawled below limestone cliffs, everyone closely follows developments in Burma with a mix of hope, anxiety, suspicion and indecision.

“I want to go back to my country, but not now. There may be changes in the big cities, but not in the countryside,” said May Soe, who fled after Burmese soldiers killed her father and raped women in her village.

guardian.co.uk – The Lady is underground hit in Burma
Biopic of Aung San Suu Kyi has no scheduled release in Burma, but pirated DVDs have been available for months
Kate Hodal in Bangkok and Will Hannah in Rangoon
guardian.co.uk, Thursday 2 February 2012 10.41 EST

They move in crowds, thrusting handfuls of bills into sellers’ hands before slipping their purchases stealthily into their bags. With its poor sound quality and shaky videography, this is one DVD that would not normally merit such secrecy – or popularity – on the streets of Rangoon.

But these are not normal circumstances, and this is not a normal film. The Lady, Luc Besson’s long-awaited biopic of the Burmese opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi, has no scheduled release in Burma and is likely to be banned by the military-backed civilian government.

The buyers are undeterred and eager to know more about 66-year-old “Auntie Suu”, as she is known here, who, after 15 years of house arrest, will contest a parliamentary seat with her opposition party National League of Democracy in April’s byelections.

Aung San Suu Kyi’s campaign is being closely followed by the international community, which has welcomed the reforms introduced since the civilian government took office last March. Political prisoners have been freed, ceasefires have been signed with ethnic rebels, and her party has been touted by a government official as able to “be the ruling party one day”.

So it is no surprise that Burma’s citizens would want to know more about The Lady. Starring the Malaysian actress Michelle Yeoh, the film follows Aung San Suu Kyi’s involvement in politics and how her dedication tested her marriage with the British scholar Michael Aris, played by David Thewlis. It opened in Britain in December and will be in US theatres next month.

In Rangoon the pirated DVD has been available for months. It is so poorly copied it is almost unwatchable, yet entire street stalls have been set up to sell the film, which costs 50p a copy.

Those who have seen it hope it will make a difference internationally. Khin Zaw, a teacher in Rangoon, says the film may “open the eyes” of the rest of the world to Burma. May Khaing, an actor, says: “I’ve met people abroad who didn’t even know where Burma was. Perhaps the movie will change that.”

But the film is not immune to criticism. “They should have included more of the bad stuff that was happening at the time, like the killings of the National League of Democracy members, and focused less on the love story [between Aung San Suu Kyi and Aris],” Khaing says. “And Michelle Yeoh is a good actress, but it sounds weird when she speaks Burmese.”

Aung San Suu Kyi is one Burmese who has not yet watched the film, according to Besson. He told Thai newspaper the Nation: “The film is very private and emotional for her.” It
depicts scenes of her late father, who was assassinated, and her husband, who died of cancer while she was under house arrest.

Film piracy is common in Burma, where the latest copies of Hollywood blockbusters and Korean soap operas are often found long before their cinematic release. But The Lady is a peculiar case, sold in a special DVD package alongside other banned films including 2008’s Rambo IV, which pitted Sylvester Stallone against the then military junta; speeches from Aung San Suu Kyi; comedic performances from the recently released political prisoner Zarganar; and the 1995 film Beyond Rangoon, a largely forgotten action drama of the 1988 student uprising, which has become a cult classic among democracy activists in the country.

Last year there was a small but significant relaxation of Burmese censorship laws, with YouTube, Hotmail and many other sites unblocked for the first time by the nation’s internet providers. But the country retains a strict censorship board that ensures films made in Burma, the second poorest nation in Asia, are generally sanitised depictions of daily life.

A film festival in January suggested directors are fighting back. Ban That Scene, a satire about a government censorship committee, won the top prize at Rangoon’s Art of Freedom festival after competing against other films critical of the former military junta.

The festival, attended by Aung San Suu Kyi, was organised by Zarganar, a 51-year-old comedian who was sentenced to 59 years in prison four years ago for speaking to foreign media. He was released last year along with about 200 political prisoners under a general amnesty.

“This is free expression,” Zarganar told the Burmese-focused news agency Mizzima. “This is a step in the right direction. And we are not afraid. We are never afraid.”

Whether The Lady will be released in Burma may be the next great test of a democracy yet to come. And many Burmese are still hoping to see the real-life story of Aung San Suu Kyi taking office.

• Some names have been changed. Will Hannah is a pseudonym for a journalist in Burma

Hindustan Times – New khao suey diplomacy
John Lee, February 02, 2012

India’s two-decade-old ‘Look East’ policy has enhanced New Delhi’s influence in every major capital in East and Southeast Asia with one notable exception: Burma. But the tide could be turning.

Long considered a country stubbornly entrenched in China’s sphere of authoritarian influence, the military dictatorship in Rangoon has gone out of its way to distance itself from Beijing, convince the region that meaningful political reforms are underway, and reach out to democratic capitals still critical of the regime. This is good news for the Burmese people — a chance for New Delhi to regain lost ground with its neighbour, and confirmation that Chinese authoritarian statecraft is not as impressive as it appears.

Burma remains the most ostracised country in Asia outside North Korea. The US and the EU have imposed robust economic sanctions regime against Burma since the junta’s brutal crackdown on protests in 1988. From 1990s onwards, China emerged as Burma’s most dependable ally — moving well ahead of India in the competition for influence in Rangoon. Indeed, China is now the largest investor and second-largest trading partner of Burma (after Thailand) and the primary supplier of military equipment to the Tatmadaw (Myanmar Armed Forces). Beijing provides diplomatic and political cover for the Tatmadaw, for example, by consistently vetoing American plans to investigate allegations of civilian repression through UN agencies. Without Chinese economic assistance, the dysfunctional Burmese economy would have probably completely collapsed, endangering the continued rule of the junta. It is no wonder that Burma is sometimes dismissed as a Chinese ‘economic colony’ and even the unofficial 23rd province of China.

When President Thein Sein took office last March, few expected much change from the emergence of a so-called ‘civilian’ government. But as far as its foreign outreach policy is concerned, changes have been significant. The president suspended the $3.6 billion Chinese-funded Myitsone Dam project on the northern mouth of the Irrawaddy River, which was to send 90% of power generated to Yunnan Province in China for the next 50 years. In an unexpected move, Rangoon has welcomed several American senior officials over the past few months. These include secretary of State Hillary Clinton, former presidential candidate John McCain and former vice-presidential candidate Joe Lieberman.

Significantly, Clinton was granted an audience with Nobel Peace Prize winner Aung San Suu Kyi, who is considered by India and the West to be the legitimate leader of Burma on account of her election victory in 1990. Rangoon has approved meetings between Suu Kyi and Thai prime minister Yingluck Shinawatra, and British foreign secretary William Hague. Importantly, she has been cleared to run for parliamentary elections in April 2012.

To be sure, Burma is of strategic importance to China because it’s superbly positioned above the Andaman Sea, which leads into the shipping chokepoint of the Malacca Straits.

Transport routes through Burma will also offer southern Chinese provinces alternatives to relying solely on American patrolled maritime routes through Southeast Asia. But like in African countries such as Zimbabwe, Sudan, Algeria and Nigeria, China is also interested in the resources of its southern neighbour: oil, gas, minerals, timber and hydropower generation.

The majority of Chinese investment is in these sectors, and by State-owned-enterprises (SOE). And as is often the case with Chinese SOE activity in poor countries ruled by authoritarian, corrupt and incompetent regimes, the pact between Beijing and political elites running these regimes offer little by way of economic, employment or social return to local populations.

Slowly but inevitably, Burma’s leaders are discovering that Chinese authoritarian largesse has a price. ‘No strings attached’ economic aid and political cover offered are an extension of Chinese foreign policy and Beijing expects attractive strategic and economic returns. In contrast, the more stringent conditions-based aid preferred by democratic countries and institutions such as the World Bank is beginning to appear more attractive.

New Delhi’s interests in Burma are not always consistent with those belonging to Washington and Brussels. Although committed to democracy domestically, India formally discounts deepening democratic fraternity and values as a pillar of its foreign policy. But New Delhi is now joined with the West in wanting to break the authoritarian nexus and reducing Rangoon’s comprehensive reliance on Beijing. The meeting between Prime Minister Manmohan Singh and president Sein last October is promising for bilateral relations but also more evidence that Burma is reaching out to democratic powers in order to find alternative pathways toward further development not based on becoming a de facto ‘Chinese colony’.

This doesn’t necessarily mean that genuinely free and fair elections will soon be seen in Burma. But it should help put to bed the self-defeating argument making the rounds in democratic capitals, including New Delhi, that authoritarian powers like China are far more efficient and successful at statecraft than their democratic rivals.

( John Lee is a research fellow at the Centre for Independent Studies, Sydney, and the Hudson Institute, Washington DC )

The Atlantic – Why Burma Would Turn Against China
By John Lee, Feb 2 2012, 9:19 AM ET

Last October, Secretary of State Hillary Clinton gave a speech to the New York Economic Club. She spoke on the need for the United States to improve its statecraft by using economic policy to enhance its diplomatic leverage abroad. The speech was delivered in the context of widespread concern inside the State Department that Beijing’s economic and aid policies have proven more effective than the muddle-through approaches of Western democracies.

From a distance, authoritarian great powers appear far more efficient at harnessing economic tools for strategic advantage. But recent developments in Burma suggest that Beijing’s statecraft may not be as effective as has been suggested.

Beijing’s Influence

Burma remains the most ostracized country in Asia outside North Korea. Since the junta’s brutal crackdown of protesters in 1988, the United States and the European Union have imposed increasingly robust economic sanctions against the regime. China also faced international condemnation over the repression of demonstrators following the 1989 Tiananmen protests, and since the 1990s, Beijing has emerged as Rangoon’s most dependable ally.

Rangoon seems willing to take shelter under Beijing’s embrace: China is behind two-thirds of all foreign investment in Burma and is its second-largest trading partner after Thailand. China is the primary supplier of military equipment to the Tatmadaw, Myanmar’s armed forces. Beijing provides diplomatic and political cover for the regime, consistently vetoing U.S. plans to investigate allegations of civilian repression through UN agencies. Without Chinese economic and technical assistance, the stuttering Burmese economy would have completely collapsed, endangering the continued rule of the junta. It is no wonder that Burma is sometimes dismissed as a Chinese “economic colony” or even as the unofficial twenty-third province of China.

Turning West

When President Thein Sein took office last March, few expected much change from the emergence of a so-called civilian government. But the last few months in Burma have taken the region and America by surprise.

The president suspended the $3.6 billion Chinese-funded Myitsone Dam project on the northern mouth of the Irawaddy River. The dam was to send 90 percent of the hydroelectric power generated to Yunnan Province in China for the next fifty years.

In an unexpected move, Rangoon has welcomed several senior American officials over the past few months. These include Secretary of State Hillary Clinton, former presidential candidate John McCain, former vice-presidential candidate Joe Lieberman and Senate Minority Leader Mitch McConnell. All have returned expressing cautious optimism about the prospect of political reform in Burma.

Clinton was even granted an audience with Nobel Peace Prize-winner Aung San Suu Kyi, who is considered by the West to be the legitimate leader of Burma on account of her election victory in 1990. Rangoon has approved meetings between Suu Kyi, Thai prime minister Yingluck Shinawatra and British foreign secretary William Hague. Released from house arrest in 2010, she was recently cleared to run for parliamentary elections in April 2012.

Cautious Reform

China’s continued courting of Burma is understandable–and to be expected. Burma is of strategic importance because it is superbly positioned above the Andaman Sea, which leads into the shipping chokepoint of the Malacca Straits. Potential transport routes through Burma also offer southern Chinese provinces an alternative to relying solely on U.S.-patrolled maritime routes through Southeast Asia.

But as in African countries such as Zimbabwe, Sudan, Algeria and Nigeria, China is also interested in the resources of its southern neighbor: oil, gas, minerals, timber and hydropower generation. Almost all Chinese investment in Burma is in these sectors and by state-owned-enterprises (SOE). And as is often the case with Chinese SOE activity in poor countries ruled by authoritarian, corrupt regimes, the implied pact between Beijing and its partner’s political elites–with both under less pressure to address the concerns of their citizens than in genuine democracies–offers little in the way of economic, employment or social return to local populations. For example, Beijing puts no pressure on its SOEs to limit the environmental impact of commercial activities–especially mining–in foreign lands. Resentment is only deepening: Locals in the northeast economic regions close to China have long complained that commerce is dominated by Chinese entrepreneurs and businesses.

As in parts of Africa, Burma’s leaders are discovering that Chinese authoritarian largesse has a price. China negotiates with weak authoritarian countries from a position of strength. “No-strings-attached” economic aid, investment and political cover are explicit extensions of Chinese foreign policy, and Beijing expects considerable strategic and economic returns. In contrast, the activities of Western firms and those from countries such as Japan are watched by the government and other concerned groups. Even stringent conditions-based aid, preferred by democratic countries and institutions such as the World Bank, is beginning to appear more attractive.

As Beijing can attest, even authoritarian regimes must eventually respond to demands of their citizens. China will remain Burma’s primary economic partner. But Rangoon is reaching out to democratic states–and promising gradual political reform in the future–in order to find alternatives to Burma becoming a de facto Chinese colony.

This pivot does not necessarily mean that genuinely free and fair elections will be held in Burma soon. But it should cast doubt on the self-defeating argument making the rounds in democratic capitals, including Washington, that authoritarian powers like China are far more efficient and successful at statecraft than their democratic rivals.

The Irrawaddy – Monastic Council Restores Status of Released Monks
By LIN THANT / THE IRRAWADDY Thursday, February 2, 2012

The official body that governs Buddhist monastic affairs in Burma has restored the status of three monks who were released from prison last month after serving more than four years behind bars for their involvement in the 2007 Saffron Revolution.

The state-controlled Maha Nayaka Sangha Council made the decision on Wednesday after the three monks, who were among dozens detained for taking part in massive demonstrations in September 2007, applied for official recognition of their status on Jan. 27.

The monks said they made the request as a preliminary step toward reopening their monasteries, which have been closed since their arrest.

“I applied for permission to reopen my monastery yesterday after the council officially recognized my status as a monk,” said U Pandavansa, speaking to The Irrawaddy on Thursday.

The three monks—including U Indaka, the abbot of Maggin Monastery in Rangoon’s Thingangyun Township, one of the focal points of the 2007 protests—were told that the monasteries could be reopened within a week.

Recently several monks were reprimanded by local authorities for entering the padlocked Maggin Monastery.

U Gambira, another prominent monk who was released on Jan. 13 along with hundreds of other political prisoners, said he hasn’t responded yet to a notification from the Maha Nayaka Sangha Council informing him that he needs to officially restore his monastic status, although he said may do so after Feb. 3.

“We are monks. We were arrested illegally,” he said, speaking to The Irrawaddy. He added that he would accept the council’s decisions if they are “fair according to the rules of Buddhism.”

Meanwhile, a planned ordination ceremony for around 20 other formerly imprisoned monks at Magwe Monastery in Rangoon was called off after the Maha Nayaka Sangha Council expressed concern that the event would be too politicized.

The Irrawaddy – Hearing to be Held in Army Abduction Case
By THANT SIN NYEIN CHAN Thursday, February 2, 2012

A hearing in the case of a Kachin woman who was allegedly abducted by Burmese soldiers more than three months ago will be held at the Union Supreme Court in Naypyidaw on Feb. 9, according to a lawyer for the woman’s family.

Mar Khar, the complainant’s lawyer, told The Irrawaddy that Maru Lun Daung, the husband of Swan Lut Rwei Gyar, and a defendant from the Burmese army’s Light Infantry Battalion (LIB) 321 will testify at the hearing.

On Jan. 26, Lun Daung submitted a formal complaint to the Supreme Court asking for an investigation into the disappearance of his wife, who was arrested on Oct. 28 by three soldiers from LIB 321, based on Lwe Long mountain in Kachin State. The court set the hearing date the following day.

“Of course, someone from the battalion has to come. The court has already sent a summons,” said Mar Khar.

Under Chapter 8, Article 378 of Burma’s 2008 Constitution, the Supreme Court of the Union has the power to issue writs of habeas corpus, through which a prisoner can be released from unlawful detention.

Lun Daung told The Irrawaddy that he and his father-in-law were also arrested together with Rwei Gyar while they were working in a corn plantation. Soldiers from LIB 321 accused them of being members of the Kachin Independence Army, he said.

He added that although he and his father-in-law managed to escape the same day, his wife was still held by the soldiers.

“Rwei Gyar’s child is only 15 months old. The baby is now being taken care of by grandparents,” said Mar Khar.

Besides Lun Daung, relatives of two other alleged abductees have also reportedly submitted similar complaints to the Union Supreme Court.

Bran Seng and Zaw Seng were arrested by Infantry Battalion 37 on Dec. 1 and Jan. 5, respectively, the lawyer said.

The Irrawaddy – Burmese SIM Card Provider Challenges Monopolistic State Interests
By BA KAUNG Thursday, February 2, 2012

A public war of words has broken out in Burma between a private company and government officials over the company’s plans to sell a phone card at a price as low as 5,000 kyat (US $ 6)—100 times cheaper than those currently on the market.

The conflict started in early January when Shwe Pyi Tagon Co Ltd (SPT), a telephone company in Rangoon, announced that beginning in March it would sell 1 million 3G SIM Cards for only kyat 5,000, pending government approval.

Currently, inside Burma it costs an average of $500 to buy a reliable SIM card. So when news of SPT’s intentions was reported in local journals, it was enthusiastically welcomed by many Burmese people, who have been paying much higher prices for phone cards than people in neighboring Thailand.

This week, however, the Burmese Ministry of Communications, Posts and Telegraphs (MPT), which has long monopolized the telecommunication sector in Burma, ran statements in state-run newspapers roundly rejecting the private company’s scheme to sell cheap phone cards.

The MPT statement said that it was “absolutely impossible at this time because it takes a considerable amount of time to establish a thorough communications network and the proposal is not in accordance with the existing laws.”

Despite this, SPT issued a statement on Tuesday assuring the public that it has the necessary technology to implement its plan and thus would continue to proceed with efforts to sell a cheap phone card to any Burmese citizens who show their national identity card.

The statement quoted reformist President Thein Sein, who said in a speech last April that government departments must strive to reduce basic expenses for businesses in areas such as telephone lines, electricity and office buildings, as well as transaction costs, because it was eventually public consumers who had to bear the burden of such costs.

SPT also said that the company has informed the MPT of its desire to work as a second mobile network operator in the country, fully relying on its own technology, but to cooperate with the government department regarding its business model.

“We try to provide the cheapest telephone service so that everyone can use a mobile phone,” said Lwin Naing Oo, the managing director of the company in a Tuesday press conference in Rangoon, where the SPT statement was issued.

MPT’s vague citation of “existing laws” may have been an allusion to “security concerns,” which was a predominant factor in decisions by the previous military regime to reject private enterprise proposals, but which has now become a hurdle for entrepreneurs looking to take advantage of government economic reforms.

Cheap phone cards sold by SPT would deal a heavy blow not only to the MPT’s business interests, but also to other mobile phone operators controlled by cronies close to ex-army generals currently serving in Burma’s quasi-civilian government.

MPT and Htoo Trading Co Ltd, a conglomerate owned by US-sanctioned Burmese tycoon Tay Za, are currently selling prepaid phone cards that cost $20-50 dollars.

Early last year, Central Marketing and Elite, both subsidiaries of Htoo Trading Company, entered into a joint venture with the MPT to sell handsets and one-use phone cards.

As a result, allegations have surfaced that MPT officials are resisting SPT’s cheap SIM card proposal because of business dealings they may have with Tay Za’s companies.

Burma’s current Constitution states that the national government shall prevent acts that harm the public interest through monopolization or manipulation of prices by an individual or group with intent to endanger fair competition in economic activities, and an anti-trust bill was proposed in Parliament last year by an opposition party.

Whether or not SPT’s plan to sell cheap phone cards is allowed to proceed will provide an indication of whether the new government can create a fair economic playing field that encourages new domestic businesses and foreign investment.

Thai cement company eyeing Burma
Thursday, 02 February 2012 18:07 Mizzima News

(Mizzima) – In another sign of Thailand companies moving into neighboring Burma, Siam City Cement Plc (SCCC) is looking at building a cement plant in Burma.

Managing director Philippe Arto said the company already has contacts and is studying potential investment locations throughout the country, according to an article in the Bangkok Post published on Thursday.

“For SCCC, we see the real potential and are positive about Burma. We have to act fast to grow our business there,” he told the newspaper.

SCCC was chosen as one of the prospective cement companies to be involved in the Dawei deep-sea port industrial project, according to an article published late last year. SCCC Executive Vice President Chantana Sukumanont confirmed that SCCC had already carried out a feasibility study to determine if a cement plant in Burma would yield favourable results.

Arto was quoted as saying he was concerned, however, about “regulations and exchange rates.”

Chantana said SCCC is also looking at acquiring other assets in Burma.

Cholera outbreak in Kachin refugee camps
Thursday, 02 February 2012 15:23 Kyaw Kha

Chiang Mai (Mizzima) – Children and elderly people in Kachin refugee camps along the Sino-Burmese border have contracted cholera because of unsafe drinking water, according to workers with the Relief Action Network for IDP and Refugees (Ranir).

More than 30 children have contracted cholera and one child has died of the disease at the Pajau Refugee Camp, Ranir said.

Three refugee camps in Mansi Township and the Pajau Camp in Waimaw Township in Kachin State are all experiencing a lack of sanitary drinking water, Ranir official La Rip told Mizzima. The camps are located in mountainous areas making access to clean drinking water and toilet facilities difficult.

In China, the Ruili District adjacent to Kachin State has also experienced a cholera outbreak, according to the Wunpawng Ning Htoi group (People’s Light), which works to provide food and medicine to Kachin refugees. No estimates of how many cases have occurred were available.

May Li Aung, a worker with the Wunpawng Ning Htoi, told Mizzima that drinking water is unsafe and there are few sanitary toilets in the mountainous areas. Workers said the refugee camps near towns have enough water and sanitary toilets.

According to the Kachin refugees’ relief committee, there are 19 refugee camps in China for Kachin war refugees. In Kachin State, more than 40 refugee camps are located in townships including Laiza, Mansi, Mai Ja Yang, Lweje Waimaw and Manwingyi, with up to an estimated 44,000 people living in the camps.

The camps are operated by the Kachin Independence Organization (KIO). Burmese citizens inside and outside the country, local and foreign aid groups, religious organizations and social organizations have donated food and medicine to the camps, according to Dwe P Sar, a refugee worker. However, large international groups have not been allowed access to the area by the government to assess the conditions and the needs. Relief supplies including food, shelter, bedding, clothes, tents and medicine are badly needed, say aid workers.

“The relief aid is not enough for the refugees,” Dwe P Sar told Mizzima. “The refugees still don’t know when or how they can return to their homes. Now, aid for food and health care are urgently needed.”

In mid-2011, intense fighting between the Kachin Independence Organization and government troops broke out in Kachin State, causing people to flee their homes and farms. Fighting in the areas continues, although the government and KIO are now engaged in peace negotiations.

The KIO has held out for a broad political dialogue to solve the conflict that has gone on for decades. So far, the pace of the negotiations has been slow, and there are no signs of a quick agreement.

Farmers fear gov’t seizure of farmland
Thursday, 02 February 2012 21:02 Myo Thant

Chiang Mai (Mizzima) – More than 700 acres of farmland in Taunggyi in southern Shan State have been marked off with stakes and banners by authorities, leading to local farmers’ fears that their land will be confiscated.

About 120 farmers signed an appeal letter sent to the president’s office in Naypyitaw, the Agriculture Ministry and the Shan State government on Monday, asking the government to project their property.

The letter said, “We humbly ask you to protect our farmland which is the lifeline of our livelihood.” The farmers grow wheat, garlic, strawberry and pigeon pea on their land.

Farmers said they noticed stone pillars with “cantonment area” markings on about 600 acres of farmland around Pin Ngo village on January 6.

Khun Kham Kao of Taunggyi, who helps farmers with land problems, told Mizzima that the farmers don’t know who was behind the markers on their land. In addition, police officers from Naypyitaw planted red banners on 170 acres of farmland in Pin Ngo village in December 2011, allegedly to be used for building a police academy, said Khun Kham Kao.

In a related case of land confiscation in the area in 2007, about 18 acres owned by local farmers were forcibly seized by the Hopin Hotel in Khaung Taing village in Nyaungshwe District in southern Shan State, local residents said.

At that time, farmers sent appeal letters to the state government and International Labour Organization, but they have yet to hear back from the authorities, attorney Khin Moe Moe of Taunggyi told Mizzima.

Regarding the forcible seizure of farmland, Upper House MP Aung Zin of Pazuntaung constituency asked a question in Parliament in 2010, “Does the government have a plan to resolve cases of forcible seizure of farmland owned by farmers for building factories and for implementing agricultural projects?”

Agriculture and Irrigation Minister Htay Oo answered, saying, “Generally farmland is not seized but in some cases minimal acreage has been seized when state projects have to be implemented.”

DVB News – As troops withdraw, Kachin refugees fear return
By KO HTWE
Published: 2 February 2012

Tens of thousands of refugees who have fled to shelters along Burma’s border with China since fighting erupted in Kachin state last year fear that retreating Burmese troops will sabotage their passage home, despite tentative signs that the conflict is winding down.

Laric, coordinator of the Refugee Assistance Groups Network, which is working in the region, warned those displaced against attempting to find their way back to their villages. Up
to 70,000 have been forced to flee since June 2011, many to Kachin rebel territory close to China.

“The refugees – even their children – are very keen to go home but there’s no chance for them without a guarantee [for their safety] from the government, the UN or the KIO,’ said Laric, referring to the Kachin Independence Organisation, whose armed wing has been battling the government for more than seven months.

Numbers of refugees have made sporadic trips home to tend to their crops and livestock, although would often return to the camps. But supplies are low, thanks largely to a government blockade on international assistance to the Kachin living in rebel territory – one convoy carrying blankets and food was allowed to visit the KIO’s headquarters in Laiza last December, but nothing since.

UN envoy Tomas Ojea Quintana is currently in Burma where he is expected to press the government on allowing greater access for aid agencies. At present, the reflief has been largely coordinated by local groups channelling aid across the border from China.

Laric warned that conditions in the 30 camps along the border were worsening – many families have been sheltering under tarpaulins supplied only as an emergency measure last year, and which have little durability, while food stocks have consistently been low.

A UN official in Rangoon told DVB yesterday that it was “not at a stage when we can deliver another aid convoy” but would maintain pressure on the government, which is resistant towards allowing international groups to access regions controlled by anti-Naypyidaw armies.

The Wun Pawng Ninghtoi aid group, also in Kachin state, told IRIN earlier this week that conditions in some of the camps were dire, with unsanitary conditions combining with cold weather to give rise to preventable diseases such as stomach parasites.

It said that in one camp that houses around 1,200 refugees, only five latrines were available.

Burmese troops last week began pulling out from areas around Mansi in Kachin state, although the same brigade was subsequently seen travelling in a convoy through northern Shan state, towards volatile areas through which the Shwe pipeline will run, suggesting it was a redeployment rather than withdrawal.

Negotiations took place between government officials and the KIO in the Chinese border town of Ruili a fortnight ago, but ended with both sides failing to agree to an end to fighting.

DVB News – Mandalay threatens beggars with arrest
By SHWE AUNG
Published: 2 February 2012

Beggars in Mandalay face the prospect of being arrested after authorities in Burma’s second city announced a bylaw forbidding the practice, claiming it dirtied the city’s image.

Burma is bracing itself for a major influx of tourists over the coming year as political reforms bring it out of decades of isolation. The city of Mandalay, romanticised in a poem by British writer Rudyard Kipling more than a century ago, is expecting to shoulder many of the arrivals, but municipal authorities have begun to worry about their first impressions.

“[The announcement] said the presence of beggars and vagabonds near the central railway station is damaging to the city’s clean image,” a journalist in Mandalay told DVB.

Mandalay has seen an increase in the number of beggars over the past year, many of whom operate in groups around the railway station, which is the main entrance point for arrivals to the city.

The authorities’ task will be complicated however by the various cunning disguises that beggars are known to adopt, with some taking to the streets dressed in monk robes or masquerading as charity workers.

The journalist said it was unclear whether those taken off the streets would be provided with shelter by government agencies, or whether the ban on begging would be compensated by work schemes.

“Will there be any safety for the child beggars [after they get arrested]? There is nothing else they can do except from getting arrested because we are only adopting easy, short-term [solutions],” said the journalist, requesting anonymity.

Reports from Rangoon suggest that hotels are at bursting point, while seats on flights from Bangkok to the former Burmese capital are filling up at a rapid rate. The government’s decision to ban beggars is one of a number of expected measures aimed at given the country’s image something of a facelift.

Insight: At Suu Kyi’s rallies, signs of a new Myanmar
By Jason Szep | Reuters – 9 hrs ago

DAWEI, Myanmar (Reuters) – Shortly after her aging aircraft rattled its way off the runway and into the skies of southern Myanmar, Aung San Suu Kyi crossed the aisle to where three orange-robed Buddhist monks were seated in the first row.

She knelt down and bowed her head, as passengers watched aboard a suddenly hushed plane. Media were not alerted. There were no clicking cameras.

“That’s a wonderful moment,” the lone Western diplomat on the plane said quietly.

Her display of obeisance and humility, less than an hour after ecstatic crowds feted her like a rock-star in the southern city of Dawei, revealed a side few have seen.

This more deferential demeanor of the 1991 Nobel Peace Prize laureate may well help sustain the most sweeping reforms in the former British colony since a 1962 military coup when it was known as Burma.

DEMONISED AS WESTERNISED

While she is widely admired at home, figures in her own movement have criticized her as too dogmatic, inflexible or arrogant – accusations amplified by state media under the former military junta which handed power to a nominally civilian parliament in March.

The ruling generals often demonized her as Westernized, out of touch with Myanmar. It contrasts with her international image as an enduring symbol of democracy, locked away 15 of the past 22 years for her beliefs until freed from house arrest in November, 2010.

Her steadfast support of Western economic sanctions over the years, however, divided the dissident community. Some felt they hurt the general public and allowed the junta and its cronies to carve up Myanmar’s resources and other assets for themselves. Suu Kyi countered they were crucial to force the generals to produce sincere reforms, echoing U.S. and European views.

But as Myanmar changes, so too, is she. At 66, many see her now as more politically astute, more realistic.

“She wasn’t always humble, she wasn’t always flexible. But to succeed now, she needs to be flexible, and she is starting to show that,” said one veteran Burmese journalist.

Her genuflection in the plane was emblematic of her position as opposition leader as well: monks have been at the forefront of the pro-democracy movement in Myanmar, and Suu Kyi had just finished speeches calling for changes to the army-drafted constitution at the heart of Myanmar’s power structure.

Later, speaking with Reuters aboard the 1970s-era Myanma Airways aircraft, she ticked off her top priorities, including introducing the rule of law and ending several ethnic insurgencies. But above all, she wants to amend the 2008 constitution ensuring the military’s strong influence over the resource-rich country of nearly 60 million people.

“That’s our election platform,” she said.

UNLIKELY LEADER

Her last campaign, ahead of the 1990 elections, awoke similar passions and ended with troops surrounding her lakeside villa, locking her under house arrest.

In the tumult before the election, thousands of pro-democracy protesters were killed, and the 43-year-old Suu Kyi emerged as an unlikely leader. She had a home in Oxford, England, a British husband and two sons. But as the daughter of assassinated independence hero Aung San, considered by many as the nation’s founding father, she was urged to speak up.
Just months after returning to Yangon to care for her ailing mother in 1988, she shot to prominence.

“I have never really wanted to get involved in politics but the people of Burma had a very high regard for my father … so obviously I felt a sense of responsibility,” she told Reuters in an August, 1988, interview. “After the August demonstrations and the killings, I felt it would be too cowardly of me to sit tight in my house and pretend that nothing was happening.”
In less than a year, she was drawing tens of thousands of supporters at rallies, becoming a symbol of democracy. After her arrest, the junta tightened its grip.

STAR POWER

Two decades later, her star power is undimmed.

In Dawei on Sunday, thousands of ecstatic supporters turned out for a glimpse of her, lining dusty streets, cheering and waving little red-and-white flags, the colors of her opposition National League for Democracy (NLD) party. Some wore shirts with her image. Many chanted “long live mother Suu.”

At each stop, she roused them into wild cheers.

After her rallies in Dawei, state media reminded candidates that formal campaigning had yet to begin for the 48 available seats in the 1,158-seat legislature.

Suu Kyi’s speeches on Tuesday in rural Myaing township toed that line. She did not mention the election or even her party, speaking instead about a British development project.

While in 1989 she defied authorities by holding illegal rallies and ended up under house arrest, Suu Kyi now seems less willing to provoke authorities into a backlash that could undermine the nascent reforms.

But her appearances in Dawei had the unmistakable feel of a campaign. She spoke on stages over loudspeakers in four villages, pressing her demand for changing the constitution whose clauses reserve a quarter of parliament’s seats for the military, and warning that any government that lies to the people should be removed.

“There are certain laws which are obstacles to freedom of the people, and we will try to abolish these laws within the framework of the parliament,” she said at one rally. “Only when democracy prevails will the people’s power rule.”

LIVELY PARLIAMENT DEBATE

While little has changed physically on Myanmar’s rutted streets, the government has seen a dramatic transformation the past six months. Last August, President Thein Sein, a former junta leader, stunned lawmakers in the capital Naypyitaw, urging them to pursue reforms, adopt good governance and do the unthinkable: freely voice opinions.

Since then, hundreds of political prisoners have been freed. The government regularly engages with Suu Kyi. Parliament, dismissed as a rubber-stamping sham when it opened a year ago, began a third session last week with lively debate on a reform program that could lead the West to start lifting sanctions by mid-year.

Anti-corruption legislation is being drafted, along with bills ending the secrecy surrounding the national budget. A law is in the works that would overhaul a village administration system that has stacked election odds in favor of the dominant military-backed party. U.S. President Barack Obama has hailed Myanmar’s “flickers of progress.”

“We’re finally moving in the right direction,” said Sai Saung Si, 65, a lawmaker from northern Shan State and vice-chairman of the Shan Nationalities Development Party, a major ethnic party that won 18 seats in the lower house in 2010.

Each Sunday, he holds meetings in his home for villagers to raise issues. At first, people were afraid to speak up. But that’s changing, he said. “When I go back to my town and when there are problems, because of my status as a member of parliament, what I say takes effect. It is working,” he said.

He takes the most difficult problems directly to the relevant ministries. If they try to ignore him, he plays back the president’s words. “I tell them the president wants good governance. They generally don’t argue with that.”

CLOUD OF REPRESSION LIFTING

During Suu Kyi’s swing through Dawei, children in white and green school uniforms lined the streets waving and cheering. Under the junta, they would have been strictly barred from opposition events.

The usual retinue of undercover police did not trail her every move as they did on a July 5 visit to Bagan, north of Yangon, where some feared a reprise of the 2003 bloody attack on her motorcade in which 70 supporters were killed.

In Yangon this week, journalists, government officials and media executives both local and foreign met in a conference room to discuss changes to laws that for a half-century meant that every song, book, cartoon, news story and planned piece of art would require approval by teams of censors rooting out political messages and criticisms of Myanmar’s authoritarian system.

“Now we have a chance to change our policy,” U Than Htay, Minister of Energy, told Reuters in an interview in Naypyitaw. “Once we took office, we have changed many things to develop our nation than previously.” His first policy shift was to ban the export of natural gas from new fields in Myanmar, and use those resources to speed up development of local industry.

STRONGMAN RETIRED?

A turning point for Suu Kyi came on August 19 when she and President Thein Sein met one-on-one in Naypyitaw. The president has since repeatedly urged parliament to pursue reforms, while Suu Kyi has voiced support for the government.

What the two discussed has not been made public. Some people here think Thein Sein may have reassured Suu Kyi of not just the government’s support but also of the military’s. More importantly, they speculate, Thein Sein conveyed another, crucial message: that Myanmar’s former strongman, retired Senior General Than Shwe, had given his blessing to the reforms.

That is not entirely clear. But diplomats say it would allow him to retire in peace rather than face the possibility of an Arab Spring-style popular revolt.

The 78-year-old military strategist remains mostly out of public view and seldom speaks with outsiders. Dissidents paint him as a paranoid despot driven by a mixture of greed, fear and superstition. But the general who spent much of his military career as an expert in psychological warfare is also considered a brilliant tactician and is thought to remain influential.

Some skeptics in the democracy movement say Suu Kyi is working too closely with a government stacked with the same former generals who persecuted dissidents, fearing she is being exploited to convince the West to lift sanctions.

“If it will serve the country, let them exploit me, let them take advantage of me,” Suu Kyi said in response to such criticism last year.

PRESIDENT ONE DAY

The breathtaking pace of reforms does pose plenty of challenges for her.

Her party lacks experience in administration and organizing campaigns, but that also may be changing. In the Dawei region, t-shirts with her image or the party’s name were distributed free of charge before her arrival in a sign of efficiency.

Another question is how much influence she can wield over the year-old parliament. But lawmakers interviewed by Reuters said it could be formidable.

“When she comes to the parliament, if she raises one issue, and this issue is very beneficial to the country, then who will dare go against it?” said Sai Saung Si of the Shan Nationalities Development Party.

Still, it will take time before many Burmese no longer fear their government – something Suu Kyi directly addressed.

“You must be able to go to bed without having to worry who will come and knock on your door at night, and you must be able to wake up with this in your mind,” she told one rally at Dawei.

But she was also careful not to raise expectations too high, telling party leaders not to “give impossible pledges….When you persuade someone to vote for you, it should be done spiritually.”

Managing expectations could her most daunting challenge. If she wins the April 1 by-elections, her supporters expect her to accelerate the reform process and possibly transform parliament. And many have even higher hopes.

“As to whether we should feel optimistic about the changes happening in Myanmar, the key person is Aung San Suu Kyi,” said Maung Tin Thit, an environmental activist and former political prisoner in Mandalay. “She is the person who will decide whether we should be optimistic. She will be president one day.”

Myanmar says will put stability ahead of economy – report
Reuters – 9 hours ago

SINGAPORE (Reuters) – Myanmar President Thein Sein said his government was committed to political reform and would put the stability of the country ahead of economic development, Singapore’s Straits Times newspaper reported on Tuesday.

The president, in Singapore for a three-day official visit that began on Sunday, has overseen dramatic reforms over the past few months, including the freeing of hundreds of political prisoners, a loosening of media controls and engagement with Aung San Suu Kyi, leader of the fight for democracy.

The government has also agreed to ceasefires with several ethnic rebel groups in the past three months and is holding talks with others, some of which have been fighting for autonomy for decades.

“The future of Myanmar lies in peace and stability, while economic development is a secondary priority for the country,” Thein Sein said in an interview with the newspaper.

“We are already on the chosen path to democracy and we will continue. We are nurturing the system to have a flourishing democracy in the country,” he said.

Thein Sein was part of the junta that stepped aside when a nominally civilian government took office last March. As the country has opened up to the outside world, ministers have started speaking more to the media.

The president indicated interest in developing trade in foreign currencies and stocks as part of economic reforms.

“At the moment we do not have the skills and expertise (in this area) and are seeking technical assistance from international financial institutions,” he said.

Japan’s Daiwa Securities is advising on how to develop the barely functioning stock exchange it helped set up in Myanmar in the 1990s. South Korean bourse operator Korea Exchange has held talks with the authorities on a separate bourse.

The International Monetary Fund is advising on currency reforms.

Singapore said on Monday it would help Myanmar train its people in areas such as economic planning and urban development.

The government has launched a number of initiatives to boost the economy, introducing tax breaks for foreign investors and announcing tax exemptions to help exports of commodities such as rice, beans, corn and rubber.

But the secretary-general of the Association of South East Asian Nations (ASEAN), of which Myanmar is a member, said on Tuesday that more needed to be done in order to enjoy the trade perks the grouping can offer.

“We make it clear Myanmar will not benefit from dynamism from ASEAN, all the connectivity with ASEAN and the rest of the world until Myanmar makes adjustment inside, make some changes, amendment in the law, in the foreign investment law, in the production system,” Surin Pitsuwan told a news conference in Tokyo.

“We do not just look for resources, we do not just look for manpower, cheap labour… We also would like to share with them our own experiences. They can emulate what is right, they can avoid what we have done wrong. But Myanmar has certainly ASEAN to rely on.”

Reforms in Myanmar may spark refugee return
Possible repatriation of 1 million refugees looms as Myanmar undergoes rapid reforms
By Denis d. Gray, Associated Press | Associated Press – 31 minutes ago

MAE LA REFUGEE CAMP, Thailand (AP) — The pastor stood before more than 300 young Burmese refugees gathered for morning prayers in a weathered, jungle church.

“There’s a time for war, and a time for peace. Sixty-three years is long enough for killing,” he told them. “Hope to see you all soon in our beautiful land.”

Simon Htoo’s buoyant words would have been unlikely just a few months ago, but surprisingly rapid reforms and cease-fires under way in Myanmar are opening the prospects for the return of one of the world’s largest refugee populations — some 1 million Burmese huddled in frontier camps and hideouts across five countries.

The looming task for the international community will be massive. One of the least known Diaspora of recent times includes an array of ethnic groups and religions — Buddhist, Christian and Muslim — driven from their homeland by oppression of political dissidents and brutal military campaigns against Myanmar’s minorities.

The fighting and human rights abuses still persist in some areas, and even if stopped, many refugees say the hatreds, suspicions and double-crosses of past decades must be overcome before they feel safe enough to return.

One of the ethnic groups, the Karen, has been waging a guerrilla war for greater autonomy for 63 years from iron-fisted military regimes. The Kachin took up arms again last year.

“Signing a cease-fire is very easy — you can do it in a few minutes — but implementation is a different matter. That depends not on the smiles on their faces, but their sincerity, what is really in their hearts. Maybe it’s another trick,” Htoo, a Karen Baptist pastor, said after his sermon in this camp sheltering more than 50,000 refugees.

When they do return, the refugees will emerge from Bangladesh, India, Thailand, Malaysia and China, a refugee mass that with the Iraqis and Afghans ranks among the largest in the world.

Their living conditions vary vastly. In the fetid settlements of Bangladesh, as many as 400,000 illegal Rohingya, a Muslim ethnic minority, hover on the edge of existence. Others live in a well-established string of U.N.-recognized camps along the Thai border, home to three generations who have known no other life.

Most would be returning to border regions of razed villages, minefields, traumatized people and almost nonexistent support systems in a country that is already among the world’s poorest. Many fear that with the world quick to applaud Myanmar’s reforms, pressure will mount to force them back before conditions are right.

“People in the refugees camps must be given a choice: to go home, stay in Thailand or be resettled abroad. We don’t trust Burmese politics because things are still very unclear,” says Dr. Cynthia Maung, a refugee doctor they call “Mother Theresa of Burma” whose Thai border clinic has treated thousands. “Nobody is going back now.”

Although preliminary plans for repatriation are being discussed among aid organizations and refugee leaders, roughly 1,000 are still fleeing into Thailand every month, says Jack Dunford, veteran head of the Thai Burma Border Consortium, which provides basic food and supplies to the Thai camps.

Thailand insists that there will be no forceful repatriation “until the situation is safe,” Thai Foreign Ministry spokesman Thani Thongphakdi told The Associated Press. “No time frame has been set for their return.”

But in Bangladesh, more than 10,000 are set for repatriation, and negotiations are under way with Myanmar for the rest to follow.

“Right now we are motivating the refugees to return home since we believe the human rights situation has improved,” said Firoz Salahuddin, the Bangladesh government official in charge of the repatriation. “But it’s a difficult task. Refugees are still fearful and need a lot of persuasion.”

Those who qualify can seek resettlement in third countries, which have taken 114,000 from the Asian region since 2005, according to the International Organization for Migration. Of these, 90,000 have gone to the United States, with the others spread among 12 other nations, including Australia, Canada, Sweden and Japan. Up to 18,000 will be resettled this year.

The U.S. government intends to continue supporting both the refugees and increasing aid to Myanmar if reforms continue. U.S. Secretary of State Hillary Rodham Clinton, who visited Myanmar in December, said Washington was committed to “helping the refugees for the future in their homeland, so they can become self-reliant after two decades of just being dependent on aid in the camps.”

But other donors enthusiastic about the recent changes, notably the European Union, are shifting their focus and funds to Myanmar’s heartland, dominated by the Burman majority, and the refugees are feeling the crunch.

Dunford says food distributions will have to be slashed further this year to a “breakpoint” 1,650 calories — well below the World Health Organization minimum daily adult requirement of 2,100 — along with items for shelter like bamboo and salaries of camp teachers.

In camps like Mae La, a warren of thatch and bamboo huts sprawled below limestone cliffs, everyone closely follows developments in Myanmar with a mix of hope, anxiety, suspicion and indecision.

“I want to go back to my country, but not now. There may be changes in the big cities, but not in the countryside,” said May Soe, who fled to Thailand after Burmese soldiers killed her father and raped women in her village.

Torn between following her brother to the United States or staying, the 41-year-old medic remained behind to serve in the children’s ward of Dr. Cynthia’s Mae Tao clinic.

Others, like 36-year-old teacher Saw Wado, are ready to return and help rebuild the country. “We have lived at such a low level for so long that we are not afraid to go home,” he said.

The Karen and other ethnic minority Christians have also retained an unwavering faith, more akin to that of the 19th century when they were converted by American missionaries.

At the camp’s Care Villa, a shelter for the most severely handicapped, a group of young men — all blinded by land mines, missing arms and legs — joyously belted out a hymn.

“We don’t know what the next day will bring, what the future holds for us, but God will lead the way,” they sang in flawless part-harmony.

BusinessWeek – Myanmar Rice Shipments May Double This Year, Group Predicts
January 31, 2012, 6:20 PM EST
By Supunnabul Suwannakij

Jan. 31 (Bloomberg) — Rice exports from Myanmar may more than double to 1.5 million metric tons this year, an industry group forecast, highlighting the country’s potential to boost overseas trade as its government pursues reform.

As the government starts to purchase production at above- market prices to encourage greater planting, shipments may increase to as much as 2 million tons next year and reach 3 million tons by 2015, according to the Myanmar Rice Industry Association. Sales totaled 700,000 tons in 2011.

An advance in exports may bolster global stockpiles, while boosting competition for Thailand, Vietnam and India. The projected gain may make Myanmar the world’s sixth-largest shipper this year, with volumes at the highest level since the 1960s, when the country was the world’s largest exporter, according to data from the U.S. Department of Agriculture.

“Myanmar coming into the market will take away some markets from Thailand, worsening Thai rice exports,” said Vichai Sriprasert, honorary president of Thai Rice Exporters Association. “In the long run, Myanmar has the potential to become the top exporter because of its fertile land and water.”

The price of 100 percent grade-B rice from Thailand, a benchmark variety from the largest exporter, plunged 18 percent from a three-year high in November to $546 per ton on Jan. 18. Rough rice traded on the Chicago Board of Trade, which was at $14.49 per 100 pounds at 5:33 p.m. in Singapore, has lost 2.5 percent this year. Prices have declined as India resumed exports of non-basmati rice after a four-year ban.

‘Economic Frontier’

Myanmar has the potential to become the Asia’s “next economic frontier” if it takes advantage of its natural resources, young labor force and proximity to China and India, the International Monetary Fund said last week. The country, which shares borders with the world’s two most-populous nations, may grow 5.5 percent in 2011-2012, the IMF said.

Myanmar President Thein Sein has been releasing dissidents and engaging with the opposition, prompting the U.S. and Europe to reassess sanctions against the former military dictatorship. The country is the “most promising” Asian market as the government reforms the political system in a nation that has ample natural resources, investor Jim Rogers said in November.

Target Markets

While local consumption accounts for 11.5 million to 12 million tons per year, total milled-rice output may increase 11 percent to 13.5 million tons in the year that started in October, and climb to 15.5 million tons over the next three years, the association said in an e-mail. Target markets for white-rice sales are Africa, Indonesia and the Philippines, it said.

The increase in planting was driven by a government policy of buying rough rice at about 10 percent above the market rate, according to the association. The program started in about the middle of January, it said.

Global rice stockpiles may gain 3 percent to 100.1 million tons in 2011-2012, the highest level since the season ended 2003, as worldwide output increases 2.5 percent to a record 461.4 million tons, according to projections from the USDA.

Myanmar has agreed to sell 200,000 tons of white rice to Bulog, Indonesia’s state food agency, the association said in a separate statement on Jan. 29. That’ll be the first exports to Indonesia in more than 10 years, it said.

Myanmar to introduce e-visa system
By Indo Asian News Service | IANS India Private Limited – 7 hours ago

Yangon, Feb 1 (IANS) Myanmar is going to introduce e-visa system as a pilot project in February to facilitate foreign travellers’ visits and promote tourism in the country.

Myanmar Ministry of Hotels and Tourism, which will introduce online electronic visa system, has started installing internet lines at the information departments of the Ministry of Home Affairs and the Ministry of Immigration and Population, Xinhua reported citing the Yangon Times.

The move will facilitate world visitors in those countries where there is no Myanmar embassy.

Some airlines arranged visa-on-arrival for visitors from Cambodia, Laos and Vietnam.

Ahead of the country’s general election in November, 2010, Myanmar regranted the visa-on-arrival service of its kind, which was halted in September during the same year.

In 2011, the number of tourists arrival at Myanmar’s Yangon International Airport reached a total of 359,359.

Also, Myanmar is implementing a plan to extend and upgrade the Yangon International Airport into an international aiport that is capable of handling 3.8 million passengers a year and providing full service needed to attain an international airport’s standard.

There are six domestic airlines in Myanmar including the state-owned — Myanmar Airways — and five private-run — Air Mandalay, Yangon Airways, Air Bagan, Asian Wings and Kanbawza.

There is also another Myanmar international airline — the Myanmar Airways International (MAI)– flying solely some foreign destinations.

Besides the MAI, which flies internationally as Myanmar’s national flag carrier, there are 13 foreign airlines flying Yangon comprising Air China, China Southern Airline, China Eastern Airlines, Thai Airways International, Indian Airlines, Air Asia, Taiwan region’s China airlines, Silk Air, Malaysian Airlines, Bangkok Airways, Jetstar Asia, Thai Air Asia and Vietnam Airlines.

Washington Examiner – Myanmar reveals its external debt is $11 billion
By: The Associated Press | 02/01/12 11:28 AM

Myanmar owes $11 billion in sometimes-decades-old foreign debt and is negotiating with Japan and Italy to repay the outstanding sums, the finance minister said, disclosing the country’s external debt for the first time in recent years.

Myanmar’s economy was stunted for many years by mismanagement and by Western sanctions imposed as the long-ruling military failed to implement democratic reforms. The military-backed but elected government that took office last year has pushed political and economic changes.

Finance Minister Hla Tun told Parliament that as Myanmar makes reforms and expands its international relations, it has begin discussions on the debt with multilateral institutions and donor nations, including Japan and Italy.

He revealed the figures in Parliament on Tuesday, and lawmaker Thein Nyunt recounted details to The Associated Press on Wednesday.

Hla Tun said $8.4 billion in debt dated from the socialist regime of the late Gen. Ne Win between 1962-1988 and $2.61 billion debt was incurred after a military junta took over in 1988, making a total of $11.023 billion.

He said the pre-1988 debt represented bilateral loans and borrowing from and multilateral institutions that the government was unable to pay because loans and grants were stopped after the junta violently quashed a 1988 pro-democracy uprising. Available revenue at the time went into development projects.

The largest creditor before 1988 is Japan, with loans of $6.39 billion, he said, and the biggest post-1988 creditor is China with $2.13 billion.

Feb 2, 2012
Asia Times Online – When rogues drift apart
By Jacob Zenn

When United States Secretary of State Hillary Clinton visited Myanmar, she pointedly raised Washington’s concern about the country’s military links with North Korea. While most of the news out of Myanmar since has focused on President Thein Sein’s reform signals and the US’s positive responses, the state of Naypyidaw’s bilateral ties with Pyongyang looms quietly over Washington’s engagement gambit.

Isolated and sanctioned by much of the international community, North Korea has traded its weapons-making expertise with rogue regimes in Syria, Libya and Myanmar. Bilateral relations and commercial exchanges with Myanmar had taken on greater importance after the Arab Spring upended Libya’s Muammar

The question now is whether the US’s recent rapprochement with Myanmar, a process that began behind the scenes in 2009, will cost the North Korean regime another of its few, arms-purchasing allies. While the US has predicated the removal of its sanctions against Myanmar on democratic reforms, severing ties with Pyongyang could be highly lucrative for Thein Sein’s nominally civilian, military-backed government.

To be sure, Myanmar’s ties to North Korea are based on shaky historical foundations. Myanmar, then known as Burma, broke off ties with Pyongyang in 1983 after North Korean agents attempted to assassinate then South Korean president Chun Doo-Hwan in a bombing in the old capital of Yangon that killed over 20 people, including a South Korean deputy prime minister.

Myanmar restored formal diplomatic relations with North Korea in 2007, notably at a time it came under rising pressure from the US. Before that, Myanmar and North Korea has conducted several underground deals. For instance, North Korean “foreign advisers” were depicted in photographs helping Myanmar to build an extensive tunnel network, including near the new capital of Naypyidaw, between 2003 and 2006.

While it is still unclear whether these tunnels were related to Myanmar’s alleged efforts to build a nuclear weapon capability, they certainly would have served the dual purpose as an emergency shelter in case of any foreign attack or internal insurrection. The US Navy has in recent years turned back at least two North Korean ships destined for Myanmar that were suspected of carrying weapons and possible nuclear materials.

It is also unclear how much of Myanmar’s recent engagement with North Korea was meant as a deterrent against a possible US attack similar to the pre-emptive assault against Iraq. The George W Bush administration frequently referred to Myanmar as an “outpost of tyranny”, along with Iran and Syria. Former First Lady Barbara Bush openly cheered on street demonstrators who protested against the Myanmar government in the so-called 2007 “Saffron” revolution.

In return for North Korea’s tunnel-building assistance and weapons sales, Myanmar provided North Korea with rice to help the former Kim Jong-il regime alleviate the country’s chronic food crisis. The terms of recent deals are unclear, but Myanmar has a steady source of foreign exchange earnings from natural gas sales to China, India and Thailand to purchase North Korean wares.

Now, with the gathering US-Myanmar rapprochement, security analysts are looking for outward clues that Myanmar has downgraded ties with North Korea. As part of its terms of engagement, the US has demanded that Myanmar come clean about its past dealings with North Korea, particularly concerning weapons procurements and possible nuclear contacts.

United States Senator Mitch McConnell, a steadfast critic of Myanmar’s military regime, has called on Naypyidaw to sever its relationship with North Korea altogether. President Thein Sein, on the other hand, has consistently denied that Myanmar has had any nuclear weapons-related contacts with North Korea. (An expose report by the exile-run Democratic Voice of Burma argued with compelling evidence that Myanmar was actively pursuing a nuclear weapons capability, most likely with North Korean help.)

The US is also apparently working with regional ally South Korea to drive a wedge between Myanmar and North Korea, including through conventional arms sales from Seoul. Unlike the US and European Union, South Korea does not maintain formal sanctions against Myanmar.

When Thein Sein began his tentative political reforms in 2011, South Korea resumed offering loans to the country for the first time since 2005. South Korea had temporarily halted lending because of the military junta’s abysmal human-rights record, exhibited by the regime’s brutal clampdown on anti-government protests in 2007.

Before 2005, South Korea had provided aid and grants worth an estimated US$120 million. South Korea also maintains various natural gas concessions in Myanmar waters. The resumption of South Korean lending will give the Myanmar economy a much-needed boost while it undertakes badly needed reforms to its distorted financial architecture.

Washington is wagering that the carrot of removing economic sanctions will influence Myanmar to move away from North Korea and a potential nuclear brinksmanship scenario. That trade-off and the promise of less international isolation probably look increasingly attractive from Thein Sein’s perspective.

Kim Jong-il’s son and successor, Kim Jong-eun, is beginning his reign more isolated than either his father or grandfather, Kim Il-sung. Meanwhile, North Korea’s past proliferation partners, Libya and Syria, are no longer reliable customers. And with Myanmar drifting into the US’s orbit, an isolated Kim Jong-eun may be forced to negotiate a detente with the US and South Korea.

Instead, the evolving engagement between the US and Myanmar could serve as a guide for a potential US-North Korean accommodation. By tempering relations with the US and suspending its nuclear program, including cooperation with Iran, North Korea could be rewarded with reduced economic sanctions and with Western investments that mitigate Pyongyang’s economic and financial dependence on China.

Both were apparently key motivations for Myanmar’s recent diplomatic shift towards the US and potential drift away from rogue regimes like North Korea.

Jacob Zenn is a lawyer and international security analyst based in Washington, DC. He writes regularly on Central Asia, Southeast Asia, and Nigeria and runs an open-source research, translation, and due diligence team through http://zopensource.net/ and can be reached at jaz@Zopensource.net.

COMMENTARY
Bangkok Post – Much to look forward to in Myanmar
Published: 1/02/2012 at 12:00 AM
Newspaper section: News

Every road is leading to Myanmar and a number of Thai and foreign companies are joining the bandwagon as they don’t want to miss the golden opportunities opening up next door.

I had a chance to visit Myanmar last month. After my four-day trip to several cities, I can say that this once-closed country will become very attractive in many areas once the long imposed trade sanctions by Western countries including the United States, are lifted.

In my opinion, the atmosphere in many big cities that I went to, is similar to that of Bangkok or Chiang Mai some 30-40 years ago.

I was quite impressed to see that people in Myanmar are very religious and go to pay respects to the Lord Buddha at temples near their homes and workplaces many times a day. Such a thing is rare in Thailand nowadays.

Our local guide said Myanmar, which could be dubbed “a sleeping tiger”, is turning over and waking up from a long sleep. Its people are pinning their hopes on future economic development, now that the country’s military regime is shifting towards democracy.

He complimented our tour group and said Thai businessmen should invest more in his country. The Burmese people like Thailand, and millions of them have come to work here. Moreover, they consider Thai-made products to be luxury items due to their high quality. I was not completely taken in by these sweet words, however.

It is undeniable that Myanmar has a lot of opportunities awaiting investors from around the world and Thailand should make the most of this. We are already so close, it only takes an hour by plane to reach the commercial capital of Yangon.

Myanmar is rich in natural resources and cultural heritage, and if the country uses these two boons efficiently, it could develop very quickly and attract a lot of tourists.

And if the few million Myanmar workers currently here in Thailand should decide to return home, what would Thailand do? We would be in short supply of maids and factory workers. At present our country has a serious labour shortage, so we have no choice but to rely on foreign workers.

And have you heard about the Dawei industrial development project in the eastern part of Myanmar? It is 10 times bigger than Rayong’s Map Ta Phut industrial estate. If this project really takes shape, it will draw a lot of foreign investment for sure and this will eventually affect Thailand. (It is not my intention to make Thai factory owners nervous; what I am saying is that we should prepare ourselves to take on a different role, so as to make the most of the precious opportunities opening up across the border.)

Indeed, Thai companies should invest in Myanmar, using their own strengths and production advantages to establish a presence there. It’s time the Thai people learned to speak Burmese and familiarised themselves with the food and culture there. We could also take on the role of an elder brother, assisting a younger sibling to stand and walk firmly.

Myanmar’s growth will be good for Thailand as well. One point we cannot overlook is that we ourselves will need to develop a step further so as not to compete for cheap labour. We must increase the value of our products and make more high-end goods.

In the area of tourism, Thailand will have to find new angles and products to attract more foreign visitors because our eco-tourism sites are probably not as fresh and exciting as the places now opening up in Myanmar. If Thailand can find a new selling point, we will be able to maintain our leadership in regional tourism and continue to advance alongside our neighbouring country because the Thai brand remains strong in the world community.

My Myanmar guide told me one thing I won’t easily forget. Everything is in a flux, he said. Myanmar used to be the centre of development in Southeast Asia 40 years ago; then it suffered a serious setback brought on by decades of military rule. Now the sleeping tiger has awoken, and as it increases speed to catch up on developments, it might even overtake Thailand _ if the Thais don’t stop fighting among themselves. Dare I believe him? The truth of his statement should become clear in the very near future.

Krissana Parnsoonthorn is Deputy Business Editor, Bangkok Post.

The Nation – Burma relaxes foreign currency exchange controls
February 1, 2012 6:08 pm

Rangoon – Burma’s government on Wednesday relaxed rules on legitimate money exchangers, allowing them to swap up to 10,000 dollars into the kyat currency without documentation from Burmese nationals.

Under the previous rules, Burmese nationals with identity cards could only buy or sell a maximum of 2,000 dollars daily at official foreign exchange outlets.

Those seeking to exchange more than 2,000 dollars needed to provide evidence of how they had acquired the foreign currency. As of Wednesday, the limit was hiked to 10,000 dollars without documentation, bank sources said.

The exchange rate Wednesday was 820 kyat for 1 dollar, compared with the black market rate of 810 kyat.

Asia News Network – Gold rush to Burma as country opens up
Businessmen from the US, Germany and Japan flock to the country in search of the next big thing
Nirmal Ghosh, The Straits Times
Publication Date : 01-02-2012

The region’s latest gold rush is on, and all the roads, it appears, are leading to Burma.

As the government opens up the previously tightly-controlled economy and accelerates reforms, and as some Western-imposed sanctions get lifted, businessmen from the United States, Germany and Japan, among others, have been flocking to the country in search of the next big thing.

For weeks now, business hotels in Rangoon have been running at full occupancy, while real estate prices have shot up and so have rentals, the result of the influx of foreigners. Investors are scouting for opportunities in a country with much untapped potential across the board, from mining and energy to tourism and telecommunications.

“Things are beginning to fall into place in Myanmar (Burma),” observed Singapore-based Manu Bhaskaran, chief executive of Centennial Asia Advisors. “Obviously there is risk, but clearly there is momentum.”

That momentum is evident in the growing number of visits by businessmen from around the world.

This month, an American delegation is due to visit. Last month, billionaire George Soros went, and said he would set up an office to facilitate philanthropic work. In December last year, a group of executives from Germany’s biggest bank and its government investment arm visited, as did a Japanese team of corporates from Hitachi, Toshiba, Mitsui, Itochu, JX Nippon Oil & Energy, and Marubeni.

Investors from as far away as Norway, Brazil and Russia have expressed interest in Burma’s energy sector, while neighbours China, India, Thailand and Vietnam have held trade shows in Rangoon or dropped by to explore infrastructure projects.

The keen interest follows the rapid political and economic reforms that Burma’s government has been carrying out, at a pace that has surprised even critics. On Monday, in an exclusive interview with The Straits Times, President Thein Sein pledged his commitment to the reforms, saying they will go on until Burma achieves a “flourishing democracy”.

International Monetary Fund (IMF) executive Meral Karasulu, after a mission to Burma early last month, told reporters: “Myanmar has a high growth potential and could become the next economic frontier in Asia, if it can turn its rich natural resources, young labour force, and proximity to some of the most dynamic economies in the world into its advantage.”
Indeed, there is vast opportunity in the country of 62 million, Asean’s biggest after Indonesia. It boasts natural resources such as gas deposits, has a large, young workforce, and offers many opportunities in tourism and infrastructure development.

But, as Bhaskaran pointed out, numerous risks remain in doing business in a country that has just emerged from decades of military dictatorship.

Among the problems, it has a poorly developed financial sector, a very small stock market, an unsettling dual foreign exchange rate, and frequent power shortages. There is no statutory minimum wage, and health care and educational systems have been eroded. Young people in Burma today speak less English than those in their 60s.

“There is certainly a gold rush, but at the same time, a lot of money is still off the table,” noted professor Sean Turnell, head of the Burma Economic Watch unit at Australia’s Macquarie University. “People are visiting and recognising that there is good potential, but they are still cautious.”

One of the key barriers is the massive gap between the official and black market rate for the kyat – 6.5 kyat to US$1 versus about 800 kyat to US$1 on the latter – which complicates business.

Another key issue is labour law reform, needed to protect both employers and workers. A new law allowing trade unions to be formed has not yet taken effect because the rules have not been finalised, although they could be ready in weeks. A new law covering labour disputes is also in the works.

The country could also find a shortage of skilled workers, which could see many locals returning from abroad – including Singapore – to take up the new jobs when investments take root. Sceptics also warn of ‘potential volatility’ in the reforms.

But analysts noted that the government is making moves in the right direction, such as making plans to empower its central bank to fix the exchange rate issue, and working to set up market structures for trade.

“At the top level they are genuinely trying and would like to do it as soon as possible,” observed Turnell.

Thein Sein, who is now in Singapore on a state visit, this week also signed an agreement for Singapore to train Burmese officials in a wide range of sectors, from legal, banking and financial to trade and tourism.

Bhaskaran pointed out that such constraints were not unlike those found in China and Vietnam when those countries began opening up.

“These are problems but they are not insurmountable,” he said. “With some economic sanctions being reduced, and economic and political reform, the momentum will soon become unstoppable.”

The Epoch Times – Military-Backed Rule Blurs Hopes for Democracy in Burma
By Kremena Krumova
Epoch Times Staff Created: January 31, 2012 Last Updated: February 1, 2012

Nearly unimaginable a year ago, the recent reforms in Burma—releasing political prisoners, allowing democracy icon Aung San Suu Kyi to run for Parliament, loosening censorship, and holding peace talks with armed ethnic groups—have been widely lauded and even rewarded by Western governments. In the last month, the United States restored diplomatic relations with Burma (also called Myanmar), and the EU removed travel bans on top officials.

Yet the reforms are inherently fragile, supported only by good will, and not rule of law. The country’s less than democratic constitution and the lack of transparency over who is really governing the country, means that any change could be reversed at any moment.

“If we are saying we are going toward democracy, these undemocratic elements in the constitution have to change,” says Dr. Sein Win, Burma’s prime minister-in-exile, who lives in Washington, D.C.

Dr. Sein Win, a first cousin to Suu Kyi, is chairman of the National Coalition Government of the Union of Burma (NCGUB), the government-in-exile. The NCGUB was formed in the aftermath of the 1990 general election that Suu Kyi and her National League for Democracy (NLD) party won by a landslide and the junta ignored.

A guiding principle of the NCGUB is that once democracy and human rights are restored in Burma it will dissolve. That time has yet to come.

Under Burma’s Constitution—drafted by the military generals in 2008 and endorsed in a sham referendum—the military has an enshrined role in political leadership in the form of the National Defense and Security Council (NDSC), a permanent military institution.

The NDSC has 11 members, including the president, two vice presidents, the commander in chief, his deputy, and two speakers, and four key ministers—foreign affairs, home affairs, defense, and border affairs. The latter three ministries all go to the military, or “Tatmadaw,” effectively giving them majority voice in the council.

Moreover, 25 percent of seats in the national Parliament and regional assemblies are also reserved for Tatmadaw members.

And although the president appoints the commander in chief, the military chief has a strong say in ruling the country through his ministers. He can also suspend all “fundamental rights” “if necessary” during an emergency, although formally he needs presidential approval.

After the November 2010 election, the country’s first in 20 years, the ruling junta was dissolved and power was handed to a quasi-civilian government under President Thein Sein, a former general. The 2008 constitution also remains in place.

Win says the real power in Burma, therefore, is still in the hands of the army, which means that without the agreement of the commander in chief, nothing substantial can happen.
It is possible, the army supports democratic reform, but Win says without a real change to the constitution, those reforms can be reversed at any time.

“Only reforms are not enough—they have to be backed by law,” said the PM-in-exile.

Achieving this is what’s tricky. Tim Aye-Hardy, director of the New York-based Burma Global Action Network, describes the current constitution as intentionally designed to create significant confusion and a lack of consistency between the president, parliament, and the military.

“This is what they [the generals] have planned for so long to happen and I feel like the international community and Daw Suu are somehow compelled to play along with it.” Daw is an honorific affectionately used to refer to Suu Kyi.

Following the plan, Suu Kyi and the NLD are allowed to run for government in by-elections in April. Out of 664 seats in Parliament, 48 are vacant. If elections are fair, the NLD can be expected to win all of them.

Window of Opportunity

But while 48 seats, or roughly 7 percent of Parliaments, are not enough to impose legislative changes, some feel that it’s positive that the opposition will be in Parliament at all.

“A small window of hope is about to open by having Daw Suu and other NLD members in the Parliament, that she might be able to persuade the MPs from the military and majority party (USDP) to support any proposed bills and overturn existing unjust laws,” said Aye-Hardy.

Then the proposed changes need to be taken up by the president who he has to “convince or impose” them on the military, said Paul Copeland, a Toronto-based lawyer and longtime activist for democracy in Burma.

“Suu Kyi can initiate the changes but the president has to drive them. If he is not interested in these changes, it is not going to happen. But I think he is,” said Copeland.

The lawyer says that even if the military still has the say in Burma, the country has gone a long way away from absolute control.

“It would be unfair to the president, to say that the military are ruling behind the scenes, as he has been the one driving democracy in Burma. I think the president has to be given credit.”

The release of 651 prisoners earlier this month came after a presidential amnesty. The NLD was allowed to register for the by-elections under President Thein Sein, and he displayed good will in meeting Suu Kyi after her release from detention shortly after the November elections.

Last week, Burma’s Foreign Minister Wunna Maung Lwin declared the reforms in Burma “irreversible.” And in President Thein Sein’s first interview with foreign media, he told the Washington Post that he vowed to bring peace and stability to the Burmese people and all ethnic groups.

Believing Too Soon?

Still, the extent of the president’s power has been questioned. Only half of those released in the amnesty were political prisoners, leaving several hundred dissidents behind bars.

And despite peace talks and ordering a ceasefire with the Kachin Independence Army, government troops have continued to attack ethnic Kachin bases in northern Burma.
It begs the question of who is really calling the shots in Burma.

“The real power is in the ex-Commander in Chief Than Shwe, while the current one, Gen. Min Aung Hlaing seems to be the paper tiger,” says Kanbawza Win, former foreign affairs secretary to the prime minister of Burma in the 1970s, who now lives in exile in Canada.

Commenting via email from Vancouver, Kanbawza Win says Shwe still influences the NDSC and is pulling the strings behind the scenes. The ex-official doesn’t believe the government or the generals will ever change their mentality and will thus cling to the current constitution in order to remain “the only pebble in the beach.”

In the article titled “Why Should the West Fall into the Burmese Trap,” published in Burma Digest, Kanbawza Win warns, “The West should not be carried away by some cosmetic reforms and that Burma’s long-ruling military still wields enormous power despite a veneer of democracy provided by the sham elections with a dubious constitution.”

When it comes to lifting economic sanctions on Burma, most experts agree that without real reforms, the gesture does nothing to help the Burmese people, and will only benefit the regime and its cronies.

“We should all be aware that economic hardships and severe poverty that people of Burma are facing are the direct results of the decades of economic mismanagement by the regime and plunder of the country’s natural resources for their own personal benefits, not because of sanctions imposed by the Western countries,” says Aye-Hardy.

Thus many Burma activists argue that the best course is for the West to offer cautious support for the changes, and remain vigilant about protecting interests of the people in one of the poorest countries in the world.

“It’s important that the international community remains strong in its approach on Burma until there is genuine and deeper political reforms taking place. What people in Burma want is the release of all political prisoners and a nationwide ceasefire that leads to a long-term political settlement through national reconciliation,” wrote Zoya Phan from Burma Campaign U.K. in an email from London.

February 1, 2012 3:38 pm
The Financial Times – Myanmar’s dissident media feels pinch amid reforms
By Gwen Robinson in Chiang Mai

With its bold, politically charged covers and reports on everything from prison conditions to ethnic conflicts in Myanmar, the Irrawaddy magazine became famous for its reliable reporting when independent media was being brutally suppressed inside the country.

Set up by young activists who fled Myanmar after the 1988 military crackdown Irrawaddy, from its base in Thailand, developed into an influential voice advocating changes that are now playing out in Myanmar, from the release of political prisoners to the lifting of censorship and promises of free elections.

Yet just as the world welcomes Myanmar’s move out of diplomatic isolation, the final print edition of the magazine will be published this week. In some respects it is the victim of its own success.

Despite a tiny circulation of about 5,000 and an annual subscription of just $50, the Irrawaddy magazine has helped “shape international policy [on Myanmar] over two decades, and we’re proud of that,” said managing editor Kyaw Zwa Moe.

As Aung Zaw, chief editor, founder and brother of Kyaw Zwa Moe, puts it, the Irrawaddy is both beneficiary and casualty of recent reforms. “If real change is coming to Myanmar, it’s an equally big transition for us,” he said.

A funding crisis nearly killed off the magazine after Myanmar’s November 2010 elections. While widely condemned as flawed, the poll put some opposition activists into parliament and prompted some donors to cut funding to exiles such as Irrawaddy in favour of groups inside Myanmar, in order to “encourage” early signs of reform, as one diplomat explained.

The two brothers who felt strongly about continuing the magazine, decided to turn the journal into a quarterly and boost Irrawaddy’s online content. In recent months its online readership has soared, to nearly 6m page views per month from about 2.5m since Myanmar lifted online censorship in August, according to its figures in late 2011.

The numbers “ring true,” noted a western aid donor. “The Irrawaddy has become very popular with Burmese readers.”

Even so as Myanmar’s nominally civilian government rolls out ambitious reforms, aid donors have shifted funding priorities. Among the Irrawaddy’s key donors, at least two European governments have withdrawn funding.

Some European countries, including Denmark and Norway, have increased spending on NGOs within Myanmar at the expense of exile groups. Many donors have criticised the “dependence mentality” among exiles and are tightening criteria for funding, said a UK aid official.

“Donors are getting exhausted, not just from supporting groups like us, but the whole [dissident] movement,” noted Mr Aung Zaw, “but it’s not all bad, this will make us more independent, stronger”.

But other donors, among them the Open Society Foundations of billionaire investor George Soros, who recently opened an office for philanthropic activities in Yangon, are maintaining funding for exile groups and in Irrawaddy’s case, have increased assistance.

“With some of the recent changes in Burma, the press seem somewhat freer, but the laws regulating media are still on the books – none have been revoked,” said Maureen Aung-Thwin, director of OSF’s Myanmar programme.

Other Myanmar watchers fear the Irrawaddy’s demise signifies the premature end of exile groups that have played a valuable role with their critical eye and well-placed sources inside the country.

The Irrawaddy was “a very good source of information”, said Bertil Lintner, a prominent commentator and author on Myanmar. “It would be a pity if the exiled media disappeared. No one knows how long the so-called ‘spring’ inside Burma will last. The situation there is not irreversible.”

While censorship may appear to have eased, below the surface, it is still pervasive and news journals must submit articles for official approval, say Yangon-based journalists. “At this time, we’re facing some of the hardest censorship we’ve known – it’s so ironic,” one local journalist remarked.

“Of course it’s sad, to let this successful and influential magazine fade away,” said Mr Kyaw Zwa Moe. “For Burma, such a print magazine is still essential, not only now but in the future. But at least we have the websites to continue our mission.”

COMMENTARY
The Irrawaddy – The ‘Rule of Law’ in Burma
By STEPHEN BLOOM Wednesday, February 1, 2012

Over the past several months, Burma’s pro-democracy icon and opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi has constantly repeated the refrain that the government must establish the “rule of law.”

That’s a worthwhile goal, as well as a necessary achievement if Burma is going to raise the quality of life and standard of living for its 54 million long-oppressed and impoverished people.

In the words of William H. Neukom, the president of the World Justice Project (WJP), “The rule of law is the foundation for communities of opportunity and equity—it is the predicate for the eradication of poverty, violence, corruption, pandemics and other threats to civil society.”

But what does the “rule of law” mean?

The answer is important, because if Suu Kyi cannot articulate, communicate and get general agreement on what the “rule of law” means to the Burmese people, it threatens to become just a political slogan rather than a tangible goal towards which objective progress can be measured.

This is easier said than done, however, because just like the term “democracy,” there are many different interpretations of the “rule of law.” As a result, for Suu Kyi to both define and gain a shared understanding of the rule of law may be the political equivalent of rounding up a school of fish with her bare hands. But it is important that she try.

Even legal scholars and political scientists cannot agree on the meaning of the rule of law. On a macro level, the people wishing to nail down the concept fall into two camps: the proponents of a “thick” definition and the proponents of a “thin” definition.

A thick definition of the rule of law would include both adequate procedures to ensure that Burma is “a government of laws and not of men,” as well as substantive laws that protect fundamental human and democratic rights.

The UN secretary-general’s definition of the rule of law provides an example:

The rule of law is “a principle of governance in which all persons, institutions and entities, public and private, including the State itself, are accountable to laws that are publicly promulgated, equally enforced and independently adjudicated, and which are consistent with international human rights norms and standards.

It requires, as well, measures to ensure adherence to the principles of supremacy of law, equality before the law, accountability to the law, fairness in the application of the law, separation of powers, participation in decision-making, legal certainty, avoidance of arbitrariness and procedural and legal transparency.”

This is a good definition, and if broken down could be one useful way of measuring Burma’s progress towards the rule of law.

But the problem with adopting a definition which is too “thick” is that it allows a great deal of discretion by both authorities and citizens, uses terms that are vague and difficult to define, and therefore runs counter to important aspects of the rule of law.

The risk is that anyone who believes a law is unfair or was not democratically adopted could choose not to abide by it and argue that the action is justified.

For this reason, the advocates of a “thin” definition say that the term “rule of law” should apply to procedures only—i.e., that a law must be prospective, well-known and have characteristics of generality, equality, and certainty, but the content of the law and how it was adopted are irrelevant.

The “thin” definition, however, would allow the Burmese government to argue that the rule of law exists even if democracy and individual rights do not, which is clearly problematic.

The former chief justice of South Africa, Arthur Chaskalson, had a persuasive response to those who argue for a strictly “thin” definition.

He pointed out that the apartheid government was accountable in accordance with laws that were clear, publicized, and stable, and were upheld by law enforcement officials and judges. But the process by which the laws were made in South Africa under apartheid was not fair because only whites, a minority of the population, had the right to vote, and the laws themselves were not fair because they institutionalized discrimination, vested broad discretionary powers in the executive and failed to protect fundamental rights.

Without a substantive content, Chaskalson said, there is no answer to the criticism that the rule of law is “an empty vessel into which any law could be poured.”

Even the US could be used as an example of what happens when a definition that is too “thin” is adhered to.

Before the Bill of Rights was adopted, could it really be said that the US had the rule of law?

In any event, even if certain fundamental rights are not technically within the definition of the “rule of law,” they are still factors worth striving for, and so measurement of them should go hand in hand with measurement of the rule of law and should not be dismissed on a legal technicality.

It remains important, however, to understand the competing concepts of the rule of law, because if members of Burma’s political opposition fail to understand the debate, they risk being manipulated by those with personal vested interests on one side or the other.

The WJP has endeavored to strike a fair and measurable balance between the two definitions, and has fleshed out the components and meaning of the rule of law in an index that any opposition politician or activist in Burma would be well-served to become familiar with.

The Rule of Law Index developed by the WJP is based on four universal principles that incorporate ten different dimensions of the rule of law, all of which will be critical to Burma’s political, legal and economic development.

The WJP’s first universal principle is that a government and its officials are accountable under the law.

This means that government officials are subject to the law the same as any citizen, their powers are limited by laws, checks and balances, an independent judiciary and the freedom of the press, and they are punished for misconduct.

It also means that the government is not corrupt—i.e. that government officials exercise their functions without improper influence and do not request or receive bribes or misappropriate public funds or other resources.

The WJP’s second universal principal is that the laws are clear, publicized, stable, and fair, and protect fundamental rights, including the security of persons and property.

If the factors making up this second principal are in place, the general public knows what the law is and what conduct is permitted and prohibited.

In addition, if the rule of law is in place and enforced, then the general public does not fear for their safety or their property. Crime is under control and people do not resort to violence to redress personal grievances.

Finally, the second universal principle says that the fundamental rights of equal treatment and non-discrimination under the law are guaranteed and applied, as well as the right to due process of law, freedom of opinion and expression, freedom of assembly and association, fundamental labor rights and other similar rights that bear an essential relationship to the rule of law.

The principle does not include, however, all of the social, economic, and cultural rights that could be found, for example, in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. This does not mean these rights are unimportant, just that they should not be included in measuring progress towards the rule of law.

The third WJP principle is that the process by which the laws are enacted, administered and enforced is accessible, fair and efficient.

This means that government proceedings are open to the public and official information is reasonably available. It also means that regulations are effectively enforced and applied fairly, equally and without improper influence, and that the government does not expropriate private property without adequate compensation.

This principle does not address, however, the question of whether the laws are enacted by democratically elected representatives, and therefore implies that countries without Western-style democracies can still have the rule of law.

Access to government must still be present, however, and the indications of whether this is the case include whether lawmaking proceedings are held with timely notice and are open to the public; whether the lawmaking process provides an opportunity for diverse viewpoints to be considered; and whether records of legislative and administrative proceedings and judicial decisions are available to the public.

Fairness in the administration of the law includes the absence of improper influence by public officials or private interests, the adherence to due process of law in administrative procedures and the absence of government takings of private property without adequate compensation.

The fourth and final WJP principle is that access to justice is provided by competent, independent and ethical judges and attorneys who are of sufficient number, have adequate resources and reflect the makeup of the communities they serve.

This means that the general public is aware of available remedies and can access and afford legal counsel in civil disputes. It also means that civil justice is impartial, free of improper influence and unreasonable delays, and is effectively enforced.

With respect to the criminal justice system, it means that the system of adjudication is timely, effective, impartial and free from outside influence.

In other words, the due process of law and rights of the accused are effectively protected.

The WJP Rule of Law Index provides a series of benchmarks for measuring a government’s progress towards the rule of law. While its 2011 Rule of Law Index assessed 66 countries, the WJP has never measured Burma.

The World Bank, however, includes the rule of law in its World Governance Indicators project that assesses the quality of good governance in 213 countries, and has rated Burma in the bottom 5 percent of those countries with respect to the rule of law in every year since 2002.

Even without any outside reports, the clear reality to any Burmese citizen or Burma observer is that the country does not presently have anything approaching the rule of law, and the Burmese government would abjectly fail almost every aspect of an assessment using the WJP’s universal rule of law principles and their components.

Blame for this could easily be assessed, and would no doubt lie with many of those currently in charge of Burma’s government. But although justice may require an assessment of blame, it is not necessary for the purpose of determining where Burma stands today, what reforms are needed and how much progress the government is making in the future.

As the WJP points out, no country is perfect when it comes to the rule of law, and what is an acceptable outcome for Burma depends on circumstances and cultural factors that its citizens have the right to determine.

Under any definition, however, it is clear that Burma is starting from scratch when it comes to the rule of law, and that practices and habits that are deeply embedded in the
government, the military and even the society will have to change if anything approaching the rule of law is to be achieved.

This will be a long and arduous process, but it should begin with as much of a shared understanding as possible among the Burmese people as to what the ultimate goal is and what the benchmarks along the way will be.

For this to happen, Suu Kyi and her opposition colleagues need to educate the public about what exactly they mean when calling for the rule of law in Burma.

Therefore, while effective politics must be concise and not get bogged down in academic nuances, it would be a good idea for Burma’s opposition leaders to add a few more details to their stump speeches.

For example, Suu Kyi could explain to her supporters that that her call for the rule of law means that :

Government officials are accountable to the people, subject to the same laws as everyone else and not corrupt.

Everyone is treated equally under the law, is given due process of law and is protected by the law.

The people’s freedoms of expression, assembly and belief are protected.

All laws are clear, public and prospective, and every person has access to the justice system.

The judiciary is independent and free from outside influence.

All laws are enacted in a transparent process that every citizen can witness and participate in.

If Suu Kyi fleshes out the rule of law with basic statements such as these and repeats them often enough so that everyone understands what she means by the term, she will have developed a platform for progress rather just a slogan for political victory.

In addition, she will put those in power on clear notice of what the opposition expects from them. Making specific proposals shines a spotlight on the ruling powers, because every proposal that is rejected can be framed as a rejection of the rule of law in Burma’s quest for democracy.

In that respect, if President Thein Sein really wants reform, then he would be well-advised to actually invite the WJP into Burma to perform an independent assessment. This would not only demonstrate his commitment to rule of law, but give his government an objective understanding of where Burma stands today.

Although many factors will determine how fast the country can progress towards the rule of law, if power players can be convinced it is in their own best interest, rule of law reforms will move faster. As a result, it may ultimately be the demands of potential investors that spur rule of law reform efforts in Burma.

Care should be taken, however, to ensure that rule of law reforms happen across the board and protect the rights of all citizens, not just the economic rights of the powerful, the elite and the foreign investment community.

It must be also stressed that while democracy is not necessarily a component of the rule of law, it is one of the best ways of ensuring that the rule of law exists. In addition, while it may be possible to have the rule of law without true democracy, Burma cannot have a true democracy without the rule of law.

So if Burmese leaders want to be taken seriously when they say they are on the path to democracy, they must simultaneously be on the path to establishing the rule of law.

Stephen Bloom graduated from Georgetown University Law School in Washington D.C. and previously practiced law in the US for more than 10 years.

Burma joins naval exercises
Wednesday, 01 February 2012 12:18 Mizzima News

(Mizzima) – The Burmese navy took part in a joint exercise organized by the Indian Navy off the strategic Andaman and Nicobar Islands in the Bay of Bengal, local media reported on Tuesday.

Warships and delegations from 14 countries of the Asia-Pacific region will participate in the “Milan” exercise, which will focus on countering maritime terrorism, piracy and poaching as well as search and rescue operations and capacity building, the Times of India quoted officials as saying.

Navy ships from Australia, Bangladesh, Brunei, the Philippines, Burma, Thailand, Indonesia, Sri Lanka, Singapore, Vietnam, Malaysia, Maldives, the Seychelles and Mauritius took part in the exercise.

One naval concern in the region is the protection of sea-lanes through the Malacca Strait. An estimated 60,000 ships sail through it every year, carrying around 30 percent of the world trade in goods.

An Indian officer said: “India’s central location in the Indian Ocean, astride these major commercial routes and energy lifelines, makes us a major stakeholder in the region’s security and stability.”

Suu Kyi on poverty tour in Magway region
Wednesday, 01 February 2012 18:32 Kyaw Kha

Chiang Mai (Mizzima) – Aung San Suu Kyi observed poverty alleviation programs on Tuesday in Myaing Township in the Magway Region.

Her visit included British and Australian diplomats who accompanied her to Paypintike and Kyittee villages to observe programs in education, agriculture, health and business.

“The British government has launched international development funds, and some of them have been allocated to fight poverty,” said security official Khun Thar Myint who accompanied Suu Kyi.

The Department for International Development [DFID], a United Kingdom governmental department, has earmarked 300 million pounds for Burma from 2012 to 2015 to aid in poverty alleviation, to be delivered through UN organizations, international and local NGOs and social organizations.

During the trip, Suu Kyi observed small-scale sewing enterprises, a bakery and agricultural projects, all intended to employ and empower villagers.

In reply to Suu Kyi’s questions, villagers talked about the need for more water for agricultural and other needs. Suu Kyi said she would help the villagers to overcome those difficulties and urged them to venture out and try to do more.

Suu Kyi did not inform the public in advance about her visit, officials said, because the trip had nothing to do with politics and canvassing. However, very large groups of supporters turned out along the Bagan-NyaungU-Pakokku-Myaing route, according to reporters who accompanied Suu Kyi’s trip.

“During her round trip, there were many supporters, especially in Pakokku. The ides of the roads were very crowded with supporters, and drivers could not drive fast. Our cars took more than three hours for a one-hour trip. Many people welcomed her. They welcomed her with various styles. In Myaing, people welcomed her by banging Burmese drums,” a reporter who accompanied her told Mizzima.

A woman told Mizzima, “I’m over 20. In the past, I have seen her only in photos. Now, I have seen her in the real world. She’s too much prettier than in her photos. When I approached her to give flowers, there was a big crowd, so I had to shove to get to her.”

DVB News – Burmese warships join Indian naval drill
By FRANCIS WADE
Published: 1 February 2012

Burma is among 14 countries to take part in a joint naval exercise with India today in the Bay of Bengal, with the show of force likely to trigger concern in China that its close ally to the south is being drawn further into New Delhi’s orbit.

The five-day naval drill, known as the Milan exercise, is focused on joint efforts at combating piracy and terrorism in the strategically key waters off eastern India. Burma’s maritime territory also extends into the Bay of Bengal.

The Times of India said that of particular concern to regional countries is the stability of the Malacca Straits beneath Singapore, through which up to 60,000 vessels pass each year transporting cargo to and from Asia-Pacific economies. The Andaman and Nicobar Islands, around which this week’s exercises will take place, act as a gateway to the strait.

That choke-point is also a key route for Middle Eastern and African oil bound for China, which has already signalled concern about US warships that patrol beneath Singapore, and the potential for it to be cut off.

The sight of warships that belong to countries like India and Vietnam, whose relations with China are strained, carrying out joint drills in the Bay of Bengal is sure to unnerve Beijing, which has sought to develop an alternative to the Malacca Straits with the trans-Burma Shwe oil and gas pipelines.

China’s once unrestrained ability to tap Burma’s natural resources took a knock last October when Naypyidaw announced a decision to scrap the Myitsone Dam in Kachin state, which was financed by Beijing and whose output would have fed China’s southern Yunnan province.

The decision pointed to a growing unease within the Burmese government at its economic reliance on China, and Burma’s leaders will now seek to draw themselves away from Beijing through boosting economic and security cooperation with India.

Burma’s foreign minister, Wunna Maung Lwin, was in New Delhi last week on a four-day visit where he met with his Indian counterpart S.M. Krishna – the latter said after the talks that the two country’s “security interests are intertwined”, particularly along their lengthy shared border where India separatist groups shelter, sometimes on Burmese soil.

But India and Burma’s security relations go further, with India thought to be one of a handful of countries that still supplies weaponry to the Burmese, although this thought to comprise mostly artillery which is destined mainly for Burmese army camps in its northwest close to where Indian separatist groups are located.

DVB News – Budget revamp targets health, military
By AHUNT PHONE MYAT
Published: 1 February 2012

Burma’s parliament is due to discuss week a proposal to boost spending for health, education and the military (Reuters)

Parliament will soon vote over whether to approve a four-fold increase in government spending on healthcare in Burma, a sector that currently receives one of the lowest levels of state support in the world.

A budget proposal submitted to parliament this week by planning ministers could also see education spending double, from 4.1 percent of the government budget to 8.3 percent.

But what will likely irk Burmese is a push for more finance to be allocated to the military, which already accounts for 23.1 percent of spending, or around $US2 billion per year. If approved, that figure will climb to 25.1 percent in a country where the majority of military operations occur in the border regions in battles against ethnic armies.

The boost for the military does not include money already set aside for the Special Funds Law, a decree announced in March last year that allows the army chief to channel unlimited
finance to the military without parliamentary consent.

But for other sectors, the news is promising: only 1.3 percent of government spending, or $US2 per person each year, currently goes to healthcare. In comparison Thailand’s healthcare sector receives 11 percent.

Phone Myint Aung, an MP in the National Parliament, said the proposed budget would be debated next week. However he quoted Finance Minister Hla Tun who in parliament defended the proposed boost in military spending by arguing that Burma still spends far less than Thailand or Singapore, which spends around $US8 billion each year and which is a chief supplier of weaponry to Burma.

What the finance minister failed to note however, according to Phone Myint Aung, is the discrepancy in GDPs between the countries, with Singapore’s currently standing at around $222.7 billion and Burma’s less than $US85 billon.

Burma is also grappling with a debt of almost $US11 billion, Hla Tun admitted, but the economy is currently witnessing something of a transformation as the country attempts to open up to western investors. The IMF said last week that GDP could grow to six percent by 2013.

DVB News – UN envoy to press govt on Kachin
By FRANCIS WADE
Published: 31 January 2012

The UN’s special rapporteur for Burma, Tomas Ojea Quintana, will arrive in Rangoon this afternoon to assess claims made by the government that it has embarked on a reform programme to bring to an end decades of human rights abuses against Burmese.

Exactly who he will meet has not been confirmed, according to the UN’s information officer in Rangoon, Aye Win. He is due to travel to the capital, Naypyidaw, tomorrow and hopes to meet top-level government officials, whilst holding talks with in-country UN teams.

Quintana said in a statement prior to the trip that “significant developments” have occurred in Burma in recent months, and that the country was witnessing an “important moment in [its] history”.

But the envoy has been among the more vocal critics of the government within the UN, and has consistently pushed for the release of all political prisoners and an end to protracted civil wars in the country’s border regions.

Jong-Gil Woo, from the Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights in Bangkok, who will also be travelling to Burma today, told DVB that Quintana will raise concerns about ongoing fighting in Kachin state in the north, which has forced up to 70,000 people from their homes. The UN was granted access to a number of refugees in areas controlled by the Kachin Independence Army (KIA) late last year, but permission has not been given since.

Woo said there had been “no information on further access” to the refugees, but that Quintana would seek to convince the government to drop its guard on international assistance to those displaced since June last year.

Aye Win corroborated that UN teams in the country had been working on additional aid distribution since the December 2011 visit to the KIA’s headquarters in Laiza on the China border, but were “not at a stage when we can deliver another aid convoy”.

Also subject to speculation is the fate of a potential UN Commission of Inquiry into past crimes committed by the former junta, many of whose senior members, including President Thein Sein, are now in the government.

A number of countries, including the US and Britain, who had supported the creation of a probe appear to have retreated in the wake of reforms enacted by the government.

Quintana, who first raised the prospect of an inquiry by the UN last year, has not made any recent statements on the matter, although there is a feeling among the UN and former backers of a probe that it should be put on hold while the world gauges developments in Burma.

Woo said that Quintana has “not thrown that idea into the gutter, but his line is fundamentally that it is important to establish justice and accountability measures,” and that the “primary responsibility for accountability rests with the government”.

That sentiment was echoed by US Secretary of State Hillary Clinton, who said during her December visit to Burma that “it’s important to try to give the new government and the opposition a chance to demonstrate they have their own approach toward achieving [accountability for past state crimes]”.

Myanmar says it will put stability ahead of economy: report
Reuters – 10 hrs ago

SINGAPORE (Reuters) – Myanmar President Thein Sein said his government was committed to political reform and would put the stability of the country ahead of economic development, Singapore’s Straits Times newspaper reported on Tuesday.

The president, in Singapore for a three-day official visit that began on Sunday, has overseen dramatic reforms over the past few months, including the freeing of hundreds of political prisoners, a loosening of media controls and engagement with Aung San Suu Kyi, leader of the fight for democracy.

The government has also agreed to ceasefires with several ethnic rebel groups in the past three months and is holding talks with others, some of which have been fighting for autonomy for decades.

“The future of Myanmar lies in peace and stability, while economic development is a secondary priority for the country,” Thein Sein said in an interview with the newspaper.

“We are already on the chosen path to democracy and we will continue. We are nurturing the system to have a flourishing democracy in the country,” he said.

Thein Sein was part of the junta that stepped aside when a nominally civilian government took office last March. As the country has opened up to the outside world, ministers have started speaking more to the media.

The president indicated interest in developing trade in foreign currencies and stocks as part of economic reforms.

“At the moment we do not have the skills and expertise (in this area) and are seeking technical assistance from international financial institutions,” he said.

Japan’s Daiwa Securities is advising on how to develop the barely functioning stock exchange it helped set up in Myanmar in the 1990s. South Korean bourse operator Korea
Exchange has held talks with the authorities on a separate bourse.

The International Monetary Fund is advising on currency reforms.

Singapore said on Monday it would help Myanmar train its people in areas such as economic planning and urban development.

The government has launched a number of initiatives to boost the economy, introducing tax breaks for foreign investors and announcing tax exemptions to help exports of commodities such as rice, beans, corn and rubber.

But the secretary-general of the Association of South East Asian Nations (ASEAN), of which Myanmar is a member, said on Tuesday that more needed to be done in order to enjoy the trade perks the grouping can offer.

“We make it clear Myanmar will not benefit from dynamism from ASEAN, all the connectivity with ASEAN and the rest of the world until Myanmar makes adjustment inside, make some changes, amendment in the law, in the foreign investment law, in the production system,” Surin Pitsuwan told a news conference in Tokyo.

“We do not just look for resources, we do not just look for manpower, cheap labor… We also would like to share with them our own experiences. They can emulate what is right, they can avoid what we have done wrong. But Myanmar has certainly ASEAN to rely on.”

Myanmar denies trying to obtain N.Korean nukes
AFP – 10 hrs ago

Myanmar President Thein Sein has denied his country is trying to obtain nuclear weapons from North Korea, describing allegations of a covert programme as “unfounded”.

“We are not acquiring nuclear weapons from North Korea,” the Straits Times newspaper on Tuesday quoted him as saying in an interview during a four-day state visit to Singapore.

“These allegations are unfounded and based on suspicion by some Western countries.”

A 2010 United Nations report accused Pyongyang of supplying banned nuclear and ballistic equipment to Myanmar, Iran and Syria.

In a landmark visit to Myanmar in December, US Secretary of State Hillary Clinton called on the country to sever “illicit ties” with Pyongyang to foster better relations with Washington.

Clinton said that Thein Sein had given “strong assurances” that Myanmar would abide by United Nations resolutions under which weapons exports from North Korea are banned.

The leader’s latest reassurance comes on top of a similar statement in June 2010, when the then-ruling military junta said it had no intention of a tie-up with Pyongyang to build an atomic bomb.

The US also said in November last year it had not detected any signs of a major nuclear programme in Myanmar and downplayed defector accounts that the country was developing an advanced atomic weapons system with North Korea.

Myanmar has maintained that it is too poor to acquire nuclear weapons and that it has always abided by UN resolutions, even halting a Russia-backed peaceful nuclear research programme because of international concerns.

The Southeast Asian country is undergoing a raft of dramatic political reforms that have surprised critics after ending almost half a century of military rule about nine months ago.

Peace talks and with ethnic rebel groups, pardons of prominent dissidents and the release of opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi from house arrest have been warmly welcomed by an initially-sceptical international community.

Thein Sein’s government has also received plaudits for allowing Suu Kyi to stand for a parliamentary seat, with the Nobel Peace Prize winner greeted by huge rapturous crowds wherever she campaigns.

Thein Sein — an ex-general who became president at the head of a nominally civilian government last year — promised during his visit to Singapore to establish a “healthy democracy” in Myanmar.

“We have turned a new page in our country in order to create better conditions in Myanmar,” he said at a state banquet held by Singapore leaders Monday.

“We want to give a brighter future for our people.”

“We want our people to take part in the democratic reform process and we want democracy to thrive in Myanmar. I wish to assure you that I shall endeavour to establish a healthy democracy in Myanmar.”

Myanmar youth make their voices heard
AFP – 2012-01-31 13:12
by Marie Vallerey

YANGON, January 31, 2012 (AFP) – Myanmar’s youth, no strangers to the country’s long struggle for democracy, are increasingly daring to emerge from the political shadows as the regime promises a new era of openness.

Their enthusiasm offers much-needed new blood for Nobel Peace Prize winner Aung San Suu Kyi’s National League for Democracy (NLD) party, whose top ranks are filled with elderly men in their 80s and 90s known as the “uncles”.

With the opposition gearing up for April 1 by-elections expected to propel Suu Kyi and possibly dozens more party members into parliament for the first time, many young people are heeding the call to battle.

“I want to fight for the truth,” 25-year-old NLD member Thuzar Lwin told AFP at the party’s ramshackle Yangon headquarters, where she was helping to re-register recently freed dissidents on the membership list.

“I believe in my leader Aung San Suu Kyi.”

Young Burmese have often been at the vanguard of their country’s decades-old resistance to oppression and military rule, but in the past they often waged their campaign on the street or in the shadows.

Now they feel more able to make their voices heard.

“They always suspected us, the government. Not now. Now we are free again,” said 21-year-old student Zar Yar Phyo.

In 1988 students were at the forefront of the biggest ever uprising against the military regime, which cracked down brutally on protesters, resulting in up to 3,000 deaths and leaving students under the close watch of the authorities.

Almost two decades later in 2007, the same activists again took to the streets to join monk-led protests dubbed the “Saffron Revolution” that were crushed by the regime.

Many were handed long prison sentences for their roles in the unrest and some were only recently released by the new military-backed government as part of prisoner amnesties long demanded by the international community.

Now in their 40s, they are making way for a new generation.

“We’re not as young as we were, the former students of the 1988 movement. So we’re trying to work with members of the young generation and in another month or so we expect to stand united,” said NLD youth spokesman Myo Nyunt.

“Now many, many young people want to join our NLD party.”

Not all youth activists, however, are choosing to sign up to the NLD in their struggle.

Bo Bo, 23, quit university in 2008 and joined the Generation Wave underground movement, which uses music, poetry and other forms of peaceful expression.

The group has now started to organise more open activities to campaign for political and human rights.

“I wanted to do something for the country,” he said.

“In the 2007 Saffron Revolution I saw many bad things such as they attacked the monks who protested on the road very peacefully. It made me really angry and also it encouraged me to do politics and to do more for the country.”

Some 30 members of the group were thrown in prison. They were released as part of the sweeping changes that are also being felt on the streets.

“We are not going to form a political party. We would like to be an activist organisation, that’s all,” Bo Bo said.

Many young voters in the constituencies involved in the April by-election, where 48 seats will be at stake, will be casting ballots for the second time.

The new government has promised that this time the vote will be free and fair, unlike a 2010 nationwide election that was marred by widespread complaints of cheating and swept the army’s political allies to power.

The regime has since surprised observers with a series of reforms, including welcoming the NLD back into the political mainstream, inking ceasefire deals with ethnic minority rebels and releasing hundreds of political prisoners.

Tens of thousands of jubilant supporters greeted Suu Kyi on the campaign trail at the weekend, and there is a new sense of optimism in the air.

“I think it is changing now more than ever,” said student Zar Yar Phyo. “Everything can happen today in Myanmar.”

Channel NewsAsia – Myanmar taps on Singapore’s experience in education
Posted: 31 January 2012 1554 hrs

SINGAPORE: Myanmar is keen to tap Singapore’s experience to enhance the quality of its teachers.

On the cards may be further exchanges and collaborations between both nations in education.

The country’s officials, led by its Education Minister Dr Mya Aye, toured some Singapore schools on Tuesday.

The delegation is here with President Thein Sein on a state visit to Singapore.

Dr Mya Aye and his delegation visited the Institute of Technical Education (ITE) College East and toured the school’s facilities.

Help in vocational training is a key part of assistance Singapore is giving Myanmar to develop its human resource capabilities. The trip to the College East campus is meant to give the visitors an insight into Singapore’s technical education.

Bruce Poh, director and CEO of Institute of Technical Education, said: “It’s important to develop a good vocational and technical education in any country. So Myanmar is no exception and I think they are very interested, particularly in this area of technology, in engineering.”

Discussions are still at the preliminary stage, but Mr Poh said more talks are expected to follow between both sides to explore partnerships.

The Myanmar officials next visited Tanjong Katong Secondary to see how lessons are taught in the school. There, they also met students from Myanmar.

Where growing a pool of competent educators is concerned, the delegation spoke to Nanyang Technological University (NTU), which has the National Institute of Education (NIE) that trains teachers.

The visitors also met the heads of NTU’s engineering departments.

Rounding off a day’s programme, Dr Mya Aye called on his counterpart Mr Heng Swee Keat.

BusinessWeek – Myanmar Rice Shipments May Double This Year, Group Predicts
January 31, 2012, 10:56 AM EST
By Supunnabul Suwannakij

Jan. 31 (Bloomberg) — Rice exports from Myanmar may more than double to 1.5 million metric tons this year, an industry group forecast, highlighting the country’s potential to boost overseas trade as its government pursues reform.

As the government starts to purchase production at above- market prices to encourage greater planting, shipments may increase to as much as 2 million tons next year and reach 3 million tons by 2015, according to the Myanmar Rice Industry Association. Sales totaled 700,000 tons in 2011.

An advance in exports may bolster global stockpiles, while boosting competition for Thailand, Vietnam and India. The projected gain may make Myanmar the world’s sixth-largest shipper this year, with volumes at the highest level since the 1960s, when the country was the world’s largest exporter, according to data from the U.S. Department of Agriculture.

“Myanmar coming into the market will take away some markets from Thailand, worsening Thai rice exports,” said Vichai Sriprasert, honorary president of Thai Rice Exporters Association. “In the long run, Myanmar has the potential to become the top exporter because of its fertile land and water.”

The price of 100 percent grade-B rice from Thailand, a benchmark variety from the largest exporter, plunged 18 percent from a three-year high in November to $546 per ton on Jan. 18. Rough rice traded on the Chicago Board of Trade, which was at $14.49 per 100 pounds at 5:33 p.m. in Singapore, has lost 2.5 percent this year. Prices have declined as India resumed exports of non-basmati rice after a four-year ban.

‘Economic Frontier’

Myanmar has the potential to become the Asia’s “next economic frontier” if it takes advantage of its natural resources, young labor force and proximity to China and India, the International Monetary Fund said last week. The country, which shares borders with the world’s two most-populous nations, may grow 5.5 percent in 2011-2012, the IMF said.

Myanmar President Thein Sein has been releasing dissidents and engaging with the opposition, prompting the U.S. and Europe to reassess sanctions against the former military dictatorship. The country is the “most promising” Asian market as the government reforms the political system in a nation that has ample natural resources, investor Jim Rogers said in November.

Target Markets

While local consumption accounts for 11.5 million to 12 million tons per year, total milled-rice output may increase 11 percent to 13.5 million tons in the year that started in October, and climb to 15.5 million tons over the next three years, the association said in an e-mail. Target markets for white-rice sales are Africa, Indonesia and the Philippines, it said.

The increase in planting was driven by a government policy of buying rough rice at about 10 percent above the market rate, according to the association. The program started in about the middle of January, it said.

Global rice stockpiles may gain 3 percent to 100.1 million tons in 2011-2012, the highest level since the season ended 2003, as worldwide output increases 2.5 percent to a record 461.4 million tons, according to projections from the USDA.

Myanmar has agreed to sell 200,000 tons of white rice to Bulog, Indonesia’s state food agency, the association said in a separate statement on Jan. 29. That’ll be the first exports to Indonesia in more than 10 years, it said.

Asia Sentinel – Myanmar and the Road to Reform
Written by Cyril Pereira
Tuesday, 31 January 2012

President pledges comprehensive transformation

Currently on a state visit to Singapore with a delegation of ministers and businessmen, Myanmar President Thein Sein has made what is considered his most explicit commitment to democratic reform and an overhaul of the country’s moribund economy and government infrastructure.

“We want democracy to thrive,” he said. “I wish to assure you that I shall endeavor to establish a healthy democracy in Myanmar. We want a brighter future for our people.” He asked the international community to support Myanmar’s reform path, noting that the transition is fraught with challenges.

Singapore, whose GLCs — government-linked companies — as well as private ones have invested heavily for years in Myanmar, also known as Burma, obviously intends to play a major role in Myanmar’s development. Thein Sein was in the island republic to sign a Singapore-Myanmar Technical Cooperation Agreement to cover technical assistance and training for the legal, banking, finance, trade, tourism and urban planning sectors.

Singapore will also provide English language, technical and vocational education in an effort to help Myanmar emerge from decades of isolation and under-investment in manpower.
All through 2011 Myanmar has taken measures to release political prisoners, legalize its main opposition party and relax controls on media and the Internet. These are all part of a package of reforms known as the ‘roadmap to democracy’. Skeptics are beginning to hope that this time it is real.

A top Ministry of Information official recently said in a private conversation that he is enthusiastic about the pace of reform, saying that the country’s overhaul of human rights and the democratic process could well leave the rest of Asean behind. The official cited Singapore and Malaysia as questioning — half in jest — why the country is in such a hurry.

Facing an unknown future

As has been widely reported, Aung San Suu Kyi has reregistered her National League for Democracy Party. The NLD expects to contest April 1 by-elections for 48 seats which fell vacant when lawmakers were elevated to ministerial positions. Of the 48, 40 are for the 420-strong lower house, six for the upper house and two for regional assemblies.

While the number of constituencies the NLD is contesting seems small, it does set an important marker for representative democracy. There are a further five lower house and 12 state/regional seats pending which were skipped during the November 2010 elections due to security concerns.

When queried about the wisdom of participating in a political framework defined by the military and stacked with regime proxies, the 66-year old Nobel Laureate was amazingly upbeat: “Elements in the government genuinely desire reform….if we wait only for solid guarantees, we can never proceed,” she told reporters. “We have to take risks. We need the courage to face a future that is really not known to us.”

Even if the NLD wins all the 40 lower house seats it contests in April, it would still barely wield 9.5 percent of the influence in parliament. Suu Kyi’s sharp challenge to the recently cobbled constitution may seem quixotic but she carries disproportionate moral authority within the country and internationally. If and when she gets into parliament, she would be the voice of the people despite the tiny share of the seats that is projected. A source told Asia Sentinel that the president may offer her a senior government role.

Demand to change Constitution

On her first campaign tour to the coastal region of Dawei, 615 km south of Yangon last Sunday, Suu Kyi called for changes to the constitution, which was put together to ensure the power of the military. The document reserves 25 percent of seats for the military, allows it to appoint cabinet ministers, to unilaterally declare a state of emergency and run many critical government functions.

Dawei is where environmental activists protested successfully against the construction of a 4,000 megawatt coal-fired power plant that President Thein Sein surprisingly cancelled. Another 400 megawatt power plant is still on the drawing board as the region has been designated for major industrial projects including a deep-sea port, steel mill and petrochemical plant. Infrastructure of railways and highways are also planned to connect to Thailand.

“There are certain laws which are obstacles to the freedom of the people. We will strive to abolish these laws within the framework of parliament,” Suu Ky told reporters. She has also called for transparency and accountability of government. “Elections must be free and fair. Any government which lies must be removed.”

She wants an end to the military harassment of ethnic minorities, which in Myanmar include Kachins, Karens, Kerenni, Shan, Tavoyan and Mon. “If there is one person who remains without independence, it means the entire country lacks independence,” she said. She favors an alignment of central government and provincial interests through promotion of sustainable tourism and environmentally responsible development.

The internal warring since 1948 has drained government finances, diverting budgets to military spending without resolution. It has led to abuses in the field and increasing disaffection of the minorities. The alienation has allowed warlords in the provinces to build their own private armies to resist Yangon forces and give cover for smuggling of timber, gemstones and heroin which do not benefit their populations.

As the provinces are rich in natural resources, there is great economic incentive for the central government to seek access and control. Until there is an agreed platform to share benefits, resources will remain unharvested for development while all sides waste time on armed skirmishes. The people are caught in the middle.

No revenge but continue economic sanctions

The Lady – as Suu Kyi is affectionately known, has been consistent in not seeking the overthrow of the regime that disenfranchised her party. She advocates meaningful dialogue but insists on the continuation of economic sanctions by Western governments and international bodies like the United Nations.

Her insistence on blocking western aid and trade has upset many local NGOs starved of funding for much-needed basic medical, rural agriculture and education programs. The sanctions have also delayed vital investment in infrastructure for highways, bridges, railways, communications, power, water etc. The prolonged sanctions and economic isolation have hit ordinary people the most.

She must be aware of the daily hardships suffered by Myanmar citizens but is keenly conscious that allowing premature withdrawal of economic sanctions will not push the democracy agenda forward but only prolong military rule. She opted to focus on democratic reform and getting the military back to barracks.

She says the international community is poised to help Myanmar “once we are on an irreversible road to democracy.” She is pushing for that momentum to be unstoppable.

Military men smile on The Lady

Suu Kyi’s unwavering stand may finally have convinced the junta that rehabilitating her could unlock desperately needed foreign investment, expertise, technology, aid and trade.

President Thein Sein surprised citizens and political observers when he invited her to his official residence for a meeting on August 19, 2011. He discussed the 7-point roadmap to democracy with her and pledged ’step-by-step’ progress, suggesting positive co-operation as the way forward.

She was then invited to the government-sponsored conference on macro-economic reforms where she was accorded VVIP status. The change of attitude was evident in the welcoming smiles of the generals and bureaucrats – many jostling for photo opps with her.

Another 600 NLD and other opposition members have been released from prisons. The government says there are no more ‘political’ prisoners in detention. Many dissidents have been charged with ‘criminal activity’ as defined by the military. The claim of having no more political prisoners is contested by dissidents and their families.

Suu Kyi’s meeting with the president was reported on front pages with pictures. The routine vitriolic commentary against her and her party has disappeared from the state press. Her portraits are openly displayed and sold on the streets along with T-shirts and NLD flags.

Suu Kyi has taken the generals at their word. She has placed her trust in the ‘roadmap to democracy’ at enormous risk to herself and her supporters. Asean’s strategy of ‘constructive engagement’ seems to be finally yielding positive results, while the west’s sanctions add urgency.

Myanmar is due to assume the chairmanship of Asean in 2014. The world hopes to welcome the country as a responsible member of the international community before then.

Feb 1, 2012
Asia Times Online – Premature rush for Myanmar riches
By Brian McCartan

The rapid pace of reforms in Myanmar is raising speculation about when, not if, United States- and European Union-imposed economic sanctions will be lifted. While Myanmar’s various untapped markets are generating immense interest from foreign investors, until more economic and financial reforms are implemented actual capital inflows will likely be mitigated.

While part of President Thein Sein’s wider reform drive, economic reforms are also being fueled by a crisis in the domestic financial system, dissatisfaction with China’s growing economic influence and recognition that Western sanctions have greatly inhibited the economy. Another spur is the need to comply with Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) Economic Community regulations scheduled to take effect in 2015.

As the US and European Union (EU) make concessions in response to Thein Sein’s reform signals, it seems increasingly likely that all economic and financial sanctions could be rolled back later this year. Those prospects will improve if Naypyidaw can show that by-elections scheduled for April 1, the first to be contested by pro-democracy icon Aung San Suu Kyi and her National League for Democracy (NLD) party since 1990, are free and fair.

Myanmar has seen a number of senior Western diplomats visit the country in recent months, beginning with US Secretary of State Hillary Clinton’s visit in December. Since then, Britain’s Foreign Secretary William Hague, Australia’s Foreign Minister Kevin Rudd and France’s Foreign Minister Alain Juppe have all made official trips to the traditionally military-run country. The positive rhetoric after their visits and wider praise for Naypyidaw’s reform efforts have added momentum to the gathering drive in the West to repeal sanctions.

The EU is considering a US$197 million aid package focused on health, education, agriculture and institutional capacity-building. EU foreign ministers agreed at a meeting on January 23 to lift immediately a travel ban it had imposed on certain Myanmar leaders and is considering relaxing other restrictions after the April 1 by-elections.

French Foreign Minister Juppe announced at the end of his official trip that France – independent of the EU – would triple its development aid to Myanmar to about $3.85 million a year. Denmark has announced it will increase its bilateral aid to $17 million in 2012. Australia announced in early January that it would begin relaxing some financial and travel sanctions against government tourism representatives and members of the former ruling junta.

Although Washington has been coy on the sanctions issue, it took a major step towards normalizing diplomatic relations this month when it announced it would soon name an ambassador to Myanmar – only hours after Thein Sein released an estimated 300 political prisoners.

The US downgraded its mission in 1990 after pro-democracy protests were brutally crushed by the military and the ruling junta nullified election results that indicated a clear win for Suu Kyi and NLD-led opposition.

Repealing American sanctions would require an act of congress, something that seemed unlikely just a few months ago. Now there are signs that many of Myanmar’s strongest critics in congress are beginning to shift their views towards greater accommodation with Thein Sein’s nominally civilian, military-backed regime.

Senator Mitch McConnell recently told senate colleagues that he felt the reforms were real following a two-day trip to the country earlier in the month where he met with government officials and Suu Kyi. McConnell, a long-time opponent of the military regime and a backer of sanctions legislation, said more must be done. Senator John McCain said this month that free and fair by-elections would encourage the relaxation of sanctions.

Many long-time Myanmar observers maintain reservations about the sincerity of Naypyidaw’s moves. They caution that repealing sanctions outright would be too much, too soon since the government has not proven the reforms are sustainable or amended various controversial laws. Myanmar’s military rulers are notorious for reversing seemingly conciliatory gestures to the opposition and then re-arresting political opponents once international attention shifted away from its abuses.

At the same time, economic analysts say investment opportunities abound in Myanmar, especially in the energy, agriculture, manufacturing and infrastructure sectors. The tourism industry, too, is expected to see major growth due to the country’s historical pagodas, natural beauty and colonial architecture, among other attractions.

The International Monetary Fund (IMF) recently referred to Myanmar as the “next economic frontier in Asia” with “high growth potential”, following a two-week assessment trip. The IMF is currently working with the government to overhaul its financial system, including a distorted dual exchange rate that has long discouraged foreign investment.

Myanmar occupies a strategic crossroads between the growing economies of India and China and Southeast Asia. A port under construction at Kyaukpyu on Myanmar’s west coast is aimed at opening up China’s remote southwestern province of Yunnan to trade and investment. It is also part of a project to build a dual oil and gas pipeline from a terminal at the port to southwestern China.

An even larger multi-billion dollar port project at Dawei on the southern coast aims to connect Myanmar with Thailand, the rest of Southeast Asia and southern China. It will offer a potentially faster, cost-saving alternative to the Malacca Strait and Singapore for the transportation of goods and energy. Investment in these port projects will be encouraged through their associated infrastructure development and planned integrated special economic and industrial zones.

Legal exposure
The Ministry of National Planning and Economic Development has recently revised the investment law to attract more foreign capital through providing better legal protections for potential investors. Deputy Railways Minister Lwin Thaung recently told reporters that foreign consultants had been hired to “draw up the law so as to be more attractive to our neighbors”.

The new bill was submitted to parliament in September but so far has not been signed into law. According to Lwin Thaung, the bill, which is expected to make it easier for foreigners to control local companies and provide stronger legal protections for land leases, will be enacted into law at the end of February.

The new parliament’s latest – third – session began on January 26 with a focus on the budget and anti-corruption measures.

The new investment law is also expected to provide investors with more clout by removing the past necessity of working through influential businessmen with ties to the government and military. Naypyidaw announced on Saturday a plan to offer eight-year tax exemptions for foreign investors as part of the new law.

As the country’s international image improves, so too will the image of its most high-profile business figures as foreign companies look for local partners. Prominent businessmen such as Tay Za, Zaw Zaw and others have long been derided as cronies of the former junta. Other businessmen are also allegedly linked to narcotics trafficking. Recent positive international news coverage has helped to soften several of their images.

Even if the new investment law is promulgated, there remain concerns over the weak legal system, frequently cited for its incompetence and lack of independence. Endemic corruption is also a major issue in Myanmar, which was listed last year as the third-most corrupt in the world after North Korea and Somalia in Transparency International’s Corruption Perceptions Index.

The relationship between the still all-powerful military and an opening investment climate remains obscure, especially in the countryside. Military commanders have long behaved as warlords in their areas of responsibility and many have established their own economic interests, including commercial plantations and other agribusiness projects.

Away from Naypyidaw and other major population centers, the power of military and civil officials will likely trump any investment law for the foreseeable future.

Of concern to some potential investors is the possibility of a link between their projects and human-rights abuses, particularly forced labor and poor working conditions. Agribusiness projects in Shan state have been linked to evictions of villagers, forced labor has been used on road construction and to support troops guarding projects.

Work conditions at the Hpakant jade mines are notoriously miserable with low wages, long hours, inadequate tools and high levels of HIV/AIDS infections due to rampant drug use.

Investors will also take a hard look at Myanmar’s poor infrastructure before investing in manufacturing or businesses that require the efficient transportation of goods. Electricity supplies are erratic across the country, roads and railways are in poor repair and port facilities are woefully inadequate.

Without extensive development of the energy and transportation infrastructure, investors will find it difficult to establish profitable manufacturing enterprises, much less get their products to market in a timely manner.

Much of the investment to date in Myanmar, including Chinese ventures, is concentrated in energy and resource extraction. While such activities promise huge profits for certain businessmen, unless properly managed and efficiently taxed they do not provide the type of inclusive economic development that both the government and opposition now claim to prioritize.

Investors seeking opportunities in the seven ethnic states, where the need for economic development is most acute, will likely run into problems of resource ownership between the central government and ethnic minorities – some of whom have only recently stopped fighting the government but remain armed.

Some of these groups have become very aware of the risks of development on the environment, but also see investment as a way to provide much-needed growth in their areas after decades of debilitating civil war.

While Western business interests look towards Myanmar’s vast untapped potential, many Asian companies are moving pre-emptively before Western sanctions are lifted and US and European companies join the competition for contracts and projects.

Thein Sein is now on a three-day trip to Singapore, where on Monday he signed an agreement under which the city-state is offering help in economic planning, urban development and technical and vocational training.

Already a number of US and European firms are known to have quietly sent representatives to explore opportunities should sanctions soon be repealed.

Even without legal protections and basic infrastructure, and with a dubious cast of potential business partners, Myanmar is fast becoming Asia’s next big thing.

Brian McCartan is a freelance journalist. He may be reached at bpmccartan1@gmail.com.

Asian Correspondent – Burma sponsored a media workshop: A new dawn for press freedom?
By Zin Linn Feb 01, 2012 12:46AM UTC

Myanmar Writers and Journalists Association and Singapore-based Asia Media Information and Communication Centre (AMIC) jointly organized a two-day(January 30-31) media development workshop at Inya Lake Hotel on Monday, the state-owned New Light of Myanmar newspaper said.

Present at the media worship were CEC members of MWJA, officials from Ministries, personnel from media houses, resource persons from home and abroad, the paper said.

More than hundred journalists took part in the workshop – ‘Development of Media in Democratic Myanmar’-  and the event would be likely to offer opinions to the government of Burma concerning press freedom.

According to Mizzima News, heads of the BBC, VOA Burmese services and editors from Mizzima News participated in this media workshop. Also more than hundred domestic journalists and news editors took part in the conference.

At the ceremony, MWJA secretary U Ko Ko and leader of the AMIC Dr Kalinga delivered speeches respectively. Secretary of MWJA, Ko Ko commented the involvement of foreign media experts set up an international measurement to the seminar, which expected to carry out annually.

As said by the state-owned newspaper, a total of 11 resource persons, 9 from abroad and 2 from home, presented their discussion papers with reference to media related laws.

Papers focus on topics – responding to internet age, disseminating public information in a democratic society, journalists’ perspective on media’s role in a democracy. A roundtable discussion on media law reforms and social responsibility of the media was also followed up.

Tint Swe, the deputy director of the Myanmar Press Scrutiny and Registration Division (PSRD) spoke his views on media ethics.  Zay Ya Thu, editor of ‘The Voice’ journal and Than Lwin Tun (VOA Burmese Service) also presented papers for discussion, Mizzima News said.

Mizzima News said that one of its editors, Sein Win discussed three areas on Monday. Sein Win said “How can we achieve press freedom, how can we disseminate more information to the people, and the role of journalists in a democratic society. Then we exchanged views on media ethics.”

The participants also discussed about the topic of opening a journalism degree college during the meeting, Mizzima said.

According to a new report by the Committee to Protect Journalists, none of Burma’s recent media reforms have been fortified with amendments to existing legislation. Those laws include the harsh Electronics Act, which provides for lengthy prison terms for anyone who sends unsanctioned information over the Internet.

“Burma’s transition to democracy will not be legitimate without legal reform to ensure press freedom,” CPJ Executive Director Joel Simon said. “Draconian laws restricting reporting must be abolished, and imprisoned journalists immediately released.”

Unless the government guarantees human rights including the freedom of expression and freedom of association, the international human rights watchdog groups will not believe that Burma is on the right track of a democratic reform.

Burmese government also needs to abandon the 1962 Printers and Publishers Registration Law which is still in practice. The Printers and Publishers Registration Law was introduced shortly after the 1962 military-coup that brought Gen Ne Win and his Burma Socialist Programme Party to power forcibly.

Under this law all printers and publishers are required to register and submit copies of books, magazines and periodicals to Press Scrutiny Boards (PSB) for scrutiny prior to publication or production, or in some cases after. The PSB, which was under the Ministry of Home and Religious Affairs, had general powers to veto publications and command revision in line with the junta’s policies, often at a large cost to the publisher.

Reporters Without Borders and the Burma Media Association urge the Burmese authorities to:

Completely overhaul the laws governing freedom of expression, especially the 1962 Printers and Publishers Registration Act, the 1950 Emergency Provisions Act, article 505/B of the criminal code, the 1996 Television and Video Act, the 1996 Computer Science Development Act, the 1923 Officials Secrets Act and the 1933 Burma Wireless Telegraphy Act.

Dumhpawng Kawng Journal
New York Times – Burmese Civil War Turns Grimmer for a Guerrilla
By EDWARD WONG
Published: January 30, 2012

DUMHPAWNG KAWNG, Myanmar — When the Burmese soldiers dumped the body of a young ethnic Kachin guerrilla fighter outside a jungle hut in front of his commander, he was still in his uniform. His right hand had been shredded with a knife. There was a large gunshot wound in his stomach.

The Burmese had captured and tortured the fighter, Lance Cpl. Chang Ying, the previous day in retaliation for the Kachin army’s detention of two Burmese officers who had entered Kachin territory, said the commander, Maj. Robin Maran. The Kachin released both officers alive. In exchange, they got the lance corporal’s body.

“The Burmese didn’t show mercy,” Major Maran said some months after that exchange. “I told them, ‘We showed our good nature to you, but you didn’t show good nature to us.’ ”

That round of violence last June contributed to the end in the same week of a 17-year cease-fire between the Burmese military and the Kachin Independence Army, which controls an autonomous region where rivers from China slice through the deep valleys of northern Myanmar. Burmese generals have pressed their offensive even though Myanmar’s president, Thein Sein, who is trying to blunt the repressive policies of this military dictatorship, ordered a halt on Dec. 10.

About 70,000 villagers have fled their homes as a result of the renewed hostilities, one-tenth of them seeking refuge in China.

Mr. Thein Sein’s order was part of a broader liberalization campaign meant to end Myanmar’s long isolation and re-engage the country with the United States and its allies. While there are occasional setbacks, his government is courting political opponents it once imprisoned, rewriting draconian laws and seeking peace with some ethnic minorities. But those geopolitical changes all seem very distant in the secluded Kachin homeland, and Major Maran, 56, who has seen the ups and downs of a struggle against the Burmese that has lasted decades, is not one to put much store in proclamations of peace, as he wages a war that has unfolded largely out of sight of the rest of the world.

The unit he commands, the 15th Battalion of the Third Brigade, with more than 200 soldiers, has been at the heart of the new conflict. The enemy is different this time, better trained and armed, the major said. Lance Corporal Chang Ying was the first of four men he has lost in this conflict, he said.

Two months ago, the major, a short, soft-spoken man who wears a pistol on his right hip, organized the retreat of the battalion’s headquarters from a site that had been surrounded by Burmese soldiers. His superiors ordered him to set up a temporary base here, on a forested ridge above a dirt road. It consists of 10 bamboo huts, just as many roosters and a net where soldiers in T-shirts play kick volleyball.

The 21 soldiers here could be asked to move again soon, so the major has not ordered them to dig trenches or foxholes. They spend their days on short patrols and watch duty.
One day at dusk, there was an explosion to the south. Two foreign visitors looked up. The major did not. “It’s a mortar round or a land mine,” he said. Minutes later, there were booms from a different direction. “Chinese construction,” the major said.

The major is from Myitkyina, the capital of the Burmese-controlled part of Kachin State. Like most Kachin, he is Christian. His father was the deacon of a Baptist church. Major Maran joined the Kachin Independence Army in 1975, more than 13 years after the Kachin and other ethnic militias went to war with the Burmese because of a military coup in Yangon.

“I admired the founders of the Kachin army,” he said. “I knew I needed to protect and fight for the rights of the Kachin.”

The major served first with the 11th Battalion in his hometown. In 1977, he was assigned to a unit in this mountainous area near the Taping River. “There used to be fighting every year in the dry season,” he said. “By the protection of God, I didn’t die.”

He added: “The fighting now has been the most difficult. Before, we could defeat and occupy Burmese posts because they didn’t know our strategy and didn’t understand guerrilla warfare. Now, they know.”

The major reminisced about Kachin victories in his younger days: in 1978, when the Kachin attacked a police station on the plain, and the next year, when Burmese soldiers surrendered en masse after their air support failed to show.

“Back then, our soldiers were very different,” he said. “They slept on beds made only of four thin bamboo poles. They had much fewer weapons. They had to sew their torn uniforms. Life was much harder.”

The Kachin have the advantage of terrain. They know the hills. But the Burmese officers have received better training in recent decades, sometimes in India, and they have upgraded to deadlier arms like heavy mortars, the major said. Two of his soldiers were killed by mortar fire recently.

“The mortar rounds shatter our huts to pieces,” he said. “They’re so loud, and the earth shakes. That’s why some of the young soldiers are scared.”

The major has a 26-year-old son who joined the Kachin army in 2004. “I want to hand over this duty of defending our nation, so I’m glad he has joined the army,” the major said. He rarely sees his five children, and he can go more than a year at a time without seeing his wife. During the cease-fire, he stayed with his men.

Major Maran and a handful of his soldiers fought against the Burmese on June 8, the day before the enemy seized Lance Corporal Chang Ying. It seemed to the major that the Burmese wanted to expand their control of the area around a hydropower project on the Taping River run by the China Datang Corporation.

The Kachin dug foxholes and reinforced bunkers atop a strategic hill called Bum Sen. The major commanded seven men against a Burmese force of at least 60 soldiers. The
Burmese attacked around 7 a.m. with mortars and small arms, he said. The fighting lasted until 12:30 p.m., when officers at headquarters on both sides agreed to a cease-fire.

“My soldiers wanted to keep fighting, but we had our orders,” the major said. “The Burmese collected the bodies of their dead and their equipment.”

During the lull, the Burmese brought in reinforcements. They attacked again on June 11. The major was ordered to abandon his position, and the Burmese took the hill.

After recalling that episode, he stared at the embers of a fire in his hut. A young soldier came in to rekindle it, but the major waved him off.

A single gunshot rang out from another valley. “It’s just a hunter,” he said.

He stood up. It was time to check on his men, and then to bed.

MYANMAR: Health concerns for Kachin IDPs

The Nation – Burmese rebel leader says “prepare for the worst”
January 31, 2012 12:00 pm

The president of the Karen National Union (KNU) on Tuesday urged his followers to remain hopeful about peace talks with the Burmese government but to “prepare for the worst.”

The KNU on January 12 signed two preliminary ceasefire agreements with the government in Pa-an, capital of the Karen State, to end their armed insurgency which on Tuesday marked its 63rd anniversary.

“These agreements were small initial steps in the march towards ceasefire, internal peace, national reconciliation, amendment of the 2008 constitution and establishment of a genuine union,” Saw Tamla Baw said.

“We still have to take thousands of steps more,” he said. “I would like to remind you all to maintain a critical mind and hope for the best without suspicion and desire for revenge, and at the same time be prepared for the worst.”

More than 200 Karen fighters gathered at Oo Kray Kee village, in the Karen State, to mark the anniversary of their revolution.

The KNU chief said peace would depend on the “broadmindedness” of President Thein Sein, who came to power in March and has initiated numerous reforms in recent months including the talks with the KNU.

Times of India – Three Myanmar nationals held in Manipur
TNN | Jan 31, 2012, 07.37AM IST

IMPHAL: The Assam Rifles nabbed three Myanmar nationals for not possessing valid documents on Sunday. AR, in a statement, said troops of the 35 AR noticed the movements of these illegal foreigners in Khaikul area of Churachandpur district and launched an operation to nab them.

The three detained persons – Md Yunus, Kofiufatulla (both 23) and Md Saffi (26) – were handed over to Churachanpur police, added the statement. It also said the AR had provided assistance to the government in maintaining security during Saturday’s assembly election.

With reference to the shootout at Thampi polling station in Chandel district in which seven persons were killed, the statement said an NSCN (IM) cadre fired and killed four polling officials and a CRPF jawan and injured another civilian – R Anal of Chandel Christian village.

The statement added troops of 15 AR apprehended two cadres of the underound KCP from Top Chingtha in Thoubal district along with one 9mm pistol and three bullets.

guardian.co.uk – Before the gold rush: Burma braces for march of the multinationals
As foreign investors get ready to strike it rich once sanctions are lifted, Rangoon’s poorest fear they will lose out again
Jason Burke in Rangoon and Delhi
guardian.co.uk, Tuesday 31 January 2012 12.00 EST

In the single street of Rangoon’s crowded Bothun San neighbourhood, attention is focused on the daily afternoon lottery. Hugely popular among the near-destitute labourers and their families, and played between neighbours on the flattened earth, it offers the prospect of a square meal rather than immediate life-changing wealth.

Stakes are small but wins are big, enough to feed a family for a day or so. “If I win then we get fish or even chicken,” said Myat Soe, a 50-year-old labourer who lives with seven relatives in a makeshift bamboo house without power or sanitation. “If I win 100 times maybe I’ll get rich.”

Myat Soe is not the only one thinking about making large amounts of money in Burma. Hundreds of the world’s biggest companies are making plans to move into the country if political progress towards democracy continues. They hope to make millions as the repressive regime seeks to reintegrate in the international community.

The EU, the US and Canada are considering how and when they will ease sanctions imposed over the past 20 years on the brutal military authorities that ruled – and some say still rule – the country. Any change will send a signal to potential investors that Burma is no longer considered a pariah state.

A week ago, travel restrictions on senior Burmese officials were lifted by the EU. A full review of the sanctions is scheduled for April.

One businessman staying at a five-star hotel in Rangoon spoke this month of a “gold rush” in Asia’s second-poorest country. “It is when, not if, for most of us. I think there’s a bit of a Klondike feel,” said the businessman, who did not want to be named, said.

Prompting the change has been a series of reforms implemented by the nominally civilian government that took power last year. President Thein Sein has met key opposition leaders including the democracy campaigner Aung San Suu Kyi, eased censorship, legalised trade unions and released hundreds of political prisoners.

Senior European politicians including William Hague, the British foreign secretary, and Alain Juppé, his French counterpart, have visited Burma in recent months to “encourage” the changes. Hillary Clinton came late last year, the first US secretary of state to travel to Burma for more than 50 years.

All the visitors have made clear that further reforms will be rewarded. Since the sanctions were imposed after the bloody repression of protests in the late 1980s and a cancelled election in 1990, Burma has been isolated economically.

In recent years Chinese companies, many state-backed, have established a large presence, investing in all sectors from infrastructure and natural gas to timber and precious gems.

One reason for the authorities’ attempt to “democratise” may be a fear of over-dependence on Beijing. Another may be a simple desire to catch up with countries such as Thailand or Singapore. There is no shortage of interest from global and regional businesses.

Burma has more than 60 million inhabitants and a key coastal location between India, China and the “tiger” economies of south-east Asia, making it an attractive market. It also has vast mineral, metal and other resources.

The longest queue at Rangoon airport these days is not for check-in, taxis or cappuccinos costing $4 each but for mobile phone connections. As things stand, no overseas network can be used in Burma. Hotels are full as business delegations arrive.

The mood is dominated by a certain degree of hysteria – a rumour that Bill Gates would be arriving within weeks proved to be unfounded – but the enthusiasm for investment is undeniable. “If you can find ways to invest in Myanmar [Burma] you will be very, very rich over the next 20, 30, 40 years,” Jim Rogers, the chairman of Rogers Holdings of Singapore, told Bloomberg TV recently.

Shipra Tripathi, vice president of an Indian firm specialising in pumps, travelled from Delhi to Burma with a trade delegation. “I wanted to see the opportunities that are opening up. I was pleasantly surprised by the pro-activeness of the government. We have already got teams in the country and are looking at a pilot project,” Tripathi said.

A recent Japanese delegation included officials from Hitachi and Toshiba. Senior executives at Standard Chartered bank have said they are “looking at the changes [in Burma] very closely”. India’s Tata Motors car and truck manufacturer is keen too.

Another key area is tourism. Burma’s unspoilt beaches and mountains and rich cultural heritage could make it a leading destination, tour operators believe, and luxury hotel chains such as Marriot have said they are keen to establish a presence.

There is also the growing demand from an emerging Burmese middle class. Upmarket shopping malls in the centre of Rangoon cater to a new elite, often connected to the powerful clique of top military officers who still dominate the economy.

In one, brands from Guess to Versace fill shop windows. Than Than U, a civil engineer, had come with his daughter to buy sunglasses. “We like it here. We come about once a month and spend $500,” he said.

Though senior British officials describe President Thein Sein as “sincere”, Burma’s generals in effect still control parliament after a deeply flawed 2010 election. Western diplomats in Rangoon say much depends on whether byelections in April, which will be contested by Aung San Suu Kyi and her party, are free and fair. Removing sanctions is a complex and lengthy process. “Even with the best of political will … it will take a long time,” said Frances Zwenig, counsellor with the US-Asean Business Council, a trade group whose members include Google and Coca-Cola.

In the narrow, mosquito-infested lanes of Bothun San, no one is expecting miracles soon. There is no sanitation in the illegal settlement and haphazard electricity – a situation unlikely to improve for the foreseeable future. “The rulers don’t come here. No one comes here and nothing changes,” said 48-year-old Myan Maun, a vegetable hawker, before putting down another stake for the lottery.

The Manila Times – As Myanmar releases, Vietnam represses
Published : Wednesday, February 01, 2012 00:00
Written by : RICARDO SALUDO, Roger Mitton

Two weeks ago, the Myanmar government released 651 detainees, many of them political prisoners. Days earlier, Vietnam dumped yet another political activist, Bui Thi Minh Hang, in a labor camp for two years. Without trial, of course.

Western countries praised Myanmar, and the United States announced that it would restore full diplomatic ties with the government in Naypyidaw, the country’s capital under the 2008 Constitution.

Little was said about the rulers in Hanoi. Indeed, it is hard to know what to say.

Week after week, lawyers, academics and journalists who advocate political reform are thrown in the slammer. Whether there are now as many political detainees in Vietnam as in Myanmar is a moot point, but there are a hell of a lot.

In November, US Secretary of State Hillary Clinton finally summoned enough courage to decry Hanoi’s brutally repressive policies. She said, “We have made it clear that if we are to develop a strategic partnership, as both nations desire, Vietnam must do more to respect and protect its citizens’ rights.”

Don’t hold your breath, Madame Secretary. As noted Vietnam analyst Carl Thayer said, “How many stern warnings over human rights abuses does the US have to issue before it applies some real pressure on Hanoi?”

Of course, besides human rights for the Vietnamese, Washington also has to weigh its geopolitical interests in Asia, especially the value of having allies on both sides of the West Philippine Sea (South China Sea)—the Philippines and Vietnam—willing to partner with the US Seventh Fleet in containing Beijing’s blue-ocean ambitions.

Even with Washington’s hesitation in pressing Hanoi, there is something that may, in fact, be more effective in prodding the Vietnamese leadership, and that is the way Myanmar is releasing political activists almost as fast as Vietnam is arresting them.

Naypyidaw is freeing pretty significant figures at that. The January prisoner release list included former Prime Minister Khin Nyunt, and top Shan leader Hkun Htun Oo, both of whom were serving long jail terms.

Khin Nyunt was regarded as the former junta’s “liberal”, but when I last interviewed him a decade ago, he seemed, if anything, more hardline than his fellow generals. As head of military intelligence, he was often referred to as the “prince of darkness.”

Yet personal impressions of him vary widely. A Western ambassador in Yangon once gushed to me that Khin Nyunt was “charming and perfectly courteous.”

The opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi told me: “You can call Khin Nyunt all sorts of things, but expressions like the ‘prince of darkness’ are rather too dramatic.”

But really, the key figure released was Hkun Htun Oo—I use the Shan name he prefers, not the bastardized version, Khun Tun Oo, given in many news reports. “We are Shan, not Burmese,” he told me.

As head of the Shan Nationalities League for Democracy, he won Shan State’s Hsipaw constituency in the 1990 general elections, but was never allowed to take his seat, like the rest of the opposition in the one relatively fair polls under the junta.

When I first met him in April 2000, in his tiny office near the law courts in the former capital of Yangon, he was, as now, a rather podgy, bespectacled man, whose physical presence did not inspire confidence.

But when he spoke, he was forthright. “The country has gone to the dogs,” he said. “The economy is hopeless and the education system is a shambles.” It was the kind of comment that landed him in the junta’s jail.

He became chairman of the United Nationalities Alliance, a coalition of all the pro-democracy ethnic parties, and if he can actively resume that post now, there will be a chance for Myan-mar to really take off.

In doing so, it will be able to show Hanoi that releasing political reformists is far more productive than jailing them. And it won’t bring down the government.

Sadly, that’s one lesson that Vietnamese leaders simply refuse to learn. Last year, more than 60 activists were added to the hundreds already in Vietnam’s Gulag, which still includes famous figures like revered octogenarian Buddhist monk Thich Quang Do and legal scholar Cu Huy Ha Vu, who was sentenced to seven years imprisonment in April.

Indeed, if Hkun Htun Oo or any of Myanmar’s Generation-88 leaders had been Vietnamese, they would still be imprisoned, if not dead.

The anti-corruption campaigner Nguyen Huu Cau, for instance, has spent 34 years in prison, and last month Ms. Ho Thi Bich Khuong received five years for remarks to overseas media deemed as “opposing the State.”

There are scores more democracy activists incarcerated under terrible conditions in Vietnam, so let us please bear them in mind when rightly calling for Myanmar to release every political detainee.

Roger Mitton is a former senior correspondent for Asiaweek magazine and former bureau chief in Washington and Hanoi for The Straits Times of Singapore.

TravelWeekly.com.au – Burma hotel prices set to soar 50%
30 January, 2012 Anne Majumdar

The cost of holidaying in Burma will soar by 35-50% from March 31 as the Burmese industry looks to cash in on “unprecedented” levels of demand.

Visitors to the once off-limits destination are anticipated to increase 300% in 2012 to one million tourists, spurred by recent signs of political change, with demand outstripping supply and availability. As a result, suppliers are hiking prices.

Travel Indochina, which recently introduced the destination with a high degree of success, warned retailers that the increases would be seen across Burma’s tourism industry.

“We have been advised that all suppliers including hotels, transportation companies, domestic airlines, restaurants and freelance guides, will be looking to increase their rates due to this unprecedented demand,” managing director Paul Hole revealed.

The issue was being discussed at the highest level within Burma, he said, with tourism officials urging suppliers not to take a short-sighted view.

But in the meantime, new conditions would be implemented that may impact the trade.

“Australian travel agents must be aware that hotels in particular will be seeking to impose strict deposit and cancellation conditions on all bookings to protect themselves against cancellations,” he warned.

While Hole told Travel Today that he was confident of the ongoing success of Travel Indochina’s Burma program, longer quoting times and limited availability would see the destination become problematic for last minute travellers.

He stressed that even with the price hikes, Burma remained “very affordable” with food and day to day travel costs to be largely unaffected.

The operator advised its small group journey rates would not change at the current time, but initial FIT quotes provided for bookings between April 2012 and March 2013 were guidelines only and could not be confirmed until suppliers had confirmed their revised rates.

Existing bookings already confirmed will be honoured, although additional deposits may be required to maintain the booking.

Tuesday, 31 Jan 2012
The Norway Post – Easing of trade restrictions with Myanmar

“This is a signal that Norway recognises the political reforms in Myanmar and hopes to see further democratic developments,” said Foreign Minister Jonas Gahr Støre.

The easing of trade restrictions was announced to the authorities in Myanmar during Mr Støre’s visit last week. It will mean that Myanmar, which is a member of the group of least developed countries, will be able to export food and textiles duty-free to Norway.

“Trade between our countries is very limited, and it will probably take some time before we see the economic effects of this decision. Nevertheless, it has been important for us to announce this decision at an early stage. This will give sectors that provide work for the poorest and for a large number of women the opportunity of exporting their goods. I hope
other countries will follow our example,” said Mr Støre.

The former call on Norwegian companies to refrain from trade with and investment in Myanmar has already been withdrawn.

“In a situation where we are making it possible for Norwegian companies to become engaged in Myanmar, it is important to enable the country to trade with us on the same conditions as other least developed countries,” Foreign Minister Støre said.

The Irrawaddy – Burma’s Minister of Finance Presents Budget to Parliament
Tuesday, January 31, 2012

Burma’s Minister of Finance and Revenue, U Hla Tun, formally presented the government’s budget for the 2012-2013 fiscal year (FY) to Parliament on Tuesday. The budget reportedly allocates an increased percentage of spending to health and education and a decrease in percentage spending to the military.

U Hla Tun visited Parliament on Tuesday and presented each MP with a copy of the FY 2012-13 budget for all of the government’s 34 ministries, as well as for “national projects.”

The minister also provided MPs with an overview of the budget, during which he said that military spending would comprise an estimated 14.4 percent of total government spending, down from 23.6 percent in FY2011-12, according to Dr Aye Maung, an MP representing the Rakhine Nationalities Development Party.

Aye Maung said that Parliament would review the details of each ministry budget to determine if additional military spending had been allocated to the budgets of particular ministries.

U Hla Tun also reported that spending on health and education would be a combined estimated 7.5 percent of government spending, up from 5.4 percent in FY 2011-12, with education spending at 4.7 percent and health spending at 2.8 percent.

Sai Sao See, an MP from the Shan Nationalities Development Party, said that based on his initial review of the education budget, the amount allocated for salaries and benefits will increase by a factor of 2x over the previous fiscal year and the amount allocated for buildings and infrastructure by a factor of 6.5x.

With respect to spending on health, he said that the amount allocated to salaries and benefits will increase by a factor of 4x and spending on buildings and infrastructure will increase by a factor of 8x.

There was no time allocated to MPs on Tuesday for questions and answers regarding the budget, but on Wednesday the ministers from the ministries of Finance and Revenue, Livestock and Fisheries, Post and Telecommunications, Industry-1 and Industry-2, Hotels and Tourism, and Forestry are expected to attend Parliament to explain their budgets.

“The MPs will listen and may have questions,” said Sai Sao See. “We will review the budget for each ministry and for national projects and then see if the description fits with the aim of the ministry or project.”

He said that the debate on the FY2012-13 budget is scheduled for Feb. 10 and Feb. 17, and he expects that Parliament will be allowed to discuss the budget freely and approve the overall budget.

U Hla Tun also presented Parliament with a supplemental budget for the remaining two months of FY2011-12, which will be debated on Feb. 6.

The Irrawaddy – Khin Nyunt: Free, but Still Deeply Unpopular
Tuesday, January 31, 2012

If Khin Nyunt was hoping that his years under house arrest as a prisoner of Burma’s former junta would erase, or at least mitigate, people’s memories of his own role in oppressing dissidents, he was sadly mistaken.

Released on Jan. 13 along with hundreds of political prisoners, the former spy chief spent more than seven years confined to his home after being ousted for corruption and insubordination in 2004. But sympathy for a man who played a key role in crushing Burma’s 1988 pro-democracy uprising has been understandably scarce.

Even his efforts to placate fears that he is planning a comeback have done little to remove the bitterness  that many still feel toward him.

In interviews with local journals, the once-dreaded military intelligence chief has said he has no intention of returning to politics. He has, however, offered to help the new nominally civilian government to reach out to ethnic armed groups, reprising his past role as the chief architect of a series of ceasefire agreements in the late 1980s and early 1990s.

So far, however, the government has not expressed any interest in giving him an opportunity to return to prominence. This is not too surprising: Even in the military, which still dominates Burma’s political affairs, he is considered too dangerous to deal with. During his heyday, he compiled extensive dossiers on all of his former colleagues; their contents, if exposed today, would make explosive reading, detailing the extent of the former regime’s corruption and theft of national resources.

However, government sources in Naypyidaw have told The Irrawaddy that Khin Nyunt has agreed not to create any “misunderstandings” in the powerful armed forces by revealing all he knows about past officials, many of whom still occupy high places in the current government.

Now in his 70s, Khin Nyunt continues to command some loyalty among his former subordinates, several of whom have visited him at his home since his release. He has also made a trip to his hometown of Kyauktan, on the outskirts of Rangoon, where he was welcomed with garlands by local residents.

But for most of the rest of the country, he remains deeply despised, with only former dictators Ne Win and Than Shwe more hated.

On Facebook and other social media websites, dissidents and ordinary citizens have called for him to be put on trial for his many crimes, which include running torture chambers and relentlessly persecuting the political opposition, student activists and intellectuals.

Rumors that he has been offered a US $5,000 a month job as “patron” of Mya Yeik Nyo, a charitable foundation run by Zaykabar Khin Shwe, one of Burma’s richest men, have ignited a firestorm of criticism from Burma’s Netizens, who have also been unsparing in their attacks on others seen as too willing to forgive and forget.

The local journal Hot News, published by the daughter of former Lt-Gen Khin Maung Than, has become the target of a boycott since a photograph of its publisher paying her respects to Khin Nyunt began circulating on the Internet.

Even Zarganar, one of Burma’s most beloved comedians and best-known former political prisoners, has provoked the ire of many for meeting Khin Nyunt after the latter’s release.

The fact that it was Khin Nyunt who arranged the encounter after learning that Zarganar had called for the former spy chief’s  release when he himself was freed last year only made the whole episode all the more baffling to most Burmese.

The Irrawaddy – China’s Gateway to Burma Booming
By PATRICK BOEHLER / THE IRRAWADDY Tuesday, January 31, 2012

Border traffic between China and Burma increased significantly last year, according to figures from the main frontier trade hub of Ruili in China’s Yunnan Province.

Ten million people and 2.2 million cars passed through the main border checkpoint at Ruili alone last year. This marks an increase of 22.6 percent and 17.2 percent respectively compared to 2010.

Ruili, a city of roughly 160,000 registered inhabitants and many more unregistered individuals, was chosen this year by the Chinese State Council as an “experimental development area” for cross-border trade.

China became the biggest country of origin for tourists to Burma in 2011, according to figures released by the Burmese Ministry of Hotels and Tourism last month.

A total of 65,838 Chinese citizens, including 3,820 Chinese Hong Kong residents, traveled to Burma in 2011, an increase of more than 33 percent on the previous year.

Major infrastructure projects will significantly enhance the Ruili border’s strategic position between the energy-thirsty Chinese southwest and the raw materials and future consumers of Burma, leading some to call it “the new Shenzhen.”

Yunnan provincial government, under governor Qin Guangrong, has been outspoken in pushing for an increase in legal border commerce in an area where smuggling, human-trafficking as well as weapons and drug running have been endemic for decades.

The Stilwell Road, which connected the allied war effort in China against Japan in World War II, passed through Ruili.

Now derelict, it is dwarfed by Highway No. 320 directly from China’s industrial and commercial center of Shanghai to the massive Chinese-led infrastructure construction efforts on the Burmese side.

Construction of a railroad to Mandalay and Kyaukpyu, where China is building a deep-sea port, has been underway since last year.

The railway line—built by the state-owned China Railway Engineering Corporation (CREC) under a “build-operate-transfer” agreement—is expected to be completed before 2015, according to the memorandum of understanding signed by CREC and the Burmese Ministry of Railroads in April 2011.

A highway financed by China linking Ruili to Mandalay and Kyaukpyu has also been under construction since May 2011. Oil and gas pipelines between the Kyaukpyu port and China past Ruili are expected to be completed by 2013.

Yunnan provincial government is planning to move Ruili’s Mangshi Airport in order to expand it into a regional hub, according to mayor Dao Xiaorui.

“The number of visiting investors coming to Ruili is visibly increasing. In the first half of 2011, we have approved 30 projects with a capital of 11 billion yuan (US $1.74 billion),” he said in a recent interview with Zhongguo Minzu Bao.

“We have to consolidate our advantages in the Burmese market and develop through Burma our trade with Southeast Asia and South Asia,” Dao added.

“Since 2007 we have been discussing a Ruili-Muse cross-border economic development zone, which we hope to realize in the next five to ten years,” he revealed.

The Ruili border checkpoint had been upgraded with an investment of five million yuan ($790,000) to deal with the increase in cross-border traffic.

“Now, border inspectors will spend not more than 15 seconds on checking an individual and not more than three minutes for a vehicle,” checkpoint chief He Jialin told Yunnan Daily last Sunday.

In 1991, the Jiegao border trade economic area was set up at the border between Ruili and the Burmese outpost of Muse. Jiegao is a one square-kilometer Chinese enclave on the Burmese side of the Ruili River.

In 2000, the Jiegao border was set up as a first extraterritorial commercial area, allowing for traders and migrant workers from both sides to exchange goods and services. In 2008, 15,000 traders crossed into the free trade area every day, according to a report by the Chinese Xinhua News Agency.

That year, 64 percent of Yunnan’s trade with Burma, corresponding to 26 percent of total Chinese traded goods with Burma, passed through the Jiegao enclave.

In December, the Mekong was reopened to international cargo traffic starting in the Yunnanese port of Guanlei, south of Ruili. Passenger traffic restarted in January. Trade on the waterway was suspended the previous October after 13 Chinese sailors were murdered.

Chinese tourists traveling on cross-border package tours have been allowed to use the smaller border crossing at Daluo from January.

NLD distributes ‘How to Vote’ guide
Wednesday, 01 February 2012 00:43 Kyaw Kha

Chiang Mai (Mizzima) – A basic primer on voting is being sent throughout the country by the National League for Democracy (NLD) to educate voters prior to the April 1 by-election.

Commissioned by the NLD, the 40-page book, “How to Vote in the Coming Election,” written by law expert Ko Ni, also educates people on how to spot electoral fraud.

NLD information committee official Ohn Kyaing told Mizzima, “We have NLD canvassing officials in villages and townships. They can read the book and explain it to others.”

The book covers how to vote, people who are qualified to cast an advanced vote, how to count votes and how to take actions against electoral fraud.

Peace and Diversity Party chairman Nay Myo Wai told Mizzima that there were all types of voter fraud in the 2010 general election, and people need to be educated to detect similar acts in the April 1 by-election.

“If there is electoral fraud, the person who commits the fraud is not totally to blame; the people [whose votes are stolen] should also be blamed because a thief will steal. So to prevent electoral fraud, honest voters need to watch the electoral process systematically. Only watching the processes carefully can you avoid voting theft,” he said.

In the 2010 general election, which the NLD did not contest, the ruling Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP) won 882 parliamentary seats (76.5 percent) out of total of 1,154 seats. Many electoral fraud cases were reported and some political parties filed formal complaints to the Election Commission.

The book sells for 300 kyat each and can be purchased at the People’s Era Journal House.

Chin, Shan officials holding out for more than cease-fire
Tuesday, 31 January 2012 16:31 Ko Pauk

New Delhi (Mizzima) – Many ethnic groups have learned lessons from the past and are urging the current Burmese government to match its words with actions designed to establish a lasting peace.

Officials from the Chin National Party [CNP] and the Shan Nationalities Democratic Party [SNDP] and other groups are in New Delhi to attend a conference on “Myanmar: Bridging South and Southeast Asia.”

Lower House MP Sai Thiha Kyaw of Mongyai Township (of the SNDP), talking about ethnic issues,  told Mizzima that it’s important to build mutual trust to solve ethnic political problems.

“The most important thing is that they need to keep their promise. For instance, if [ethnic armed groups] tell the army to withdraw its troops in some areas, they need to withdraw. If the government army promises to withdraw and fails to keep its own promise, the other side will not trust them. We need to avoid that.”

In 1994, the former Burmese junta signed cease-fire agreements with 17 ethnic armed groups but the peace did not last, CNP chairman Zam Ciin Paul aka Pu Zo Zam told Mizzima.

“At that time, the agreements were only temporary, peace was not lasting. If we feel content with just a cease-fire, it will be the same situation again. If they want a cease-fire to be lasting, they need to understand what the ethnic armed groups want.

“They [ethnic armed groups] want equality and equity,” said Pu Zo Zam. “Only the government can systematically create a genuine union and form a federal government for stable and lasting peace to be established.”

A major obstacle to a long-lasting peace is the 2008 Constitution, according to conference members. The Constitution is lopsided and ignores ethnic groups’ concerns, they said.

“They held a National Convention for eight years. The result is the Constitution. But, we are not satisfied with it. We have no option but to accept it. There are many things to be amended in the Constitution. We desperately want the Parliament to amend the Constitution,” Pu Zo Zam said. Aung San Suu Kyi, on a recent campaign tour to Dawei, told large crowds that her party would try to correct flaws in the Constitution during the next session of Parliament.

In the past, various conferences have tried to solve ethnic problems: the Panglong Conference [1947], the Taunggyi Conference [1962] and the National Convention [1993-2008].

Pu Zo Zam said, “I’m worried about the word ‘conference.’ There were many conferences. It’ll be best if we can hold a meaningful all-inclusive convention.”

The conference was organized by Jamia Millia Islamia University, Tampadipa Institute and the Euro Burma office (EBO). A total of 30 representatives from Burma attended, including Dr. Khin Zaw Win (Tampadipa), Dr. Lyan Sar Khaung (EBO), Dr. Kyaw Thu Aung (Paungku), Thein Tun (National Union Party), Shwe ShweSein Lat (Phantiein) and Hla Hla Soe from the Karen Women’s Organization. From foreign countries, Dr Marie Lall from London University, Indian professor Baladas Ghosal and India’s Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses Director Dr. Arvind Gupta.

EC reminds candidates of election regulations
Tuesday, 31 January 2012 20:15 Myo Thant

Chiang Mai (Mizzima) – The Burmese government’s Election Commission warned political candidates to follow campaign rules established in 2010.

The rules address issues such as giving local authorities pre-notification of meetings seven days in advance of an event and candidates’ speech must not “tarnishing the image of the armed forces or cause disaffection to the state.”

Political parties are beginning to launch their campaigns prior to the April 1 by-election for 48 empty seats in Parliament and state and regional governments.

Candidates must inform local authorities of the estimated number of audience members at a campaign meeting. Regulations also say supporters coming to an election campaign meeting shall not march in procession before or after the meetings or shout slogans.

In addition, candidates must not use sound boxes or amplifiers at campaign events.

Myanmar’s Suu Kyi calls for changes to constitution
By Jason Szep | Reuters – Sun, Jan 29, 2012

DAWEI, Myanmar (Reuters) – Myanmar opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi called on Sunday for changes to the military-drafted constitution, on her first political trip since ending a boycott of the country’s political system last year and announcing plans to run for parliament.

Thousands of supporters lined the roads, many shouting “Long live mother Suu,” as her motorcade wound through the rural coastal region of Dawei, about 615 km (380 miles) south of her home city, Yangon, the main business centre.

The trip, only her fourth outside Yangon since her release from years of house arrest in November 2010, demonstrates the growing prominence of the Nobel Peace laureate as the Southeast Asian state emerges from half a century of isolation.

“There are certain laws which are obstacles to the freedom of the people and we will strive to abolish these laws within the framework of the parliament,” Suu Kyi said to cheers from supporters, after meeting officials of her National League for Democracy (NLD) party in Dawei.

The NLD, though well known in the country, has limited political experience. It won an election by a landslide in 1990, a year after Suu Kyi began a lengthy period of incarceration, but the then rulers ignored the result and detained many party members and supporters.

The NLD boycotted the next election, held in 2010 and won by a military-backed party after opposition complaints of rigging.

Her address on Sunday offered the most extensive detail yet of the policies she would bring to parliament.

She said she wants to revise a 2008 army-drafted constitution that gives the military wide-ranging powers, including the ability to appoint key cabinet members, take control of the country in a state of emergency and occupy a quarter of the seats in parliament.

“We need to amend certain parts of the constitution,” she said, adding the international community was poised to help Myanmar “once we are on an irreversible road to democracy.”

Although campaigning for the April 1 by-elections has not formally begun, her speeches in villages and cities near Dawei on Sunday had the unmistakable feel of a campaign. Many cheering supporters waved red-and-white party flags. Some wore “Suu Kyi” t-shirts. Others painted their faces in her party’s colors.

Suu Kyi said the elections must be “free and fair,” and that any government that lies must be removed.

“Will never cheat the people. If we cannot do, we will tell you frankly that we cannot do. And if we can do it, we will do it,” she at Maungmagan beach near Dawei. “For the NLD to do its duty, please vote for the NLD.”

“GREAT TRANSFORMATION”

She also addressed Myanmar’s long history of ethnic conflicts, particularly fighting that has raged since June between government soldiers and ethnic Kachins. Rebellions have simmered in other regions since independence from Britain in 1948.

“Diversity is not something to be afraid of, it can be enjoyed,” Suu Kyi said. “If there is a person who remains without independence, it means the entire country lacks independence.”

One diplomat in the crowd praised Sunday’s speeches as her best yet. “She’s becoming more and more explicitly political and talking about the importance of policies,” he said.

Suu Kyi and her allies are contesting 48 seats in various legislatures including the 440-seat lower house in by-elections that could give political credibility to Myanmar and help advance the end of Western sanctions.

Business executives, mostly from Asia, have swarmed into Yangon in recent weeks to hunt for investment opportunities in one of the last frontier markets in Asia, after European Union and U.S. officials said that sanctions could be lifted if voters were able to vote freely in April’s elections.

Myanmar is also at the centre of a struggle for strategic influence as the United States sees a chance to expand its ties there and balance China’s fast-growing economic and political sway in the region.

The visit to Dawei gave rural voters a rare glimpse of 66-year-old Suu Kyi, a symbol of defiance whose past trips outside Yangon were met with suspicion and violence by the former junta, which handed power to a nominally civilian parliament in March.

Since then, the government has embarked on a dramatic reform drive, freeing hundreds of political prisoners, loosening media controls, calling for peace with ethnic insurgents and openly engaging with Suu Kyi and other opposition figures.

Those and other changes make this trip vastly different from a July 5 visit to Bagan north of Yangon, where she was trailed by undercover police and kept a low profile, fearful of a repeat of an attack on her motorcade in 2003 in which 70 supporters were killed.

Many Burmese speculate that a senior government role, possibly even a cabinet post, awaits Suu Kyi, the daughter of assassinated independence hero General Aung San.
But to get there, much work lies ahead.

Her party has limited resources. Its headquarters are cramped and crumbling. Its senior ranks are filled with ageing activists. And there are questions over how much influence it can wield in a year-old parliament stacked with military appointees and former generals.

Her supporters, however, say her presence would bring a powerful pro-democracy voice to a chamber where many members remain reluctant to speak their mind.

“She will be able to do more inside the parliament than if she remained on the outside. There are some crucial things to do urgently concerning ethnic issues and political changes,” said Ko Htin Kyaw, a dissident who was arrested in 2007 and freed in an amnesty this month.

Insight: Myanmar’s the hot new neighborhood
By a Reuters staff reporter | Reuters – 9 hrs ago

YANGON (Reuters) – Property agent Kyaw Saw leafs through a thick pile of real-estate listings in Myanmar’s faded commercial capital, Yangon.

“Our customers used to be all people from the east — from China, Taiwan and Japan,” said the portly businessman.

That’s changing fast.

“We had no Westerners a year ago. Get in now before the rush begins,” said Kyaw Saw, adding his former boss was now his competitor, having just left to start his own agency.

If you pay two years up front, Kyaw Saw promises to lock in further price rises at only 10 percent a year. He’s keen to tap a sudden wave of foreign interest in a crumbling city that until recently was a Southeast Asian backwater.

The capital of a former British colony ruled for five decades by a reclusive junta has faded under economic mismanagement and sanctions imposed by Western governments because of the military regime’s human rights record and refusal to embrace democracy.

Now ministers from those same governments are beating a path to the door of President Thein Sein, a retired junta general who, since coming to office as a civilian leader 10 months ago, has embarked on political and economic reform with a speed that has astonished even seasoned observers.

Residents say a groundbreaking visit by U.S. Secretary of State Hillary Clinton at the end of last year, followed by British Foreign Secretary William Hague this month, gave another nudge-up to property prices.

“Sanctions will go soon and that will be very good for business,” Kyaw Saw said.

INVESTMENT INTEREST

Businessmen are quietly flooding in, too, sensing that the country — with its oil, gas, timber and gems and a population untouched by the consumer boom seen elsewhere in Asia — could be the next big investment story once sanctions are removed or softened, which may be soon.

As a result, Yangon, which ceased to be the capital after the junta suddenly relocated to remote Naypyitaw in 2005, is in the midst of a property boom, felt especially keenly at the top end of what little proper office space there is, and for the type of housing Western executives expect in large Asian cities.

“The prices here are outrageous,” said an American businessman sitting in the lobby of a posh Yangon hotel, one of only a handful in the city, most of which have been fully booked over recent months.

The man, who lives in Bangkok and gave his name only as James, gives a resigned sigh when asked how his search for a home in Myanmar was going.

“This place is just exploding with investor interest.”

James visited a year ago to “scope out opportunities” and accommodation, but villas that were available for rent then at a few thousand dollars a year now cost up to $50,000.

“And you don’t get much for what you’re paying. There is very little choice,” James added, before heading off to meet a lawyer to hammer out details for a deal.

Those looking for offices to rent are not having much luck either. There’s not much available, and prices have soared.

Rental space in Yangon’s Sakura Tower, one of only two international standard office blocks in the downtown financial and former government district, have doubled in the space of a year to $50 a square meter from $25, and the smallest office, little more than a pokey room, now costs $3,000 a month.

Rents could go up another 30 percent before the end of the first half, said one sales executive, noting an occupancy rate of 99 percent compared with 75 percent this time last year.

“There is a lot of demand for office space but supply is very limited for space like ours,” she said, asking not to be identified, something that has become the norm in Myanmar after years of strict army control and fear.

“We are seeing more and more inquiries as the country’s situation changes, more and more investors,” she added. “Companies want to open an office first to do market research before the sanctions are lifted.”

SHORTAGES

It is a similar picture at the Centrepoint Towers just down the road, overlooking the golden dome of the Sule Pagoda, one of the city’s main Buddhist temples.

Office space that was only $13 per square meter a year ago is now $30 and up, depending on the floor, and will probably rise by another $10 in April or May, a sales executive said.
The government keeps no official data on property prices.

Foreigners are not allowed to own property although they can rent offices and houses from Myanmar citizens. In some cases, they are able to sign for long-term leasehold-type purchases as long as they have a local partner.

Authorities are working on amending a Foreign Investment Law and are studying regulations in other countries, officials said. In Thailand, for example, foreigners cannot own land. They can buy condominium units outright as long as the building has majority Thai ownership.

“The government has clearly stated they will not allow foreigners to own land,” said a real estate executive who gave his name as Myo, adding it could take several years for laws to be passed to allow the ownership of apartments.

Still, the properties on his books, mostly houses in leafy suburbs, were now going for $1,000-$1,500 per square meter, up from about $500 last year.

Property sales are often in the kyat currency, which has multiple and fluctuating exchange rates, including an official rate of about 6 kyat to the dollar that barely anyone uses. On the black market, it traded at about 820 to the dollar last Friday.

One house Myo sold recently by Inya Lake, on whose shores lives pro-democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi, went for 850 million kyat (about $1 million), up by 150 million kyat from last year.

“We think things will continue to go up though not quite as fast,” he said.

Another realtor, who asked to be identified as Mr La, said prices had begun to become more rational after it dawned on people after Clinton’s visit that sanctions would not be lifted immediately.

“It all depends on the sanctions. This is the main thing,” he told Reuters, before describing how he had large villas to rent for the eye-watering price of $25,000 a month.

The properties that are available are often far from salubrious. Pictures in estate agents’ windows show dilapidated buildings optimistically termed “condominiums,” rarely more than a few storeys high and with the main selling points being either air conditioning or elevators.

An office in a building like this will cost about $900 a month, paid a year up front in brand new, flawless $100 bills, the only kind accepted in Myanmar’s cash-only economy.

Internet access needs to be separately arranged. It could take weeks to install, and even then probably runs at a crawl.

Singapore businessman Brian Jee has lived in Yangon for more than a decade, defying power cuts and the effects of sanctions to build an entertainment firm. But skyrocketing rents have forced him to take the unorthodox step of working from the gym.

“It’s a bargain at 70,000 kyat a month,” he said, in the midst of swapping rent horror stories with a friend in a Yangon cafe, referring to a figure equal to $85. “I get gym membership and free Internet access. I can work at the treadmill.”

“Otherwise you’re looking at $15,000 a month for top-of-the-line office space,” Jee added, sucking back on a cigarette.

“You could get something cheaper, but then you’ll have to wait weeks for them to put in a landline and internet.”

MANDALAY MADNESS

Only one thing is more outrageous to people in Yangon than the soaring prices there — the even more outrageous rises in Myanmar’s old royal capital of Mandalay and nearby towns like Lashio, both of which are dominated by ethnic Chinese traders, from both Myanmar and China.

While Yangon’s prices have only really been rising in the past year to 18 months, Mandalay and Lashio have seen huge increases in the last five years, driven by Chinese money and, some say, speculation by high-ranking members of the military.

Soe Win, an ethnic Chinese businessman in Lashio, said his neighbor bought a small house for 300 million kyat a few years ago. Last year a Yangon-based bank bought it for 700 million kyat. They knocked it down and will build two in its place to sell for a total of 1 billion kyat.

“I’m holding on to my land. Prices could rise even higher,” he said over a dinner of noodles and cow offal.

Money from China is able to flow into property and skirt the foreign ownership ban as many mainland Chinese either obtain Myanmar identity cards via bribery, marriage to a Myanmar national or through middlemen who are ethnic Chinese Myanmar citizens, businessmen say.

In Mandalay, one acre of land can cost up to $3 million, compared with $100,000 in Yangon, said businessman Aung Zaw Win.

“How can you do business in a situation like this? How are new investors supposed to come in?” he said.

POTHOLES AND FERAL DOGS

Even Yangon’s best office buildings, like the Sakura Tower, offer little in the way of amenities considered de rigueur in other Asian cities such as Singapore, Kuala Lumpur or Shanghai.

Parking spaces are close to non-existent, or hidden in dank alleys and pavements out front are potholed and sometimes little more than open drains.

But new office buildings are being thrown up around town, even if their wobbly looking brickwork and rickety bamboo scaffolding belie English names such as “The Prosper Centre.”

A few Asian builders are at work: Singapore-listed property firm Yoma Strategic Holdings Ltd says an emerging middle class is buying its homes as quickly as it can build them and its shares have quadrupled in the past three months.

Some properties have started going up where once stood buildings from Yangon’s colonial days, when the city was known as Rangoon. Not many people seem upset they are disappearing.

“I have contractors knocking at the door all the time,” said Min Lwin, whose art gallery, one of a handful in the city, sits in a lovingly protected colonial-era villa.

“It doesn’t make financial sense for many people to live in these old buildings when they can make a lot more money selling up for a new high-rise,” added the U.S.-educated art lover.

Myanmar people, many of whom get by on just a few dollars a day in what is one of the world’s poorest countries, are starting to worry about the rent, too.

“I only make $150 a month. What am I supposed to do if my rent keeps going up?” complained cosmetics trader Maung Thein, who runs a small stall in a Yangon market.

Taking a longer view, some reckon they could be sitting on a goldmine, as long as they can keep up with the rising rents.

Malaysian-born Verity Oo runs a coffee shop in what could one day be a very trendy part of central Yangon.

“Who knows? In two years this could be the location of Yangon’s first Starbucks,” she said. “I think it’s very possible. Myanmar is changing so fast.”

Southeast Asian airlines to profit as Myanmar opens
Reuters – 10 hours ago
By Harry Suhartono

SINGAPORE, Jan 30 (Reuters) – Southeast Asian carriers are set to profit from the expected surge in the number of leisure and business travellers to Myanmar as it re-emerges from political isolation, but poor infrastructure is likely to slow development.

The former Burma, one of the most isolated countries in Asia, is being welcomed back into the international fold after two decades of sanctions, thanks to democratic reforms including the release of political prisoners by President Thein Sein.

Thai Airways International PCL, SilkAir, AirAsia Bhd, and JetStar, have flown to Myanmar’s capital Yangon for a number of years and are seen as the main beneficiaries from the political shift in the country.

“This is a huge country which will provide new growth for airlines, especially the low cost carriers,” Standard and Poor’s analyst Shukor Yusof said, adding that the yields that carriers are enjoying on Yangon routes have been good.

With its pristine beaches and unspoilt cultural sites, Myanmar is an attractive destination for travellers jaded by the rapid development seen elsewhere in Southeast Asia, and tourist numbers are already rising rapidly with potential for much more growth.

During the 2010-2011 (April-March) fiscal year, 424,000 people visited Myanmar, according to official data. That compares with 19 million tourists that its neighbouring Thailand attracts each year.

The Thai affiliate of Malaysian budget carrier AirAsia, Thai AirAsia, said it was looking to add new routes into the country’s inland cultural centres. AirAsia flies to Yangon from Bangkok and Kuala Lumpur.

“We are considering opening more flights and destinations in Myanmar. We’re only operating to Yangon at the moment, but we’re currently looking at Mandalay and Bagan,” Thai AirAsia CEO Tassapon Bijleveld told Reuters.

Silk Air, the regional carrier of Singapore Airlines Ltd , and JetStar, a subsidiary of Qantas Airways Ltd , said they have no current plans to add flights to Myanmar but will monitor any opportunities to expand.

John Rachmat, Singapore-based airline analyst at RBS, said the thawing diplomatic climate would not necessarily translate into new routes being opened in the short term, as airlines would want to make sure that there would be any reversal in the political stance of Myanmar.

“Opening of a new route is quite an investment for an airline and for them to do this they want to make sure that the risk are manageable,” Rachmat said.

INFRASTRUCTURE CONSTRAINT

Political risks aside, analysts said boosting the capacity to Myanmar would not be easy due to various infrastructure problems in the country.

Years of economic mismanagement by the military, coupled with U.S. and European sanctions imposed due to the regime’s human rights abuses, have left Myanmar in poverty. A third of its estimated 60 million people live on a dollar a day.

Currently there are only three airports that can accommodate single aisle commercial aircraft like Airbus A320 or Boeing 737, a popular choice of among airlines to start a new route, none near the country’s nascent beach centres such as Thandwe.

Standard & Poor’s Yusof said this could provide an opportunity for Changi Airport Group, the operator of Singapore’s Changi Airport, to engage in management contract to improve the airports in Myanmar.

Analysts said the benefit could also be extended to other supporting business such as aircraft maintenance and passenger support services.

Some major hotel operators, including Starwood Hotels & Resorts — which runs chains such as Westin, Sheraton and Le Meridien — and Marriott International had said they wanted to start running hotels in Myanmar.

Singapore Hot Stocks-Yoma jumps on Myanmar’s tax incentive plan
Reuters – 14 hours ago

SINGAPORE, Jan 30 (Reuters) – Shares of Singapore-listed Yoma Strategic Holdings Ltd surged 20 percent to a record on expectations the property firm may stand to gain from Myanmar’s plan to offer tax incentives to companies.

Yoma is one of the few Singapore-listed stocks with a large exposure to Myanmar, and is tipped to benefit as the previously reclusive state undergoes political reform and opens up its economy.

By 0320 GMT, Yoma’s shares rose to S$0.330 with more than 44.1 million shares traded, 5.5 times the average daily volume traded over the last five sessions. The company’s share price has surged 54 percent so far this year.

Myanmar plans to offer eight years of tax incentives to bring capital to such sectors as farming, tourism and energy, its trade minister said on Saturday.

“Over the weekend, the Myanmar government announced it plans to offer some tax incentives. This has helped to boost sentiment in Yoma, as it focuses on selling land development rights, and more foreign investment in Myanmar will be positive for the firm,” said Bernard Chin, an analyst at Kim Eng Research.

Thousands greet Suu Kyi on Myanmar campaign trail
By Hla Hla Htay | AFP – 17 hrs ago

Huge crowds of jubilant supporters hailed Myanmar opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi as she hit the campaign trail Sunday ahead of by-elections seen as a key test of the regime’s commitment to reform.

Tens of thousands flocked to get a glimpse of the Nobel Peace Prize winner in the coastal district of Dawei, as she made her first political trip outside Yangon since declaring she would stand for office in the April 1 polls.

Streets were flooded with local people waving flags, cheering and dancing with delight at the appearance of the democracy icon, who could be swept into parliament by the vote.

Surveying the sea of people packed along a main road in the southern town, Suu Kyi said she “chose the right place” to kick off her campaign tour.

“People need to watch to make sure the coming by-elections are free and fair. There should be no vote buying and no threats to get votes,” she told the crowd at the end of her one-day visit.

Suu Kyi’s decision to stand for a seat in parliament is the latest sign of dramatic change taking place in the country formerly known as Burma after the end of nearly half a century of outright military rule.

A new government dominated by former generals came to power last year following November 2010 elections that were marred by cheating and the absence of Suu Kyi’s National League for Democracy (NLD) party.

The regime has since surprised observers with a series of reforms, including welcoming the NLD back into the political mainstream, ceasefire deals with ethnic minority rebels and the release of hundreds of political prisoners.

Western nations are now considering easing sanctions, further raising hopes of an end to decades of isolation, but controversy surrounding the 2010 vote means the upcoming by-elections will be heavily scrutinised.

The NLD is running for all 48 seats up for grabs in the polls and Suu Kyi is standing in a rural constituency near Yangon. Sunday’s visit was in support of Aung Soe, the party’s candidate in a local township.

“If we move in the right direction our country will have many opportunities. We are eager to seize them,” Suu Kyi said in a speech in Dawei.

“For the security of the people, the rule of law is very important… We hope to give back to the people by working for more stability in people’s lives,” added the 66-year-old, known here as “The Lady”.

Local people brought flowers and gifts and held up their children to see the NLD leader, with banners proclaiming “You are our heart”.

Traffic clogged the roads as Suu Kyi’s convoy, trailed by a large number of cars and motorbikes, travelled around the district.

One 30-year-old woman told AFP that she was very glad Suu Kyi had chosen Dawei for the first major stop on her campaign tour. “We love her,” she said.

Suu Kyi’s outing took her to an area set to be transformed by a huge industrial site and strategic deep sea port, the Dawei Development Project.

The Thai-led, multi-billion dollar development has sparked fears of a potential influx of “dirty” industry and the displacement of thousands.

But in another sign of burgeoning reform, the government cancelled a proposed coal-fired power plant at the site this month citing “environmental problems”.

The April polls, held to fill places vacated by those elected in 2010 who have since become ministers and deputy ministers in the government, will be the first time Suu Kyi has been able to directly participate in a Myanmar vote.

Her involvement may boost the legislature’s credibility, but the seats available are not enough to threaten a majority held by the army-backed ruling party.

Suu Kyi was released from house arrest days after the 2010 election and has seen increasingly warm relations with the new regime, with some suggesting she could even take a role in government if elected to parliament.

Her first political trip since being freed passed off peacefully last year when Suu Kyi visited the Bago region north of Yangon.

Security had been a concern as Suu Kyi’s convoy was attacked in 2003, in an ambush possibly organised by a junta frightened of her popularity.

The NLD won an election in 1990 by a landslide while Suu Kyi remained under house arrest, but the ruling generals ignored the result.

The party was stripped of its legal status after boycotting the 2010 elections, saying the rules were unfair.

Myanmar’s Suu Kyi makes political tour in south
By AYE AYE WIN and TODD PITMAN | Associated Press – Sun, Jan 29, 2012

DAWEI, Myanmar (AP) — Thousands of supporters in Myanmar’s countryside cheered opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi on Sunday as she made a political tour ahead of by-elections, highlighting how quickly and dramatically politics is changing in the long-repressed Southeast Asian nation.

Throngs of people lined the roads of several towns in the southern district of Dawei shouting, “Long Live Daw Aung San Suu Kyi!” ”Daw” is a title of respect in Myanmar.

Many waved bouquets of flowers, and some hoisted babies on their shoulders to glimpse the Nobel Peace Prize laureate and former political prisoner on her first political trip since announcing a bid for parliament.

“We will bring democracy to the country,” Suu Kyi told an exuberant crowd of thousands. “We will work for development. We will bring rule of law to the country, and we will see to it that repressive laws are repealed.”

“We can overcome any obstacle with unity and perseverance,” she said from the second-story balcony of a provincial office for her National League for Democracy party.

Suu Kyi, 66, has devoted much of her life to a struggle against authoritarian rule, but spent 15 of the past 23 years under house arrest and has never held elected office. If she wins, she is likely to have limited power in the legislature, which remains dominated by the military and the ruling party, but victory would be highly symbolic and give her a voice in government for the first time.

The one-day trip to Dawei follows a series of unprecedented reforms enacted by the nominally civilian government that took over when a military junta ceded power last year. The government has released hundreds of political prisoners, reached cease-fire deals with ethnic rebels, increased media freedoms and eased censorship laws.

The April 1 by-election is being held to fill 48 seats in the lower house of parliament that were vacated after lawmakers were appointed to the Cabinet and other posts.

Suu Kyi’s party boycotted the last vote in 2010, but registered earlier this month for the by-election after authorities amended electoral laws, enabling her party to legally participate.
The Election Commission must still accept Suu Kyi’s candidacy. A ruling is expected in February.

Suu Kyi is hoping to run as a representative of the constituency of Kawhmu, a poor district just south of Yangon where villagers’ livelihoods were devastated by Cyclone Nargis in 2008.

The vote is being closely watched because it is seen as a crucial test of the government’s commitment to change.

Suu Kyi, who won the Nobel Peace Prize in 1991 for her nonviolent struggle for democracy, has rarely traveled outside Yangon, the country’s main city, over the last two decades.

Although she conducted one successful day of rallies in two small towns north of Yangon last August, a previous political tour to greet supporters in 2003 sparked a bloody ambush of her convoy that saw her forcibly confined at her lakeside home.

Suu Kyi was finally released from house arrest in late 2010, just days after the country’s military rulers held elections widely viewed as neither free nor fair.

In Dawei, a coastal district south of Yangon, Suu Kyi was garnering support for another candidate running for a parliament seat, party spokesman Nyan Win said.

She will make similar campaign trips to other areas, including the country’s second-largest city, Mandalay, in early February before campaigning for her own seat, Nyan Win said.

Dawei is home to activists who recently helped persuade the government to ditch construction of a 4,000-megawatt coal-fired power plant over environmental concerns.

A 400-megawatt coal plant is still planned, however, because it will be needed to power a massive industrial complex project that includes construction of a deep sea port, a steel mill and a petrochemical plant. The project also includes railroads and highways that will connect Myanmar’s coast directly to Thailand and the rest of Southeast Asia.

Banners with Suu Kyi’s pictures decorated the area.

“People had been afraid to discuss politics for so long,” said Aung Zaw Hein, an environmental activist whose Dawei Development Association helped stop the huge power plant.

“Now that she’s visiting the political spirit of people has been awakened.”

Suu Kyi galvanizes once-repressed Myanmar politics
By AYE AYE WIN and TODD PITMAN | Associated Press – Sun, Jan 29, 2012

DAWEI, Myanmar (AP) — Euphoric seas of supporters waved opposition party flags and offered yellow garlands. They lined crumbling roads for miles and climbed atop trees, cars and roofs as Aung San Suu Kyi spoke at impromptu rallies. Some cried as her convoy passed.

Cheered by tens of thousands, the 66-year-old opposition leader electrified Myanmar’s repressive political landscape everywhere she traveled Sunday on her first political tour of the countryside since her party registered to run in a historic ballot that could see her elected to parliament for the first time.

“We will bring democracy to the country,” Suu Kyi said to roaring applause as her voice boomed through loudspeakers from the balcony of a National League for Democracy office in the southern coastal district of Dawei. “We will bring rule of law … and we will see to it that repressive laws are repealed.”

As huge crowds screamed “Long Live Daw Aung San Suu Kyi!” and others held banners saying “You Are Our Heart,” she said: “We can overcome any obstacle with unity and perseverance, however difficult it may be.”

Suu Kyi’s campaign and by-elections due April 1 are being watched closely by the international community, which sees the vote as a crucial test of whether the military-backed government is really committed to reform.

The mere fact that Suu Kyi was able to speak openly in public in Dawei — and her supporters were able to greet her en masse without fear of reprisal — was proof of dramatic progress itself. Such scenes would have been unthinkable just a year ago, when the long-ruling junta was still in power and demonstrations were all but banned.

Suu Kyi’s visit was equivalent to waking a sleeping dragon, said environmental activist Aung Zaw Hein.

“People had been afraid to discuss politics for so long,” he said. “Now that she’s visiting, the political spirit of people has been awakened.”

Looking into the giant crowds, Hein added: “I’ve never seen people’s faces look like this before. For the first time, they have hope in their eyes.”

Businesman Ko Ye said he was ecstatic that Suu Kyi came, and like most people here, he welcomed the recent dramatic changes that made her trip possible. “We are all hoping for democracy,” the 49-year-old said, “but we’re afraid these reforms can be reversed at anytime.”

After nearly half a century of iron-fisted military rule, a nominally civilian government took office last March. The new government has surprised even some of its toughest critics by releasing hundreds of political prisoners, signing cease-fire deals with ethnic rebels, increasing media freedoms and easing censorship laws.

Suu Kyi’s party boycotted the 2010 election as neither free nor fair. It sought to have its legal status restored after the government amended electoral laws. Her party has been cleared to offer candidates in the April vote, and an Election Commission ruling on Suu Kyi’s candidacy is expected in February.

Some critics are concerned the government is using its opening with Suu Kyi to show it’s committed to reform. The government needs her support to get years of harsh Western sanctions lifted.

On Sunday, Suu Kyi said the opposition had struggled for democracy for decades, but the best way to do that now was to fight “from within parliament.” But she also expressed caution over the challenges ahead. “It’s easy to make problems, but it’s not easy to implement them,” she said. “We have a lot to do.”

An NLD victory would be highly symbolic, but her party would have limited power since the legislature is overwhelmingly dominated by the military and the ruling pro-military party. Up for grabs are 48 seats vacated by lawmakers who were appointed to the Cabinet and other posts.

Suu Kyi has spent 15 of the past 23 years under house arrest, and as a result, has rarely traveled outside Yangon. Although she conducted one successful day of rallies north of Yangon last year, a previous political tour to greet supporters in 2003 sparked a bloody ambush of her convoy that saw her forcibly confined at her lakeside home.

She was finally released from house arrest in late 2010, just days after the elections that installed the current government and led to the junta’s official disbandment.

Suu Kyi met with party members in Dawei, including one running for a parliament seat. She will make similar political trips to other areas, including the country’s second-largest city,
Mandalay, in early February before officially campaigning for her own seat, party spokesman Nyan Win said.

Suu Kyi is hoping to represent the constituency of Kawhmu, a poor district just south of Yangon where some villagers’ homes were destroyed by Cyclone Nargis in 2008.

Lay Lay Myint, a 35-year-old grocery store manager, said Suu Kyi’s platform in parliament would allow her to “let the world know what is happening” in Myanmar.

“People have been living in fear here,” Myint said. “Just seeing her hear makes us braver, more courageous.”

Channel NewsAsia – Myanmar’s president vows “healthy democracy”
Posted: 30 January 2012 2328 hrs

SINGAPORE – Myanmar’s president on Monday pledged to establish a “healthy democracy” after nearly half a century of iron-fisted military rule as he sought Singapore’s help to modernise the country’s economy.

President Thein Sein, in Singapore for a four-day state visit, also appealed to the global community to continue encouraging Myanmar on its reform path, saying the transition period was fraught with challenges.

“The international community should render its support and encouragement to our effort to meet our objectives because a young democratic nation has emerged on this planet,” said President Thein Sein at a state banquet held in his honour at the Istana on Monday evening.

“We have turned a new page in our country in order to create better conditions in Myanmar. We want to give a brighter future for our people.

“We want our people to take part in the democratic reform process and we want democracy to thrive in Myanmar. I wish to assure you that I shall endeavour to establish a healthy democracy in Myanmar.”

President Thein Sein added that “since we are on the right track to democracy we shall overcome these challenges with great care and proceed ahead till we reach our goals”.

Thein Sein was appointed president in February last year after November 2010 elections that have ushered in reforms in Myanmar that have surprised international observers, though the West is demanding more still be done.

Earlier Monday, President Thein Sein met Singapore Prime Minister Lee Hsien Loong and the pair witnessed the signing by their foreign ministers of an agreement under which Singapore will provide training for reforms in the legal, banking and financial sectors.

The pact also calls on Singapore to share its best practices in trade, tourism and urban planning. Resource-rich but largely untapped Myanmar in return offers attractive opportunities for Singapore businesses.

President Thein Sein was accompanied by a top-level delegation which included business leaders and top ministers in charge of economic portfolios, underlining the importance of the trip to Myanmar’s government.

Singapore President Tony Tan said the city-state would strengthen economic cooperation and business links with Myanmar as the country emerges from decades of political and economic isolation.

“We have every confidence that Myanmar’s progress in developing economic infrastructure and legal framework will further encourage investments into the country,” President Tan told the dinner.

He said Singapore had provided technical assistance to over 7,500 Myanmar officials in various fields since 1992.

With the West looking at easing sanctions and businesses closely watching the reforms, Myanmar needs to prepare for an anticipated increase in investments and tourism, analysts said.

Myanmar has rich natural resources, including gold, gas, teak, oil, jade and gems and a large pool of low-cost labour.

The country also boasts an array of tourism attractions with its appealing colonial architecture, picturesque temples and golden beaches.

“If all goes well, Burma certainly looks forward to being welcomed from the political wilderness,” said Song Seng Wun, a regional economist with Malaysian bank CIMB, using Myanmar’s former name.

“It looks like the Burmese are in a hurry to catch up in the shortest possible time,” he told AFP.

“After so many years of isolation, their capacity to handle the expected inflow of investments and set up the much-needed regulatory frameworks have to be brought up to scratch as quickly as possible.”

President Tan also pledged to “work closely” with Myanmar as it assumes chairmanship of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) in 2014.

Channel NewsAsia – Myanmar president’s visit marks new chapter in bilateral ties: President Tan
By Saifulbahri Ismail | Posted: 30 January 2012 2220 hrs

SINGAPORE : President Tony Tan Keng Yam has said Myanmar President Thein Sein’s visit to Singapore marks a new chapter in bilateral ties.

President Tan added that Singapore has pledged to assist Myanmar in its capacity-building efforts.

He was speaking at the state banquet in honour of President Thein Sein at the Istana on Monday evening.

President Tan said that Singapore will continue supporting Myanmar in its transition to parliamentary democracy.

He noted that the friendship between Singapore and Myanmar has grown from strength to strength.

Both countries have close and growing links in many areas and its governments enjoy good cooperation.

Over the years, people-to-people interactions have also intensified, with an increasing presence of Myanmar professionals, students and tourists in Singapore.

Dr Tan added that Singapore will continue to work closely with Myanmar towards advancing common regional interests.

He said: “As Myanmar integrates with the international community, we hope that our economic cooperation and business-to-business links will strengthen. The close cooperation between our governments has provided a strong framework for our private sector exchanges to intensify.

“Singaporean businesses and companies have invested in Myanmar since the 1990s. We have every confidence that Myanmar’s progress in developing its economic infrastructure and legal framework will further encourage investments into the country.”

Meanwhile, President Thein Sein said the process of democratic transformation is a crucial time for the country.

He called on the international community to render its support and encouragement to Myanmar’s efforts to meet its objectives.

Speaking in his native language at the state banquet, President Thein Sein said there have been significant developments in the country’s domestic and foreign relations.

And Myanmar wants its people to take part in the democratic reform process and want democracy to thrive.

However, President Thein Sein acknowledged that democracy has many challenges.

He said the country is on the right track to democracy. It will overcome the challenges with great care and proceed ahead till it reaches its goals.

Straits Times – Myanmar and Singapore sign MOU on technical cooperation
Published on Jan 30, 2012

Myanmar and Singapore signed a memorandum of understanding (MOU) on Monday morning on the Singapore-Myanmar Technical Cooperation Programme.

Singapore will provide training in economic development, human resource development, and public administration, to help build Myanmar’s economic base and pool of skilled workers.

Courses will cover areas like trade and tourism promotion, English language, and information technology. There will also be protocol courses to help Myanmar officials prepare for Myanmar’s Asean chairmanship in 2014. The areas covered in the programme reflect Myanmar’s priorities as it seeks to open up its economy, after years of isolation and international sanctions.

The MOU signing was one of the highlights of the three-day state visit of Myanmar President Thein Sein to Singapore. During his visit, President Thein Sein met President Tony Tan Keng Yam, Prime Minister Lee Hsien Loong, and Emeritus Senior Minister Goh Chok Tong.

January 30, 2012 22:33 PM
Singapore Leaders Hail Positive Developments In Myanmar

SINGAPORE, Jan 30 (Bernama) — Singapore President Tony Tan Keng Yam and Prime Minister Lee Hsien Loong welcomed the positive developments in Myanmar and affirmed Singapore’s commitment to work with the Myanmar Government in various areas, such as capacity building and human resource development.

In a statement, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs said this was conveyed by the leaders during the state visit of Myanmar President U Thein Sein to the republic.

Thein Sein called on Tan here Monday, and also met Lee, who hosted lunch.

He also conveyed his appreciation for Singapore’s support in Myanmar’s bid to chair Asean in 2014, and the recent call by Asean foreign ministers for the West to lift their sanctions on Myanmar.

Following the meetings, Thein Sein and Lee witnessed the signing of a memorandum of understanding on the Singapore-Myanmar Technical Cooperation Programme by Minister for Foreign Affairs and Minister for Law K. Shanmugam, and Myanmar Union Minister for Foreign Affairs U Wunna Maung Lwin.

Under the Technical Cooperation Programme, Singapore will provide training to, and share its developmental experiences with, Myanmar in three key broad areas, in line with the Myanmar Government’s priorities, namely, economic development, human resource development, and public administration.

Asian Correspondent – Burma lines up first political prisoner of the “new” era
By Francis Wade Jan 30, 2012 5:44PM UTC

Last year on this blog I wrote about the 10-year jail term handed to former Burmese army captain Nay Myo Zin. After leaving the military he gained a profile as a charity worker, and volunteered with a blood donation group run by members of the opposition National League for Democracy. In April last year, police claimed to have found documents on his laptop that defamed the Burmese military, and he was jailed under the Electronics Act.

He became the first political prisoner of President Thein Sein’s pseudo-civilian government, which came to power in March last year, the month before his arrest. After undergoing torture and the pain of living for months in his cell with a broken vertebra, he was freed in the 13 January amnesty of prisoners.

But now he finds himself back in the dock facing a possible six months in prison on ludicrous charges – when he was allowed out of his cell in August last year to receive
(inadequate) treatment for his injury, a friend handed him a t-shirt and key-ring bearing the image of Aung San Suu Kyi. Even under the ‘progressive’ government of Thein Sein, those were considered prohibited items. So only two weeks after walking free (or indeed staggering, given doctors were unable to fix his bone), he is staring down the barrel of another jail term. “Given that they are seriously building this case with accounts from prosecution witnesses, police and the [police intelligence], I guess they plan to make sure that I go down,” he told the Democratic Voice of Burma yesterday.

Several things strike me as worthy of raising: first, if sentenced, he will again become the first political prisoner of a “new” era, as he did when he was jailed last year. Awarding the same distinction twice to one person is quite a feat, and points to the palpable anger felt by the regime that one of their men, indeed a captain, had U-turned so spectacularly to join the opposition – that would be considered the most heinous form of dissent. Burma’s government has long framed the military as the country’s most prestigious institution, and until its degeneration into a mob of youths cavorting in the borderlands on salaries of just $US10 a month, it was a feted profession.

His former status probably explains why the government is going after him with such zeal – he is the public face of a widespread, but mostly silent, disillusionment among troops, particularly low-ranking fodder who desert in their dozens each year and are often forced to flee the country. Were he just a regular opposition member, then it’s unlikely they would arrest him a second time, especially now.

What his case also points to is the ongoing wielding of legal powers that are wholly inconsistent with the image the new government is trying to project. How can a country claiming to be transitioning to democracy (at an alarming speed, as many international observers proclaim) threaten a jail term for an individual on the grounds that they received a picture of somebody, particularly when that somebody may soon become a part of the government?

Suu Kyi herself took that challenge right to the government yesterday when she called for an overhaul of the country’s constitution, which was written by the former junta and rushed through in the weeks following Cyclone Nargis in 2008, when millions would have been unable to reach the voting booth. Overturning the raft of laws designed to penalise the opposition is a mammoth task – in the short term though, signs suggest the government is responding to public pressure, and the farcical nature of Nay Myo Zin’s case should be hammered home by the many diplomats currently engaging with the government.

Asian Correspondent – Burma reaches a truce with Shan State Army (North)
By Zin Linn Jan 30, 2012 8:10PM UTC

A regional peace talk in Taunggyi, Shan State (South), was held between government’s Union level peacemaking group and Shan State Progressive Party (SSPP)/ Shan State Army peace-making group Saturday morning, the state-owned New Light of Myanmar (NLM) said.

Union level peace-making group was headed by Aung Thaung (Taungtha Township Member of Parliament) and Thein Zaw (Myitkyina Township Member of Parliament). Other team-members were Ohn Myint ( Union Minister), Win Tun (Union Minister), Sao Aung Myat (Shan State Chief Minister), Maung Maung Thein (Kayan Township Member of Parliament), Maj-Gen Aung Kyaw Zaw (Commander of North-East Command), Maj-Gen Mya Tun Oo (Commander of Central East Command), Maj-Gen Zaw Win (Deputy Minister), Soe Tint (Deputy Minister), Tun Tun Oo (Deputy Attorney-General), Lt-Col Zaw Naing Oo and Col Aung Thu (Shan State Minister for Security and Border Affairs).

Shan State Progressive Party (SSPP)/Shan State Army peace-making group consisted of group leader Sao Khay Tai (Party Central Committee and Deputy Secretary General) and Sao Khin Min, Sao Khun Hsai, Sao Khay Maung, Sao Kyaw Hla, Sao Htin Mein, Sao Laung Khay, Sao Naw Leik and Sao Hsay Pein Pha as members.

State level preliminary peace talk was held ahead of the Union level peace talk. Shan State Minster for Security and Border Affairs Col Aung Thu acted as leader of state level peace-making group on government side. Leaders of state level peace-making group of SSPP/Shan State Army Sao Khun Hsai, Sao Khay Maung and Sao Kyaw Hla and members Sao Htin Mein and Sao Hsay Pein Pha took part at the initial peace talk. According to the NLM, both sides signed five-point preliminary agreement and exchanged the notes.

The state-owned newspaper mentions five-point preliminary agreement as follows:

(1) To make ceasefire between the Government Army and SSPP/Shan State Army.

(2) SSPP/Shan State Army troops are allowed to base in Wanhai and to base temporarily in their branches.

(3) To hold mutual dialogue, liaison offices will be established in Taunggyi, Lashio and Kholan with the people agreed, by both sides. More offices will be opened in required places.

(4) Apart from the mutually agreed areas, transgression and arms carrying will be allowed under negotiation between both sides.

(5) Both peace-making groups will continue their talks for ensuring regional peace, stability and development, ensuring long-term peace in the region.

Government’s Union level peace-making group leader Aung Thaung and six members and Shan State Progressive Party/ Shan State Army peace-making group leader Sao Khay Tai and six members signed five agreements.

The five agreement points are published in the newspaper as follows:-

(1) It is agreed that to build peace, the preliminary agreement signed between Shan State peace-making group and Shan State Progressive Party (SSPP) in Taunggyi on 28 January, 2012 shall be approved.

(2) It is agreed that concerted efforts shall be made to ensure non-disintegration of the Union, nondisintegration of national solidarity and perpetuation of sovereignty at all times based on Panglong spirit.

(3) It is agreed that arrangements for improvement of livelihood and sociolife of Shan State Progressive Party (SSPP) members and their families in line with law in cooperation with the government shall be made.

(4) It is agreed that cooperation with the Union government in a fight against narcotic drugs shall be made.

(5) It is agreed that further discussions and negotiations to ensure eternal peace shall be held afterwards.

According to Shan Herald Agency for News (S.H.A.N.) referring Maj Sai La, spokesman of SSA North, it would be impossible for the SSA North alone to negotiate with Naypyitaw.

“All groups and all those concerned in Shan State must participate,” Maj Sai La said. “For this purpose, we have already asked Hkun Tun Oo (who was released on 13 January) to take the leading role.”

Hkun Tun Oo, 68, leader of the Shan Nationalities League for Democracy (SNLD), is known to be respected by all Shan movements and other ethnic nationalities.

After SSA North signed a temporary truce with government, the Kachin Independence Organization (KIO), the Karenni National Progress Party (KNPP) and the New Mon State Party (NMSP) become prospective groups to talk with government’s peacemaking team.

U.N. to assess human rights in Myanmar
Published: Jan. 30, 2012 at 12:04 PM

GENEVA, Switzerland, Jan. 30 (UPI) — The United Nations aims to assess the human rights situation in a politically reformed Myanmar first hand, a U.N. special envoy said.

Tomas Ojea Quintana, the U.N. special envoy on human rights in Myanmar, travels to the country Tuesday at the invitation of the government.

“We are all witnessing significant developments in Myanmar and this mission will take place at an important moment in the country’s history,” he said in a statement Monday. “My main objective is to assess the country’s human rights situation in light of these developments and as a follow-up to my last mission in August 2011.”

The country in 2010 had its first general election in nearly 20 years and released Nobel Peace Prize laureate and opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi from years of house arrest. In mid-January, a truce was signed between government officials and the rebel Karen National Union in territory near the Thai border.

Quintana had said he hoped Myanmar’s government would take additional steps by reaching out to other armed ethnic groups in the country.

The envoy, during his six-day visit, is to meet with government and civil leaders. It wasn’t clear if he is to meet Suu Kyi during his trip.

Bangkok Post – Europeans see Thailand as gateway for push into Myanmar
Published: 30/01/2012 at 12:00 AM
Newspaper section: Business

European companies are keen to use Thailand as a gateway to Myanmar as the latter opens up to the international community and grows more attractive to foreign investors.

A group of European investors visited Myanmar last month and observed positive developments taking place that favoured foreign investors, said Rolf-Dieter Daniel, president of the recently opened European-Asean Business Centre (EABC).

“It is very likely that the process of opening up Myanmar will be very successful and continuing. Myanmar people are very keen to have European investors there, not only big businesses but small ones,” said Mr Daniel, also president of the German-Thai Chamber of Commerce.

“The more Myanmar opens up, the more Thailand will benefit as your country will be used as a gateway. Thanks to the natural border and close connections with Myanmar people, European investors will develop business there through Thailand.”

Thailand is the second largest investor in Myanmar after China. European businesses are interested in all kinds of natural resources and infrastructure projects.

Myanmar in 2013 will chair the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (Asean) and this is expected to further speed up the pace of political and economic reforms there, said Mr Daniel.

He believes that Myanmar needs to open up sectors such as the internet, telecommunications and health care to support the arrival of companies including those from Thailand to invest and upgrade the country’s systems.

The presence of higher-standard communications and health care will facilitate and draw more investments from abroad.

The EABC was opened last week to support Europeans in Asean by providing basic information, identifying obstacles to investments and pursuing dialogue with government agencies.

Working groups have been established under the centre to deal with food and beverages, healthcare and pharmaceuticals, ICT, intellectual property rights, insurance, automotive and transport and logistics sectors.

Mr Daniel said the centre aimed to have 600 members in its first year of operation. They would include the 13 existing European chambers of commerce, which in turn have 2,500 corporate members, as well as companies not currently represented by either embassies or chambers of commerce in Thailand.

European investors are also encouraging the Thai government to enter negotiations for a bilateral free trade agreement (FTA) with the European Union. At present, the EU has
FTAs with Malaysia, Singapore and Vietnam, but years of political drift in Thailand have stalled efforts to seriously pursue an FTA with the 27-country European bloc.

This is despite the fact that Europe is the second largest export market for Thai products after Asean, while European investors rank second in terms of foreign investors in Thailand.

“Thailand will be left behind the neighbouring countries if they don’t have an FTA with us. Meanwhile, the Generalised System of Preferences granted to Thai products will expire next year, so your products will lose advantages in the European market,” said Mr Daniel.

“We want to bring a European voice to your government so that European companies can be at least on the same level playing field in Thailand.”

New Kerala – Jamia Milia to confer doctorate on Aung San Suu Kyi

New Delhi, Jan 30: Recognising Aung San Suu Kyi’s over two-decade fight for democracy in Myanmar, Delhi’s Jamia Milia Islamia will confer an honorary doctorate degree on her very soon.

Jamia Milia Islamia Vice Chancellor Najeeb Jung announced this at a seminar on “Myanmar: Bridging South and Southeast Asia” organised by the university’s Academy of International Studies along with Yangon-based think-tank Tampadipa Insitute here.

“We at Jamia Milia Islamia want to hold a special convention for conferring an honorary doctorate on Aung San Suu Kyi,” Jung said during his welcome address at the seminar.

“Once we get to meet Suu Kyi, we will convey to her our intent to confer her the doctorate. If she accepts and and finds time to visit us here, we will hold the special convocation to confer her the doctorate,” he said.

Jung also noted that he wanted Jamia Milia Islamia to become a repository of knowledge and information on Myanmar in the near future so that it became the reference point for all scholars wanting to study the neighbouring country.

He also noted that this was the third such Myanmar-related event that his university is organising since November 2010, when Myanmar held its first democratic elections in two decades.

In that election, the Union Solidarity and Development Party of erstwhile military rulers won nearly 80 percent of the seats to Myanmar parliament and Thein Sein formed the government as the country’s civilian president in March 2011.

Thein Sein has visited India, in his first state visit here, in October 2011 when the bilateral ties of the two nations got a boost.

Suu Kyi’s party National League for Democracy did not participate in the November 2010 elections.

But after the civilian government took over and talks between her and the president, her party has now registered itself with the election commission and decided to contest the parliamentary bye-polls to be held on April 1.

Asia News Network – Burma ready to sell rice to Indonesia
Linda Yulisman. The Jakarta Post
Publication Date : 30-01-2012

Burma has agreed to sell up to 200,000 tonnes of rice a year to Indonesia under an agreement recently signed by the two parties to take effect in February, according to an industry association.

Burma Rice Industry Association (MRIA) secretary Ye Min Aung was quoted by Reuters as saying that between 100,000 tonnes and 200,000 tonnes of 5 per cent broken rice would be sold to Indonesia per year.

With the price of rice currently around US$500 per tonne on the international market, the deal is potentially worth between $50 million and $100 million.

The association reportedly signed a memorandum of understanding with Indonesian procurement agency Bulog in Yangon, Burma, on Saturday.

Last year, Bulog imported 1.9 million tonnes of rice from Thailand, Vietnam and India, with the next outstanding importation to arrive in February.

However, the government said earlier this month that it had no plans to import rice this year as there were sufficient stockpiles. The government said that it expected domestic production of staple-foods to rise, helped by improved weather conditions and a planned expansion of arable land.

Bulog chief Sutarto Alimoeso confirmed that stance on Sunday and said the agency had yet to decide on imports this year.

“For now, we still have made no decision on this year’s import. We will just complete the 1.9 million tonnes of rice from last year’s contracts,” he told The Jakarta Post in a telephone interview.

According to Sutarto, the agency is still “seeking opportunities for imports” from Burma — as well as other countries, including Pakistan — as alternatives to key rice exporters Thailand and Vietnam.

Bulog said last December that it aimed to buy 4 million tonnes of rice, mostly from domestic farmers, to fulfill its stockpile target of 5.5 million tonnes.

The agency anticipated a distribution of 3.5 million tonnes of rice through market operations this year, which was set to curb price inflation, while at the same time keep at least 1.5 million tonnes as buffer stock.

The price of rice was the biggest contributor to last year’s overall headline inflation of 3.79 per cent in Indonesia, the world’s fourth most populous nation with around 240 million people.

Indonesia is currently the third-largest rice consumer, with a per capita annual intake of 139 kilograms.

Despite being self-sufficient in 2008 and 2009, the country began to import rice in 2010 after stockpiles dropped and harvests failed to meet targets.

Critics have pointed out that the government must be committed to relying on domestic production to achieve food security amidst potential declines in international food stocks.

The Agriculture Ministry has estimated that the production of unhusked rice will likely surge by 10.14 per cent to 72.02 million tonnes this year — or equal to 40 million tonnes of husked rice — from 65.39 million tonnes last year as estimated by the Central Statistics Agency in its forecast last November.

Pakistan, Myanmar make new beginning in bilateral relations

ISLAMABAD, Jan 30 (APP): The timing of visit of President Asif Ali Zardari to Myanmar was perfect because Myanmar is all set to open itself to the world through sweeping political and economic reforms. President Zardari arrived in Naypyidaw, capital of Myanmar on a two-day official visit last Tuesday and met Myanmar President U. Thein Sein at the President House. During the meeting, the President called for a joint ministerial commission to promote economic and trade cooperation between the two countries and collaboration in the oil and gas sector. Myanmar, the Golden Land holds huge potential as it is rich in natural resources including gold, gas, teak, oil, jade and gems.

The Southeast Asian state not only has a large pool of low cost labour but also has the capacity to become a tourist hub with its colonial architecture, scenic beauty and religious sites.

President Zardari proposed a preferential tariff arrangement, leading to a free trade agreement between Pakistan and Myanmar.

The President offered to Mynamar to send Pakistan’s Minister for Petroleum and Natural Resources for exploring prospects of meaningful cooperation.

He also called for consultations between the central banks of the two countries to study prospects of a currency swap arrangement for closer economic and trade cooperation.
The President suggested greater interaction between Chambers of Commerce of both the countries and offered to send a delegation of businessmen.

He proposed setting up a Joint Ministerial Commission to promote economic and trade cooperation between the two countries as well as collaboration in the oil and gas sector.
President Zardari offered educational and training facilities for Myanmar’s youth in medical, engineering and business colleges in Pakistan, as well as courses for Myanmar’s diplomats at the Pakistan’s Foreign Service Academy.

Myanmar will be assuming the Chairmanship of the Association of South East Asian Nations (ASEAN) in 2014, creating an opportunity for Pakistan to have an effective institutional relationship with the organization as Full Dialogue Partner.

The visit was certainly aimed at exploring new opportunities but it was also imbued with symbolism and emotions.

President Asif Ali Zardari made the trip along with his children Bilawal Bhutto Zardari and Aseefa Bhutto Zardari.

When the three arrived at the residence of icon of democracy , Burmese opposition politician and General Secretary of the National League for Democracy Aung San Suu Kyi, the comparisons were obvious.

Benazir Bhutto and Aung San Suu Kyi had a lot of similarities.  Both fought against dictatorships, endured jails and house arrests but remained steadfast to democratic ideals.
Surrounded by his children, the President conferred Shaheed Benazir Bhutto Award on Aung San Suu Kyi in front of international media. And for both the President and the Burmese leader the moment was profound.

Later, President Zardari and his entourage visited the mausoleum of last Mughal emperor Bahadur Shah Zafar in Yangon and it was encounter with history.

It just showed how much Pakistan and Myanmar share and how far and deep their ties can go in future.

January 27th, 2012
Natural Gas for Asia – Myanmar Not to Export New Gas Finds

Myanmar plans to use natural gas from new projects beyond 2013 for domestic consumption, Reuters said in a report Friday.

Minister of Energy Than Htay said the country has a natural gas reserves at 22.5 trillion cubic feet, almost double the 11.8 trillion estimated by oil major BP in its 2011 statistical review.

“Now we are developing, we need more energy, so we won’t sell our natural gas abroad. We will use it ourselves,” Than Htay said.

Existing plans to supply gas to China and boost exports to Thailand would be honoured, he said.

A pipeline to pump 400 million cubic feet of gas a day to China is on schedule to start in 2013. Myanmar already supplies 1.2 billion cubic feet to Thailand daily, the minister said, and would add another 300 million cubic feet per day from the early stages of a project at the Zawtika gas field.

The Business Standard – India ramps up ties with Myanmar, Thailand
Jyoti Malhotra / New Delhi Jan 31, 2012, 00:38 IST

The road from Moreh, a town on the Manipur-Myanmar border, to Imphal was used by the Japanese army in 1944 to come right inside the heart of British India’s north-east, even challenging the might of the empire.

For decades thereafter, the Imphal-Moreh road as well as other border roads in Arunachal Pradesh and Nagaland were pretty much left to their own fate, as India deliberately ignored the development of border infrastructure, fearful of easing an enemy’s passage inside the country once it had broken through the frontier.

But as India revamps its mindset on border areas and begins to look at neighbouring states — such as Myanmar and Bangladesh — as part of a contiguous hinterland that must also participate in India’s economic growth, the first glimmer of a shift in South-East Asia’s balance of power is becoming slowly apparent.

Take the stream of visitors making their way to Delhi recently, in the run-up to India’s commemoration in December 2012 of its “Look-East policy” and its 20-year-old partnership with the Association of South-East Asian Nations (Asean).

Vietnamese president Truong Tan Sang’s official visit last October was quickly followed by Myanmarese president Thein Sein, also in October. Last week, just as Thai Prime Minister Yingluck Shinawatra, 44, arrived in the capital to attend the Republic Day parade, the first woman head of government in several decades, Myanmar foreign minister Maung Lwin was departing Delhi’s shores.

Interestingly, 2010’s chief guest at the Republic Day ceremonies was South Korean president Lee Myung-bak, while last year’s chief guest was Indonesian president Susilo Yudhoyono, the latter a key member of Asean.

Yingluck, whose closeness to her brother and former Thai prime minister Thaksin Shinawatra is an open secret, is a businesswoman, as well as married to one. She is expected to follow in Thaksin’s footsteps, which is to promote a CEO-like approach to governance, even though Thaksin, still a billionaire, remains in exile in London and Dubai.

That school of thought clearly struck a chord in Delhi last week, through the official dialogue as well as at her meeting with the industry associations. Annual India-Thailand trade currently touches $7.5 billion, but with Yingluck proposing greater Thai investment in India — in the hotel industry, in the food-and-vegetable cold chain — chances are that both countries will double their target by 2015.

Still, it was Yingluck’s offer to India to invest in an Italian-Thai joint venture that is seeking to build a world-class port and attendant infrastructure in the Dawei special industrial zone on Myanmar’s south-western coast, that has stirred the tea leaves in the region.

Dawei’s geographical location — on the isthmus that separates the Andaman Sea from the Gulf of Thailand — is so compelling that it has the potential to completely transform India’s relationship with Asean as well as East Asia.

Both Chennai and Kolkata are just across the Bay of Bengal, and both countries are already talking in terms of ramping up connectivity across this large lake by introducing ferries to Yangon, as well as Dawei.

As Myanmar emerges from its self-imposed isolation and reaches out to the world, and the world returns the compliment, Dawei could soon become a major stop on the maps of merchant ships.

US Secretary of State Hillary Clinton’s recent visit to Yangon and her announcement that the US would soon revoke sanctions on Myanmar (this is expected to happen once democratic leader Aung San Suu Kyi participates in the April elections) is both a reaffirmation of the democratic spirit in Myanmar — as well as the US return to challenging China’s rising power in Asia.

In Clinton’s wake, from Pakistan to France, the world is beating a path to Myanmar’s door. Pakistani president Asif Ali Zardari has been the most recent visitor, but dignitaries from
France, UK and Australia have travelled both to its interior capital, Naypydaw, as well as paid obeisance to Suu Kyi in Yangon. Interestingly, Myanmar’s parliamentary speaker, Shwe Mann, told his Indian counterpart, Lok Sabha Speaker, Meira Kumar, as well as Indian officials during his visit here in December, that “India’s model of inclusiveness was a model for Myanmar.”

Myanmar’s foreign minister, Maung Lwin, reiterated the message last week, giving Prime Minister Manmohan Singh a detailed account of Myanmar’s “planned and orderly commitment to reform,” both economic and political. Agreements with several dissident ethnic groups have been reached, he said, and discussions with those holding out, such as the Kachins, remain on the cards.

India’s trade and economic figures with Myanmar, at $1.25 billion, are low, especially when compared to Myanmar’s trade relationship with China, touching $4 billion. Myanmar exports natural resources, such as timber, and agricultural products such as kidney beans or ‘rajma’, to India, while India exports machinery, industrial equipment, pharmaceuticals and consumer goods.

Nevertheless, Delhi remains heartened by the fact that only days before Thein Sein came to India last October — he began his visit by paying his respects to Buddha’s shrine in Bodh Gaya — the Myanmarese cancelled a $3.6-billion dam that China was building in their country.

Thailand’s proximity means it is a natural player in Myanmar. Besides the Dawei investment, the Chinese news agency Xinhua reported last week quoting the New Light of Myanmar, four foreign companies were forming a joint venture with three domestic companies to run a special economic zone in Pathein, in the Ayeyawady region, also in south-western Myanmar. Two of the four foreign companies are from Thailand, one from Hong Kong and the fourth from Indonesia.

Indian officials point out that strategic interest in Myanmar, as well as in the greater Asean region, can only be complemented by “greater Indian business interest. Indian companies should take advantage of the fact that India refused to kowtow to US pressure and withdraw from Myanmar. Now as Myanmar opens up, they have to be first off the mark,” one official told Business Standard.

Essar and ONGC Videsh are making money from their 20 per cent stake in an oil block off the Rakhine coast, officials point out, while a detailed project report on building a 1,200-Mw project on the Chhindwin river is almost ready.

Officials say they hope the private sector will make use of India’s $500-million credit announced during Thein Sein’s visit to improve ties with Myanmar.

Delhi’s intention to expand its presence in the region is at last showing on the ground. Finally, 132 km of a beautiful, road from Moreh, the Manipuri border town, and across the border to Mandalay, as well as the last 165-km stretch to Mandalay has been built.

With the Thais also building their share of the stretch from Myanmar, the trilateral highway between India, Myanmar and Thailand could soon put India’s neglected north-east in the heart of Asean’s action.

The Diplomat – Suu Kyi in Election Mode
By Luke Hunt January 31, 2012

Reforms are biting fast in Burma. The sight of pro-democracy icon and opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi being swamped by supporters and lavished with flowers over the weekend as she begins campaigning for the April 1 by-elections was another extraordinary moment.

Under military rule, Burma has sunk to the near bottom of almost every index used by the United Nations, International Monetary Fund, World Bank and any other major international institution to measure human development – and that includes standards for freedom of expression and association.

Until recently, it’s the type of scene that the Burmese authorities would never have allowed, and in some nearby countries – like Vietnam, Laos and Singapore – such overt displays by opposition politicians would still never be permitted.

It was her fourth political trip into the countryside. As a result, Burma’s place on the annual press freedom index undertaken by Reporters Sans Frontier has improved, rising to 169th spot by the end of 2011 from 174th a year earlier, overtaking Vietnam at 172 and China, now at 174th.

Thousands rolled up to catch a glimpse of the 66-year-old Nobel laureate. Her national League for Democracy (NLD) has announced they will contest all 48 seats at the by-elections designed by the ruling party to fill a void left by the November, 2010, general elections.

The NLD boycotted that poll. It had clearly won elections held in 1990, but was denied power by the military and Suu Kyi spent much of the following t two decades under arrest.

Now, much is changing, and President Thein Sein is in open dialogue with the NLD leader, who will stand for the seat of Kawhmu, an impoverished suburb of Rangoon where people’s lives were hit hard by Cyclone Nargis nearly four years ago.

Clearly the president still requires military support to ensure his reforms, that included the release of hundreds of political prisoners, are carried out. As such, the re-emergence of Suu Kyi would also require, at the very least, an implicit stamp of approval by the military.

She has already called for changes to the 2008 military-drafted Constitution, but even if her party does well at the by-elections the NLD will remain a minor voice in parliament. There are 664 Parliamentary seats, 440 of them in the Lower House and overall 25 percent of seats are designated for the military.

The generals have little to fear for the time being.

Still, her support is formidable. The influential 88 Generation Students Group – leaders of the failed 1988 democratic uprising – has said they will support her bid at the April polls.

The government also insists these elections will be free and fair. In fact, Foreign Minister Wunna Maung Lwin went so far as to say during a recent speech in New Delhi: “We are confident that we will be able to hold the upcoming by-election free and fair as in the last nationwide general elections.”

His comments highlight the gulf that remains between Burma, the rest of the world and how they see things. Those elections were roundly criticized by the West – the very people Sein is trying so hard to impress – as rigged.

However, a clean April 1 by-election – and success by Suu Kyi – will go a long way to restoring some of his country’s long lost prestige.

The Irrawaddy – Peace Efforts Persist, But a Nationwide Ceasefire Remains Elusive
By WAI MOE Monday, January 30, 2012

In the month of January, the Burmese government successfully concluded some form of ceasefire agreement with the Shan State Army-North (SSA-North) and the Karen National Union (KNU), but was unable to do so with the Kachin Independence Army (KIA) and New Mon State Party (NMSP).

On Tuesday and Wednesday, a delegation from the NMSP and the government’s peace building committee will meet for “peace talks” in Moulmein, the capital of Mon State and the headquarters of the Burmese army’s Southeast Regional Military Command, according to Nai Hang Tha, the general secretary of the Mon armed group.

“Nai Rot Sa, the vice chairman of the NMSP, is leading the Mon delegation to Moulmein, and the government delegation will be led by Railway Minister U Aung Min,” Nai Hang Tha told The Irrawaddy on Monday.

“Within the policy of the UNFC (the United Nationalities Federal Council, an alliance of ethnic groups), the Mon delegation will raise the issue of a ceasefire across the country,” said Nai Hang Tha.

“I do not think there will be any signing ceremony in Moulmein since the meeting is the beginning of the process,” he said.

Although the NMSP is small compared to other ethnic armed groups, it is politically significant and has maintained its policy of demanding a nationwide ceasefire. This position particularly supports the Kachin Independence Organization, which has been engaged in armed conflict with government forces since June 2011.

The SSA-North and its political wing, the Shan State Progressive Party, also held recent talks with the peace building committe, meeting with the team led by Aung Thaung and Thein Zaw in Thaunggyi, Shan State on Saturday.

At the meeting, the SSA-North officials raised the issue of a nationwide ceasefire as well, saying that the government should not enter into ceasefires with some groups and offend others.

After the meeting, however, the SSA-North reportedly signed an agreement with the government negotiators.

According to the state-run-newspaper The New Light of Myanmar, the government and the SSA-North signed a five-point ceasefire agreement on Monday.

The agreement reportedly allows the SSA-North to maintain a base in the Wanhai area of Shan State and to have temporary bases in other locations. It also provides for the opening of liaison offices in Thaungyi, Lashio and Kholan.

Despite the requests of their fellow ethnic armed groups for a nationwide ceasefire, fighting continues in Kachin State between government forces and the KIA.

“Government troops still attack our troops, particularly in the northern Shan State area,” said Awng Jet, a KIA officer in Laiza.

“There was a public assembly in Laiza, where Kachin Independence Organization (KIO) officials explained what is happening in talks with the government delegation,” he said.

A delegation from the KIO, which is the political wing of the KIA, met with the government peace delegation led by Aung Thaung in China’s border town of Ruili on Jan.18-19.
The meeting did not result in a ceasefire agreement, however, and the government troops even attacked KIA bases during the talks.

Aung Thaung told the KIO delegation that the peace process could take three years.

“But the talks between the KIO and the government will continue, probably in the second week of February,” said Awng Jet.

The other major ceasefire agreement signed by Naypyidaw in January was with Burma’s longest-operating insurgent group, the Karen National Union (KNU).

The ceasefire with the KNU was signed on Jan.12 in Hpa-an, the capital of Karen State, by a government delegation led by Aung Min.

During its talks with the government, the KNU delegation proposed an 11-point agreement that included issues such as the halting of human rights violations and forced labor.

As part of the ceasefire agreement that was signed, the government negotiator agreed to include the 11 points as part of future discussions.

After signing the ceasefire, both the government and the KNU will reposition their troops. The KNU held a central committee meeting on Jan.23-25 to discuss the repositioning of troops and the next round of talks with Naypyidaw.

“For building trust in the interest of a ceasefire, dialogue and discussion will be undertaken on the matter of reduction/pulling out and positioning of Burmese government troops in the KNU areas,” the KNU announced in a statement on the day following the central committee meeting.

David Takapaw, the vice chairman of the KNU, said the repositioning of troops would be difficult for the government army since more than 200 government outposts are in KNU areas, but he said he “hopes for the best.”

“The ceasefire agreement is a good step, but it is also a small step in the whole picture of the peace process in Burma,” said Takapaw.

“The KNU has met the regime five times. Like in previous talks, they also spoke about the development of Karen State, but there were no words about a federal union, which is very important for all ethnic minority groups.”

“They [the government officials] have often said that the root of ethnic problems is the lack of development. But this is the wrong concept of them. The conscious of ethnic struggles in Burma are more than that, we are also fighting for equal rights,” he said.

The Irrawaddy – Thein Sein’s Singapore Trip to Focus on Economic Cooperation
By PATRICK BOEHLER Monday, January 30, 2012

Burmese President Thein Sein arrived in Singapore on Sunday for the start a three-day state visit that is expected to focus on further investments by the wealthy city-state and cooperation in efforts to reform one of the world’s least developed economies.

The visit, Thein Sein’s first to Singapore since he assumed power as the head of a nominally civilian government in March 2011, comes as international interest in Burma’s economic potential grows amid tentative political reforms that could eventually lead to a lifting of Western sanctions.

The Burmese delegation, which includes six government ministers, will meet with Thein Sein’s Singaporean counterpart Tony Tan Keng Yam and Prime Minister Lee Hsien Loong, according to a press release by the Singaporean Ministry of Foreign Affairs.

Foreign Minister Wunna Maung Lwin, Agriculture and Irrigation Minister Myint Hlaing, Minister of the President’s Office Thein Nyunt, Construction Minister Khin Maung Myint, Transport Minister Nyan Tun Aung, Education Minister Mya Aye, Deputy Minister for Health Win Myint and Rangoon mayor Hla Myint are all part of the visiting delegation.

The sheer size of the delegation is evidence of Singapore’s importance to Burma as an economic partner. Singapore is Burma’s sixth largest investor and also a major trading partner, with the value of trade last year reaching $2 billion—two-thirds of which was imports from Singapore.

Beyond this, however, Singapore possesses the expertise that Burma will need to turn its economy around after decades of stagnation—a fact reflected in the large number of Burmese students attending Singapore’s universities and technical institutes.

In addition to acting as a magnet for some of Burma’s best and brightest, Singapore has also set up training centers in Burma under the “Initiative for Asean Integration,” launched by then Prime Minister Goh Chok Tong in 2000. This includes the Myanmar-Singapore Training Center in Rangoon, established in 2001, which provides training on public administration related issues.

Building on this relationship, the two countries’ foreign ministers are expected on Monday to sign a memorandum of understanding (MoU) on technical cooperation, under which Singapore will provide training to support Burma’s nascent legal, banking and financial sector reforms.

But technical assistance is not the only boost Burma hopes to get from cultivating closer ties with Singapore. Thein Sein’s administration is planning to introduce a new investment law that will help foreign companies expand their presence in Burma, and Singapore is a prime target of this latest push to attract more foreign capital.

Within the framework of the new law, which is expected to be discussed in Parliament next month, the Burmese government will grant foreign investors an eight-year tax exemption, Minister for Industry-1 and 2 Soe Thane announced at a panel discussion at the World Economic Forum in Davos, Switzerland, late last week.

“They are rushing to us. We are just opening the door,” he was quoted by the French news agency AFP as saying, referring to foreign investors. He added that he expected the economy to grow around 6 percent in 2012.

But Singapore may not need much coaxing to get on the Burma bandwagon. Even when the country was regarded as a pariah by much of the rest of the developed world, Singapore didn’t hesitate to do business with the former military junta, despite its appalling human rights record.

The city-state provided the cyber warfare equipment, conventional arms and police training, Jane’s Intelligence Review reported.

Steven Law, at the helm of the Burmese Asia World business conglomerate and son to retired “Godfather of Heroin” Lo Hsing Han, is married to a Singaporean, Cecilia Ng. Ten of
her Singaporean companies have been targeted under the 2008 US sanctions against the military junta.

Half of Singapore’s investment in Burma has been “tied to the family of narco-trafficker Lo Hsing Han,” according to Robert Gelbard, a former US assistant secretary of state for the Bureau of International Narcotics and Law Enforcement Affairs.

The flow of money is not, however, all one way.

Just days before Thein Sein’s began his visit, the Far East Organization, Singapore’s largest private property developer, invited seven Burmese journalists on an all-expenses-paid trip to the city-state in a bid to attract more of Burma’s elite as potential customers.

The company started noticing rising numbers of Burmese real estate buyers eight years ago and was hoping for an increase in buyers in the future, the company’s director of property sales Shaw Lay See told one of the visiting journalists from The Myanmar Times.

She added that the consortium was surveying the Rangoon market.

Meanwhile, a leading Singaporean intellectual has hailed Burma’s recent opening-up as a vindication of the engagement policy long championed by the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (Asean).

Speaking at a panel at the World Economic Forum in Davos, Kishore Mahbubani, the dean of the Lee Kuan Yew School of Public Policy at the National University of Singapore, even suggested the policy could be used to deal with intransigent regimes elsewhere in the world.

“To deal effectively with Iran, the international community should take inspiration from how Asean engaged the government of Myanmar [Burma] over many years. The gradual ‘drip-drip-drip’ diplomacy eventually yielded results, with Myanmar taking dramatic steps to open up its political system,” said Mahbubani.

Political parties discuss Kaladan project
Monday, 30 January 2012 16:08 Ko Pauk

New Delhi (Mizzima) – Members of eight Burmese political parties arrived in New Delhi on Saturday to discuss the Kaladan River project, a joint India-Burma trade venture.

The two-day meeting is hosted by Jamia Millia Islamia University, said Chin National Party chairman Zam Ciin Paul.

“I want our people to know what the project intends to do, what benefits the people will receive and what disadvantages people will suffer,” said Zam Ciin Paul. “It is in our area, so we want to know about it. As far as I know, our people will get very little benefit. The biggest benefit will go to the Indian government. It also intends to create a trade route to Asean,” said Zam Ciin Paul.

The project will turn the Kaladan River into a shipping route, he said, while adding that nearby paddy fields and bean fields could be damaged because of the intrusion of salty seawater.

“It’s important how much they will expand the river. If they dig, the river will lose its balance. The salt water will enter into the river. If they can’t control the salt water, our paddy fields and bean fields will be damaged. And all the farms near the river will be damaged for sure,” he said.

The Kaladan Multi-modal Transit Transport Project is intended to facilitate trade between India’s Mizoram State and other countries. The project includes dredging the Kaladan River to enable cargo vessels to navigate the river from Sittwe in Burma to Mizoram State in India, and it involves the construction of a river port at Paletwa. It also includes construction of a highway between Paletwa and Mizoram State.

A total of 15 Burmese delegates from the ruling Union Solidarity and Development Party, National Unity Party, National Democratic Force, Democratic Party (Myanmar), Chin National Party, Shan Nationalities Democratic Party (SNDP), Pa-O National Organization and Inn National Development will attend the meeting.

Along with political parties, some NGOs and social groups including the Metta, Paungku and Thingaha organizations will attend along with Indian MPs, Indian ambassadors, professors, former foreign secretaries of India and the Chief Minister of Nagaland State in India.

The two-day meeting was organized by Jamia Millia Islamia University, the Tampadipa Institute and the Euro-Burma office.

Ethnic peace No. 1 issue for Thein Sein: Adviser
Monday, 30 January 2012 13:39 Mizzima News

(Mizzima) – The most pressing issue for Burmese President Thein Sein is to sign peace agreements with all ethnic armed groups to end decades of fighting, an adviser to the president told a Hong Kong conference last week.

Presidential adviser U Ko Ko Hlaing said that the return of the National League for Democracy to the formal political process has pushed peace agreements with ethnic armed groups to the government’s most urgent unsettled matter, according to a story the Myanmar Times on Sunday.

Ko Ko Hlaing spoke at a conference at City University of Hong Kong on January 26-27 titled “Myanmar after the 2010 Elections.”

“The government does not need to turn back from the road to democracy because it has popular support and strong commitment to achieve the goal of building a peaceful and democratic nation,” the state-run newspaper quoted him a saying.

“There are two steps in making peace effort, first step is to achieve ceasefire agreement and the second is to build mutual trust and understanding, through which cooperation can be achieved.”

The current government has taken a different approach to peacemaking efforts compared to the former military regime, said Ko Ko Hlaing, alluding to the government’s efforts to approach peace through political agreements rather than just a cease-fire agreement. A genuine peace with ethnic armed groups has been an essential condition cited by Western nations before the removal of economic sanctions.

U Thu Wai, chairman of the Democratic Party (Myanmar), said at the conference that peace between the ethnic armed groups and the government needed to take on a greater meaning than simply an end to armed hostilities.

“The reason the ethnic minorities took up arm is that they felt that they are not secure. A military, by nature, is security conscious. They need to have a sense of security provided by the government,” the newspaper quoted him saying.

He said that development cannot be achieved without peace and stability and that a strong opposition was needed for genuine democracy.

“Now the Parliament is dynamic with official criticism of the government policy. If Daw Aung San Suu Kyi participates in parliament after the election, it will be more active and dynamic with strong opposition,” Ko Ko Hlaing said.

The government recently held two days of talks on January 18 and 19 with the Kachin Independence Organization. Both sides agreed to hold further talks.

One of the reasons for the KIO’s reluctance to sign a cease-fire agreement with the government is that it has long dreamed of seeing Burma emulate China’s one-country, a two-system policy, said U Aung Naing Oo, the deputy director of the Vahu Development Institute.

“The KIO wants to see a Kachin Region [with the autonomy of] a Special Administration Region like Hong Kong in China,” he told the conference.

Ko Ko Hlaing said that the government was on the right track to national reconciliation and the positive changes to date were not reversible.

Arakan Liberation Party invited to peace talks
Monday, 30 January 2012 13:28 Mizzima News

(Mizzima) – The Burmese government has invited the Arakan Liberation Party (ALP) to attend peace negotiations, a party spokesperson told the Narinjara news agency.

Khine Thukha, secretary-2 of the ALP, said the party received the request through its armed wing based on the Thai-Burma border on January 23. No date for the talks was available.

“The deputy leader of the regime’s Union Level Peace Making Group, Thein Zaw, sent an invitation letter to our Vice President U Khine Soe Naing Aung,” Khine Thukha told the website.

The ALP and its armed wing, the Arakan Liberation Army, have been fighting guerrilla wars against the government on the Indo-Burma and Thai-Burma border for the freedom and ethnic rights of Arakanese people in Burma, the website said.

The ALP party and its army were founded in 1973. Its headquarters is based on the Indian border near Arakan State.

DVB News – Lawyers urge end to politicised laws
By PETER AUNG
Published: 30 January 2012

Exiled Burmese lawyers are among voices to demand an end to the draconian Unlawful Association Act in Burma, which has been used for decades by the regime to jail a sizeable cross-section of the country’s opposition movement.

Those calling for it to be abolished argue that the law, which dates from 1908, is no longer consistent with positive developments seen inside the country since a pseudo-civilian government came to power in March last year.

“The government still uses that law today to jail opposition activists who stand up against them,” said U Myo from the Thailand-based Burma Lawyers’ Council (BLC), which was declared illegal by the former junta in April 2009. He says it is ironic that an organisation “working for the rule of law” in Burma should be deemed unlawful.

But 12 other organisations, all of which are exiled, also carry that distinction. Any Burmese alleged to have ties to one of these groups faces up to three years in prison, although the law is known to have been used arbitrarily – DVB reporter Sithu Zeya was jailed under the Act, despite DVB not being listed as an ‘unlawful association’ by the government.

A leader in the Karen National Union (KNU), Mahn Nyein Maung, is currently in court facing charges of unlawful association and treason, the latter of which could result in a life sentence.

Like the KNU, a number of other ethnic armies have been declared illegal, including the Shan State Army. Political parties have also fallen foul.

“There are still a lot of political prisoners in detention who were sentenced to lengthy terms under that law,” said Pho Than Chaung, spokesperson of the Burma Communist Party, which was declared illegal in 1953 by the civilian government of U Nu.

“The law was used to hurt farmers in areas with armed conflict, as well as civilians who didn’t see eye to eye with the government,” Pho Than Chaung continued. “The law has been used to oppress Burmese people’s political opinion for so many years and we are now making this call because we believe it should not exist anymore.”

As with many politically-motivated laws in Burma, the small print on the Unlawful Association Act is ambiguous, and leaves plenty of room for manoeuvring. The law states that anyone can be jailed if they are found guilty of “interference with the administration of the law or with the maintenance of law and order, or that it constitutes a danger to public peace” – a charge that has resulted in lengthy jail terms for people like Sithu Zeya who supplied video footage to DVB.

EXCLUSIVE – INTERVIEW – Myanmar has no plans to boost gas exports beyond 2013
Reuters – Fri 27 Jan, 2012

NAYPYITAW, Myanmar (Reuters) – Myanmar will keep natural gas from new projects beyond 2013 for domestic consumption, a shift of policy aimed at powering its development, the country’s energy minister said on Friday.

Myanmar has opened up to the outside world with astonishing speed since a civilian government took office last March after five decades of army rule. The prospect of the end of Western sanctions has prompted a surge of interest from investors.

Speaking to Reuters in his first interview with foreign media, Minister of Energy Than Htay pegged the country’s natural gas reserves at 22.5 trillion cubic feet, almost double the 11.8 trillion cubic feet estimated by BP in its 2011 statistical review. www.bp.com/statisticalreview

“Now we are developing, we need more energy, so we won’t sell our natural gas abroad, we will use it ourself,” Than said in an interview in the capital, Naypyitaw.

Existing plans to supply gas to China and boost exports to Thailand would be honoured, he said.

A pipeline to pump 400 million cubic feet of gas to China is on schedule to start in 2013. Myanmar already supplies 1.2 billion cubic feet to Thailand daily, the minister said, and would add another 300 million cubic feet per day from the early stages of a project at the Zawtika gas field.

Than ruled out supplying natural gas to an ambitious deep-sea port and special economic zone in Dawei that has the potential to transform a section of southern Myanmar into Southeast Asia’s biggest industrial complex.

Italian-Thai Development Pcl , the company developing the first $8.5 billion phase of the Dawei project, had hoped natural gas piped from nearby fields would provide an alternative fuel after the government this month halted construction of a 4,000 megawatt coal-fired power plant, citing environmental concerns.

The minister said three other special economic zones would be developed more quickly than Dawei, citing in particular two: Thilawa, south of Yangon, and Kyaukphyu, on the Bay of Bengal, where the China-Myanmar pipeline starts.

He said the government was now considering supplying electricity to the Kyaukphyu zone.

Myanmar shift to democracy not over, more reforms ahead-minister
By Tomasz Janowski and Michele Sani | Reuters – 2 hours 39 minutes ago

DAVOS, Switzerland (Reuters) – Myanmar has already done a lot to reconnect with the international community and win investment, but the return to democracy is not complete and more political and economic reforms are needed, its trade minister said on Saturday.

The southeast Asian nation has opened up to the outside world with astonishing speed since a civilian government took office last March after five decades of army rule, releasing political prisoners and launching democratic reforms.

The prospect of the end of Western sanctions imposed for human rights abuses has prompted a surge of interest from investors who view the former Burma as one of Asia’s last “frontier markets.”

But asked whether he thought Myanmar has done enough to get U.S. sanctions lifted, U Soe Thane told Reuters Television:

“A lot of things we have done, but many more we have to do in the near future. The democratic process is not finished yet.”

“We have a lot of things to reform and lots of things have to change: laws, regulations and institutions, not only in the political sector but also in the economic sectors. But sanctions are up to them.”

On Monday, the European Union started relaxing its sanctions by suspending travel bans on top Myanmar officials, which allowed U Soe Thane to lead Myanmar’s first official delegation to the World Economic Forum after decades of isolation.

But Washington has yet to take any steps and says much will depend on smooth April by-elections.

U Soe Thane said he was encouraged by dozens of meetings with leaders and executives at the annual gathering in the Swiss resort of Davos.

“I met a lot of people here, other ministers and CEOs, more than 20, and we discussed co-development,” he said.

“Our location, our market and resource potential are very important for them so they are willing to invest in our country.”

A law due to be passed by parliament by the end of February will offer eight years of tax incentives to bring capital to such sectors as farming, tourism and energy, the minister later told a panel devoted to Myanmar’s future.

Nobel Peace Prize winner and opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi said in video address to the forum earlier this week that the minister’s presence was a sign of positive changes in the country.

She said that the nation has not yet reached its “great transformation,” but the elections in April could bring that point closer and preparations for the polls kept her from attending the summit. Suu Kyi was released in 2010 after spending 15 out of the past 20 years under house arrest.

U Soe Thane said Suu Kyi would become a senator if she won in her constituency and then it would be up to the country’s president to decide whether to ask the former political prisoner to join the government.

Years of economic mismanagement by the military coupled with U.S. and European sanctions have left the economy in tatters with infrastructure that is rudimentary at best and about a third of its 60 million people living on a dollar a day.

But its rich gas deposits and other natural resources, large and young workforce, and a potential as a tourism destination barely touched by development are making it an attractive target for companies seeking to grow while mature economies struggle.

Japan’s trade minister led a group of executives at the start of the year and a similar delegation of U.S. businesses is expected to visit the country next month.

Myanmar’s energy minister earlier this week told Reuters energy companies from Norway, Brazil, Russia and Japan were all interested in investments in the sector.

In Davos, Starwood Hotels & Resorts – which runs chains such as Westin, Sheraton and Le Meridien – and Marriott International both expressed interest in running hotels in Myanmar.

CheapOair (blog) – Myanmar to Become Popular Tourist Destination
January 28, 2012
by Nick Papa

The strikingly beautiful nation of Myanmar came out of military rule last year, following a general election and establishment of a civil government.

This proved to be great news for Myanmar, which was once again opened to the outside world. The country will benefit greatly from tourist revenue, but the tourists who will finally have the chance to explore some of the most untapped natural beauty and intricate architecture in the world will benefit even more.

A Yahoo News article reports that “travelers hoping to catch a glimpse of the glittering Shwedagon pagoda or the twinkly temple-bells of Kipling’s Road to Mandalay might one day be able to book into a Westin or a Marriott.”

With the recent opening of the country, these popular chains will undoubtedly be vying for property in the country, though initially they remain hesitant.

Arne Sorenson, president of Marriott International, said that “Marriott would love to be there if conditions are right, Burma has captured people’s imagination for decades.”

After more than two decades of total isolation, Myanmar is slowly but surely assimilating  into more normal circumstances.

With “deserted islands, golden temples and cultural sites unblemished by the rapid development seen elsewhere,” it is clear that Myanmar will become a popular tourist destination in 2012 and beyond.
******************************************************

Asian Correspondent – Will Burma’s press free after new media reform bill?
By Zin Linn Jan 28, 2012 10:59PM UTC

The third regular session of the first Pyithu Hluttaw (Lower House) and the third regular session of first Amyotha Hluttaw (Upper House) opened at the Pyithu Hluttaw Building in Nay-Pyi-Taw, Thursday. President of Myanmar (Burma) Thein Sein sent a message to the Speakers of the Lower and the Upper Parliaments, the New Light of Myanmar said Friday.

The President says in his message, “In successfully reforming the all sectors of the nation for the sake of the people and the nation, we had to promulgate 15 new laws and make amendments and supplements.”

The junta-sponsored existing parliament allows 330 civilian seats in the 440-member House of Representatives (Lower House). Under the 2008 Constitution, the remaining 110 seats are filled with appointed military officers. In the 224-seat House of Nationalities (Upper House), 168 are elected and 56 are appointed by the boss of the armed forces.

Remarkably, 77 percent of the parliamentary seats have been seized by the military-backed Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP) in the 2010 November polls which were distinguished for vote-rigging prescription.

When the new parliament first started opening on January 31 in 2011, tight security had been set up around the parliament building as part of measures for a grand scale celebration. At that time, the area around the Naypyitaw was under surveillance and army units patrolling day and night.

There were even restrictions on the members of parliament, according to invitations delivered to Members of Parliament calling them for the first parliament sessions. The new MPs were not allowed to carry cameras, computers, mobile phones, radios, voice recorders, electronic gadgets, handbags and miscellaneous items.

During that first parliamentary session, even no visitors were allowed into the parliamentary compound. Uninvited guests might risk a prison term under rules made clear to lawmakers; whereas the authorized officials said even senior military officers were not permitted to go through without special permission.

For the period of that first parliamentary session, 18 reporters from domestic and foreign news agencies arrived in Naypyidaw, according to the Mizzima News. But, the journalists did not received permission from the Information Ministry to cover the historic first sessions which assembled for the first time in 22 years on January 31, 2011.

Additionally, reporters were not allowed to take photographs near the Parliament building. Only four reporters from state-run Myanmar Radio and Myawaddy TV were given permission to cover the Parliament. They even were not allowed to enter the Parliament and had to shoot video from a room surrounded by glass, Mizzima said.

One remarkable thing is that on this latest third regular assembly of the first parliament sessions, the mobile phones were allowed to use in the parliament building, but agree holding devices without disturbance to the parliament discussion, the Eleven Media Group (EMG) news said Friday.

Moreover, not only domestic correspondents but also foreign reporters have been allowed to cover the news on the parliament discussions during this House Sessions. Media personnel were placed at the top floor above the parliament assembly hall. They were also allowed carrying cameras, video-cameras, computers, voice recorders and other necessary papers.

Apart from 26 domestic reporters, there are altogether eleven reporters from foreign news agencies, including Mr. Jason Szep (Southeast Asia Bureau Chief) from Reuters News of Britain, Mr.Toru Kitamura from Tokyo Broadcasting System (TBS), Mr.Tetsuo Okabe from Ji Ji News Agency Japan, Mr. Yuzo Yamashita from Nippon Television Network (NTV) and Ms.Lin Xi from China Central Television (CCTV), according to EMG news.

Since the new President Thein Sein government came to power in March 2011 after controversial 2010 November elections, Burma’s authorities have made a minor moderation of rigid censorship rules for some publications, while keeping a tight grip on news journals.

In an interview by telephone on Wednesday, Tint Swe, director of the Press Scrutiny and Registration Department (PSRD) repeatedly told Radio Free Asia (Burmese Service) claiming freedom of expression in Burma will be better after the new Press Law, which is still in the process of being endorsed in the parliament.

PSRD’s director said that the press law had already been drafted by Burma’s Ministry of Information and sent to the Attorney General’s office for approval. After adopting the media reform bill, the role of Press Scrutiny and Registration Department will be finished, Tint Swe told RFA.

January 26, 2012, 1:37 PM
Wall Street Journal (blog) – Myanmar’s Aung San Suu Kyi Addresses WEF in Video Message
By Michael Casey

Twelve months after she made an historic audio address to the World Economic Forum in Davos, one that was made possible by the end of seven years of house arrest, Burmese pre-democracy leader and Nobel laureate Aung San Suu Kyi addressed the same gathering again, this time via the more advanced medium of video.

Coming in the wake of a raft of liberalization measures, including the release of political prisoners and the official recognition of opposition parties such as her National League for Democracy, Suu Kyi’s message was another mark of the sweeping changes underway in Myanmar, also known as Burma.

For decades, Myanmar was among the world’s pariah nations, subject to crushing economic sanctions from the U.S. and other Western nations, but its recent reform efforts have led to a rapid thawing in relations, up to the point that U.S. Secretary of State Hillary Clinton visited the country in late November.

Also symbolically significant: the presence in Davos this year of Industry Minister U Soe Thein, which Suu Kyi described as a “sign of the positive changes that have been taking place in our country.”

In apologizing for not being able to attend the gathering in person, Suu Kyi explained that she is currently occupied with preparing her party to contest by-elections on April 1, which will be the NLD’s first chance to seek a role in government since it won a majority in the parliamentary elections of 1990, a victory that the military regime refused to recognize.

In her message, she called on the world community to support the Burmese people’s efforts to truly democratize their country and to all them to make a contribution to global affairs.

“A year on (from last year’s audio message), I can say we have taken steps toward meeting those challenges,” Suu Kyi said. “We are not yet at the point of a great transformation, but we have a rare and extremely precious opportunity to reach such a point.”

She emphasized that “an important step that will take us nearer to a truly revolutionary breakthrough will be the inclusion of all relevant political forces in the electoral and legislative processes of our country.”

January 27, 2012
VOA News – Rights Groups Urge International Community to Maintain Burma Sanctions
Ron Corben | Bangkok

Key advocates for Burmese political prisoners are calling for the international community to keep economic and trade sanctions in place until Burma’s government releases all political prisoners, including those detained in ethnic areas. United Nations agencies in Burma say an easing of sanctions is crucial to allow funds to support poverty alleviation programs in the country.

The rights monitoring group, the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners, says the international community must maintain pressure on Burma’s government to ensure the release of all political prisoners before economic and trade sanctions are fully lifted.

The secretary of the Thailand-based Association, Bo Gyi, himself a former political prisoner, spoke to foreign journalists in Bangkok.

“First we need from the Burmese regime is to release all political prisoners. Second is to help [achieve] nationwide peace and third, to allow citizens to set up human rights organizations in order to promote and protect human rights. So that is such a mechanism we need now if we receive those things we should consider lifting sanctions,” Gyi said.

Burma’s President Thein Sein has called for a speedy lifting of sanctions after his government freed hundreds of prisoners, allowed pro-democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi to return to politics and held ceasefire talks with ethnic armed groups.

The most recent release of political prisoners, including key leaders from the 1988 uprising against Burma’s military, came on January 13.

But rights group Amnesty International says many more prisoners are still detained. Amnesty says 647 political prisoners have been freed since last year but 700 to 1,000 others remain in custody.

Burma refuses to acknowledge it is holding any “political prisoners.”  Rights groups fear that without adequate recognition, some political prisoners may come to be seen as regular convicts and face long prison sentences.

Amnesty International Burma researcher, Benjamin Zawacki, says despite moves toward political reform, the situation remains “very grave” and that the government is using political prisoners as “bargaining chips” as it seeks to get sanctions reduced. “When you consider that many of these people, most of these people, should never have been detained in the first place, it really is quite disturbing that individuals would be used as a bargaining chip,” he said.

But international aid organizations are also looking for an easing of sanctions. The United Nations Development Program’s (UNDP) resident representative in Burma, Ashok Nigam, says lifting of sanctions is vital to support much needed development programs.

“They are very important that they be lifted soon because we are still operating, especially UNDP, under restricted mandate which prevents us from actually running a regular UNDP country program. A regular country program focuses a lot more on building capacity and really getting government to take on its responsibilities in these areas. So clearly lifting of these sanctions will be immensely beneficial for us as and when it happens,” Nigam said.

A decision on the lifting of restrictions on the UNDP lies with the 36-member-state executive board that includes the United States, Canada and 12 Western European countries such as Germany and Britain.

In recent weeks, senior U.S. Congressional leaders have given conditional support for the lifting of trade, financial and economic sanctions.

This week foreign ministers from the European Union, which moved to ease some travel restrictions on senior Burmese leaders, are reported to be considering an aid package of nearly $200 million.

The ministers are calling for the unconditional release of all political prisoners “within months” with free and fair by-elections in April when Aung San Suu Kyi is set to run for a parliamentary seat.

January 26, 2012
VOA News – Documentary Highlights Burma’s Jailed Political Activists
Director Jeanne Hallacy said former political prisoner and activist Ko Bo Kyi inspired her to make “Into the Current.”
Sarah Williams | Washington, DC

A documentary film about Burma’s political prisoners and the underground movement to help them premiered this week in Asia, drawing attention to the plight of the country’s activists as the government releases hundreds of prisoners in an amnesty program.

Director Jeanne Hallacy said former political prisoner and activist Ko Bo Kyi inspired her to make “Into the Current,” which made its regional debut in Bangkok Thursday to a sold-out audience at the Foreign Correspondents’ Club.

“His mandate was, as a former political prisoner, he was going to work every which way he could on the global stage, to ensure that all these prisoners could be released,” she said.

Ko Bo Kyi spent seven years in prison in Burma before escaping to Thailand, where he co-founded the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners in 1999.

Burmese authorities announced this month that they would be releasing 651 of the estimated 2,000 political activists behind bars in an effort to promote national reconciliation.

Ko Bo Kyi said those who remain in prison should not be forgotten.

“Political prisoners do not receive timely medical treatment, so there is not enough medication, and there are not enough doctors for the prisoners, therefore the prisoners suffer a lot,” he said, adding that even after their release, life is not easy.

He pointed to the case of Thet New, who died shortly after being freed under the government amnesty this month. The activist is believed to have died from the effects of torture suffered in prison.

Free, but not

Ko Bo Kyi said those who survive are still punished professionally and personally.

“The Burmese government doesn’t recognize the existence of political prisoners. Therefore, even after they were released, they are blacklisted. They do not receive passports. They do not get back their license,” he said.

Another focus of the film, co-produced by the Democratic Voice of Burma, is Ko Bo Kyi’s lifelong friend, the writer and poet Min Ko Naing.  He is considered Burma’s most prominent opposition leader after Nobel Peace Laureate Aung San Suu Kyi, and was released earlier this month.

“It was because of his unyielding stance, and the enormous risks that he took, over and over again, that put him in that position of being a leader of what was called the ‘88 Generation Group,” said Hallacy.

Min Ko Naing spent 16 years in solitary confinement, and emerged from prison in 2007, only to lead another protest that returned him to jail later that year.

The human toll

The human toll exerted on the government’s opponents is explored in “Into the Current.” Min Ko Naing speaks ruefully of his former girlfriend, who he says, “now belongs to someone else,” following his many years in prison. Ko Bo Kyi bid farewell to his parents when he fled Burma more than a decade ago. And Aung San Suu Kyi had to give up her family life with her late husband Michael Aris and her sons.

“Despite all of that, what is their response? It’s informed by their Buddhist belief, Metta, loving kindness,” said Hallacy.

In the film, Aung San Suu Kyi is asked if the National League for Democracy will show mercy to members of the former military government. “We all need mercy,” she said.

Aung San Suu Kyi spent 15 years under house arrest over the past two decades. She was released in 2010, just days after controversial elections that gave Burma its first nominally civilian government since 1962.

She will be among the candidates vying for a seat in parliamentary by-elections in April. It will be the first time that she has been allowed to seek political office.

27 Jan, 2012, 02.07PM IST, IANS
Economic Times – IMF sees Myanmar as Asia’s next economic bright spot

WASHINGTON: The International Monetary Fund (IMF) has commended Myanmar’s economic reform efforts, saying that the nation has the potential to become the next economic bright spot in Asia.

“The new government is facing a historic opportunity to jump-start the development process and lift living standards,” the Washington-based body said in a statement released earlier this week, reported Xinhua.

“Myanmar has a high growth potential and could become the next economic frontier in Asia, if it can turn its rich natural resources, young labour force, and proximity to some of the most dynamic economies in the world, into its advantage,” the global lender said.

An IMF mission headed by Meral Karasulu visited Naypyitaw and Yangon between Jan 9 and 25.

Karasulu noted that Myanmar’s recent reform efforts “go in the right direction.”

The Asian country “would benefit from broader consultation with stakeholders and using the best international practices distilled from other countries’ experiences”, the mission head said.

The IMF has projected Myanmar’s real gross domestic product to grow about 5.5 per cent this fiscal year and 6 per cent next fiscal year.

January 26, 2012 5:26 pm
Financial Times – Currency tops Myanmar’s economic agenda
By Gwen Robinson in Yangon

Myanmar must liberalise its foreign exchange controls or it will struggle to carry through economic reforms, one of the country’s central bank directors has warned.

The bank, which is set to gain more autonomy under the government’s reform plans, will also concentrate on economic growth and price stability this year, according to U Maung Maung.

“These are our top priorities, but most of all we must liberalise foreign exchange controls…it’s a fundamental priority to move forward on this,” Mr Maung Maung, one of eight directors under the central bank’s deputy governor, told the Financial Times.

Western sanctions imposed in response to a brutal military crackdown in 1988 have restricted trade and investment with Myanmar.

The country’s dual exchange-rate system has also helped strangle the economy and grossly distort economic fundamentals. Under the parallel system, the official rate this week is 5 or 6 kyat a dollar, but the black market offers around 800 kyat a dollar.

While even government agencies have shifted to unofficial market rates, officials acknowledge the urgency of unifying the parallel rates. The central bank is considering proposals to allow the kyat to float, said Mr Maung Maung, but “no decisions will be made until later this year”.

Economists who study Myanmar say currency unification is key to the country’s entire reform programme.

“This step should precede all others…Following unification, a range of other important policy interventions will immediately become possible,” a paper by Harvard University’s Ash Center for Democratic Governance and Innovation concluded.

Since mid-2011, most of the country’s 19 private commercial banks and four state owned banks have been permitted to offer market rates. But the banks’ exchange procedures are onerous and informal money changers thrive throughout the country.

Other important reforms implemented under the nominally civilian government of Thein Sein, president, include the slashing of trade taxes and boosting pensions. For the central bank, the reform agenda includes developing Myanmar’s capital markets and investment code, and lifting restrictions on banks’ overseas and domestic lending operations.

There are “many ideas” to reform the financial and banking system but significant changes hinge on the outcome of two multilateral missions led by the International Monetary Fund, said Mr Maung Maung.

Highlighting a reversal in the government’s previously isolationist stance, he said: “We are co-operating, we need to consult and hear advice from the IMF, we hope it’s soon, as we will need some time [to implement reforms].”

The missions, the second of which left Myanmar on Thursday, will issue recommendations on exchange rate unification and economic policies in coming weeks and are expected to resume loans and aid to Myanmar if western sanctions are lifted.

Another pressing concern is the strength of the kyat, which has appreciated by about 32 per cent in nominal effective terms since April 2010. The currency has been boosted by massive natural resources sales, privatisation of government assets (mainly of property), surging investment from China and other countries and speculative capital inflows.

These large foreign inflows “cannot find an outlet due to exchange restrictions on current international payments and transfers,” the IMF mission said.

Myanmar banks to launch money exchange services with 3 ASEAN nations
English.news.cn   2012-01-26 20:05:30

YANGON, Jan. 26 (Xinhua) — Myanmar private banks will launch money exchange services in Singapore, Malaysia and Thailand starting from February this year in its first phase in a bid to extend foreign trade services with ASEAN members, local media reported Thursday.

Private banks — the Cooperative Bank, Kanbawza Bank, Asian Green Development Bank and Ayeyawaddy Bank will facilitate migrant workers in Singapore, Thailand and Malaysia in sending back money to their families in the country, the Yangon Times said.

The Cooperative Bank will handle remittances from Myanmar workers in Singapore while Ayeyawaddy Bank in Malaysia, Kanbawza Bank in Thailand, Asian Green Development Bank in Singapore and Malaysia.

Meanwhile, Myanmar has exempted its citizens living abroad from paying income tax in foreign currency from Jan. 1.

Moreover, 11 private banks out of 19 were granted to trade three foreign hard currencies — U.S. dollar, Euro and Singapore dollar in November last year.

The 11 private banks include Kanbawza Bank, Cooperative Bank, Myanmar Industrial Development Bank, Myawaddy Bank, Inwa Bank, Myanmar Oriental Bank, Asian Green Development Bank, Ayeyawaddy Bank, Myanmar Pioneer Bank, United Amara Bank and Tun Foundation Bank.

There are also three state-owned banks in Myanmar, namely Myanma Economic Bank (MEB), Myanma Foreign Trade Bank (MFTB) and Myanma Investment Commercial Bank (MICB).

Besides the state-owned and private banks, there have also been 15 foreign bank representative offices from nine countries set up in Myanmar so far, of which four from Singapore, two each from Bangladesh, Malaysia and Japan, and one each from Cambodia, Thailand, Brunei, Vietnam and China.

PRWeb – East Bay Interior Designer, Kristina Wolf of Kristina Wolf Design Announces Products from Myanmar
Kristina Wolf of East Bay’s Kristina Wolf Design is back from Myanmar and not only did she return with one-of-a-kind “finds” from the country, but she would also like to share her experiences there.
Berkeley, CA (PRWEB) January 27, 2012

East Bay interior designer, Kristina Wolf Design’s owner, Kristina Wolf, has returned from Myanmar, the second largest country in Southeast Asia, with a variety of handcrafted pieces for both design inspiration and her clients.

“Whether they were making silk fabrics or applying gold leaf designs to lacquer-ware, every craftsman took a great deal of pride in the details and finished product,” owner Kristina Wolf said. “Not only are the ‘finds’ beautiful, they are also functional. This element of functional yet gorgeous is exactly what I think of when I am designing for my clients.”

While the primary purpose of the trip was business, Wolf was fortunate to visit many cultural sites, as well as silk, lacquer and gold leafing manufacturers, rural outdoor markets, two elementary schools, and a handful of local furniture manufacturers. Wolf could not help but notice the pride that showed in all of the workmanship she observed. The visit also contributed a variety of ideas for her upcoming designs that will focus on a mixture of modern and traditional styles for home interior designs.

Despite the harsh government censorship and the trials of the past decades, Wolf found the people of Myanmar to be incredibly warm and welcoming, while exhibiting a strong sense of community in the factories and workshops she visited.

“Americans often forget how fortunate we are as a nation. Traveling is always a great way to expand one’s perspective and gather a new understanding of humanity in general. Thank you, Myanmar for new wonderful design inspirations and new vendor contacts. And last, but not least, thank you for teaching us gratitude!” Wolf said.

Myanmar, formally known as Burma, is bordered by China, Laos and Thailand, as well as India and other countries. For decades, the country has been under the control of a military regime, which has only recently begun to loosen its grip with the re-entry of democratic opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi after 20 years of house arrest. Wolf was incredibly lucky to arrive in Myanmar merely a week after Hillary Clinton’s official visit to the country. History in the making, the Secretary of State’s visit was the first time in more than 50 years that a U.S. official traveled to Myanmar.

To learn more about any of Kristina Wolf Design’s products or services, call 510-848-8773 or view the design company on the web at http://www.kristinawolfdesign.com.
About Kristina Wolf Design

Kristina Wolf Design is a top interior design company in the Bay Area that serves Oakland Hills, Piedmont, Lafayette, Orinda and Lamorinda. Owner Kristina Wolf and her team feature experienced, commercial interior designers and modern interior designers.

Kristina Wolf Design creates memorable interiors in harmony with each client’s personal vision and with minimal stress. Whether developing new home interior designs or helping clients select the perfect color palate for a paint project, Kristina Wolf Design deepens the connection between customers and their home, while honoring a client’s objectives, schedules and budgets. To learn more about the team’s services or to view its portfolio, visit the company on the web at http://www.kristinawolfdesign.com.

Global Voices Online – Myanmar (Burma): Betwixt and Between
Posted 27 January 2012 12:27 GMT
Written by Onnik Krikorian

The United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees considers the situation of between 110-150,000 Burmese refugees located in camps on the border with Thailand as one of 29 protracted refugee situations globally. And, according to East Asia Forum, there are also an additional 1.5-2 million refugees in Thailand and represent the ‘visible side of human rights abuse.’

Ruled by a military junta from 1962 to 2011, Burma, known locally and by the United Nations as Myanmar, has often been accused of violating human rights and the forcible relocation of civilians. Although an ostensibly civilian government was controversially elected in 2010, a quarter of seats in parliament as well as three cabinet seats are reserved for the army.

Other concerns include the use of forced labour, among them children, human trafficking and internal ethnic conflict. In an extensive post, Mary Ditton, a Senior Lecturer in Health Management in Australia, looks at the problem of internally displaced people and refugees:

Most of the self-settled migrants from Burma work in the manufacturing, food processing and agricultural industries throughout Thailand […]. Further to the constant fear and threat of deportation, they work in poor conditions with neither basic rights of association, nor employee and health rights. […] Only some forced migrants choose to officially seek asylum and reside under the protection of UNHCR. Other forced migrants decide to earn a living within the informal economy and endure the risks of being deported. This protracted refugee process means the actual refugee camp populations are made up of women, children, the elderly and disabled, as the able-bodied men and women seek work elsewhere. This ‘left behind’ population is prey to corrupt practices such as people and drug trafficking, smuggling, and child labour. The self-settled group is vulnerable to these practices as well, since they have no effective legal protection.

A group particularly at risk are children, especially from minority communities, as the Rohingya Arakanese Refugee Committee explains:

Last week the human rights group Arakan Project released a report on children’s rights in Northern Arakan State, in western Burma. Arakan State is home to about 735,000 Rohingya Muslims, one of the most oppressed ethnic minorities in Burma.

The report stated that over 40,000 Rohingya minority children in Arakan State do not have Burmese (or any), citizenship, despite being born and having parents who live in Burma.

The children’s stateless status, along with several other draconian laws that discriminate against Rohingya, are in fact severe human rights violations and can have dire consequences on their health.

All Rohingya living in Burma, according to Arakan Project, are required to pay bribes to get permission to travel outside of their villages. Some are forced by the Army or border forces to build roads and guard and clean bases. Rohingya have been pushed off their land, and Arakan Project estimates that only 30% of Rohingyas have access to farmland, with the rest working mostly as casual day laborers.

A study in the United States of 400 refugee children has found that health is a serious concern even when they leave Thailand and Burma:

Some Burmese refugee children heading to the U.S. have toxic levels of lead in the blood, according to a study released this week in the journal Pediatrics. Researchers at the Center for Disease Control and Prevention measured lead levels in Burmese children living in Thai refugee camps. They found that children under age two were at highest risk. Fifteen percent of them had lead poisoning, as did five percent of all children.

Lead poisoning is extremely toxic and can severe health effects on children, including brain damage, mental retardation and lowered IQ levels.

Well-Being For Rohingya Refugee Bangladesh says that changes and reform in Burma might help improve the situation:

While many humanitarian groups have called for more aid for Burmese refugees displaced by years of conflict, there is some optimism now that a series of cease-fire agreements may offer some hope to deliver badly needed food, medicine and shelter supplies.

A recent field report published by Refuges International (RI) focused on two key goals: allowing humanitarian groups freedom of access to refugee areas and the removal of elaborate donor restrictions.

There are an estimated 500,000 internally displaced people (IDPs) in Burma, and three million Burmese refugees in other countries, according to their study. There are also some 800,000 stateless Rohingyas in the west of the country, who live in dire humanitarian conditions because of their lack of basic human rights.

With the decrease in fighting now is the time for the humanitarian community – led by the UN Resident Coordinator/Humanitarian Coordinator (RC/HC) and supported by key donors like the European Union, United Kingdom, and United States – to expand operations in Burma

A ceasefire recently signed between the government and rebels, as well as the release of political prisoners, has given some cause for hope. However, Tina McCloughy says more is necessary:

As part of my Fulbright research in Burma,Malaysia,and Thailand,a Burmese ethnic minority boy told me how he held on tight to his father’s back,as his father carried him through Burmese mountainous war zones to Thailand,leaving him alone in a refugee camp across the border. Why? Because the boy’s father saw how the Burmese government military had repeatedly torched his ethnic villages,schools,and never built them new schools. The only help any minority students have gotten in Burma has been from illegal forays by the Free Burma Rangers into Burma,risking their lives to take ethnic minority educators safely through dangerous conflict zones to be trained to start schools. Burmese minority educators shouldn’t have to risk their lives trying to educate their children.

Changing the lives of minority Burmese requires [Secretary of State] Clinton to also pressure Thailand and Malaysia to change their refugee policies,given that refugees continue to flow out of Burma and that it may take many years before Burma becomes safe for minority families. Thailand and Malaysia have deliberately refused to ratify the 1951 U.N. Convention protecting refugees,perhaps because they fear giving education and work rights to such an overwhelming number of Burmese minority refugees.

Following last year’s visit by the U.S. Secretary of State Hilary Clinton, Andrew G. Lim writes on the Huffington Post that now is a “critical moment to press for further changes in the way that Myanmar’s government deals with its ethnic minorities,” while Burmese opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi, released from house arrest in 2010, this week addressed the World Economic Forum in Davos, Switzerland in a video message:

The Nobel Peace Prize Laureate acknowledged the changes in her country and urged the international community to do more to support further reform.

The Australian – Scholarships help rebuild Myanmar
by: Geoffrey Goddard
From: The Australian
January 28, 2012 12:00AM

Ma Noreen Phillip Myan Mon Yee has a big picture in my mind.“I’d like to raise the standard of the health care system in Myanmar”.

Ms Yee’s dream is a possibility after she returned to Myanmar in December after a one-year scholarship at Griffith University studying for a masters in health care management.

Ms Yee was one of 10 students selected under the inaugural AusAid scholarship program designed to build human capacity in Myanmar. Another 21 masters and PhD students are due to depart for Australia shortly.

“Building human capacity across the board is a very big challenge. It’s something we focus our assistance program on and the [Myanmar] government has identified as a big priority,” Bronte Moules, the Australian ambassador, said.

Of last year’s eight female and two male scholarship holders, nine chose masters degrees in disciplines such as health services management, biotechnology, sustainable agriculture, public policy and pharmacy. Another started a PhD in economics.

This year’s group will focus on three main areas: health, education and agriculture, while two will undertake doctorates in public health and in the environment.

“We prioritise scholarships for areas of study that are consistent with the focus of our aid program, which is health, education and agriculture, but we are reasonably open-minded about it,” said Ms Moules.

Host institutions include Australian National University, University of Sydney, Monash, Curtin, Griffith and Adelaide.

Mr Michael Hassett, a counsellor and AusAid representative at the Australian embassy in Myanmar said the program would receive about $3.5 million this year, or about 7 per cent of AusAID’s allocation for Myanmar.

“We have to balance the numbers between PhDs and masters to get as many through as possible,” he said.

The scholarships cover all costs, including air fares, accommodation, a living allowance and course fees.

“We estimate a masters at about $125,000 all up, but it varies,” he said, acknowledging that from a development perspective, the cost is high.

“But we know from long experience involved in scholarships that the returns are also very high and the return is not over one or two years, it’s over 10, 20 years and 30 years,” he said.

“These people pass on their skills and knowledge.”

“We would like to think that it will be an important part of our engagement as we move into the future [with Myanmar], as it is with other countries,” Ms Moules said, adding that at any one time there are more than 5000 scholars and professionals from about 100 countries supported by AusAID scholarship programs.

Successful scholarship recipients are required to return to Myanmar for at least two years after completing their studies. Students who decide to stay in Australia have to repay the total cost of the scholarship, including the living allowance.

“That’s a very strong incentive to leave Australia, but through our selection process we try to pick people who are passionate about development in this country; we try to identify people who really want to come back and make a difference,” Mr Hassett said.

While Ms Yee acknowledges her grand plan would “definitely take some time”, the trained dentist says she is much better equipped to focus on the massive task.

And while it took time to adjust – “the teaching method is totally different from in Myanmar” – she soon found her feet.

“One thing I learned is that while we need to respect our tutors and lecturers, we should not be afraid to speak up and even argue if we have sound reasons for doing so,” she said.
Ms Yee also had her first experience working on a research paper with a group of other students.

“Our paper was one of the best in the class and was offered to be published,” she said.

Moneycontrol.com – EXCLUSIVE – INTERVIEW – Myanmar has no plans to boost gas exports beyond 2013
Published on Fri, Jan 27, 2012 at 18:46 |  Source : Reuters

NAYPYITAW, Myanmar (Reuters) – Myanmar will keep natural gas from new projects beyond 2013 for domestic consumption, a shift of policy aimed at powering its development, the country’s energy minister said on Friday.

Myanmar has opened up to the outside world with astonishing speed since a civilian government took office last March after five decades of army rule. The prospect of the end of Western sanctions has prompted a surge of interest from investors.

Speaking to Reuters in his first interview with foreign media, Minister of Energy Than Htay pegged the country’s natural gas reserves at 22.5 trillion cubic feet, almost double the 11.8 trillion cubic feet estimated by BP in its 2011 statistical review. www.bp.com/statisticalreview

“Now we are developing, we need more energy, so we won’t sell our natural gas abroad, we will use it ourself,” Than said in an interview in the capital, Naypyitaw.

Existing plans to supply gas to China and boost exports to Thailand would be honoured, he said.

A pipeline to pump 400 million cubic feet of gas to China is on schedule to start in 2013. Myanmar already supplies 1.2 billion cubic feet to Thailand daily, the minister said, and would add another 300 million cubic feet per day from the early stages of a project at the Zawtika gas field.

Than ruled out supplying natural gas to an ambitious deep-sea port and special economic zone in Dawei that has the potential to transform a section of southern Myanmar into Southeast Asia’s biggest industrial complex.

Italian-Thai Development Pcl , the company developing the first $8.5 billion phase of the Dawei project, had hoped natural gas piped from nearby fields would provide an alternative fuel after the government this month halted construction of a 4,000 megawatt coal-fired power plant, citing environmental concerns.

The minister said three other special economic zones would be developed more quickly than Dawei, citing in particular two: Thilawa, south of Yangon, and Kyaukphyu, on the Bay of Bengal, where the China-Myanmar pipeline starts.

He said the government was now considering supplying electricity to the Kyaukphyu zone.

The Irrawaddy – Than Shwe: Karma Chameleon
By SIMON ROUGHNEEN / THE IRRAWADDY Friday, January 27, 2012

BANGKOK — “I’ve puzzled over that,” said Sen. John McCain, when asked his opinion on why Burma’s government has undertaken several landmark reforms in recent months.

Observers have been surprised by the changes—such as the freeing of political prisoners, relaxed press curbs and a newfound environmental and social awareness—described by McCain as unimaginable one year ago. The Burmese government says the new course is irreversible, while outside observers believe the reforms to be real, though many, like McCain, are no more than “cautiously optimistic” and remind that more needs to be done—such as fair elections, a free press and peace in ethnic borderlands.

Many exiled Burmese and even some recently freed political prisoners remain skeptical, reminding anyone who cares to listen that Burma’s 2008 Constitution vests ultimate authority with the country’s military, and that even if Aung San Suu Kyi and her National League for Democracy (NLD) win all 40 Lower House seats in a by-election slated for April 1, it will not affect power structures inside Burma.

Behind the scenes, an 11-man National Defense and Security Council (NDSC) is said to be exercising real control, leaving President Thein Sein as the moderate-sounding front man attempting to launder the reputation of a cabal of military strongmen nationalists, who want Western sanctions lifted and to reduce the influence of an increasingly powerful
China on their country.

Former junta dictator Snr-Gen Than Shwe is said to head the NDSC, though close aides such as Shwe Mann, now speaker of Burma’s Lower House of Parliament, say that Than Shwe has retired from politics. Certainly the reforms undertaken by successor Thein Sein, suggest—on the surface, at least—a clean break with Than Shwe’s draconian rule and appear to confirm that the near-octogenarian ex-senior general has indeed retired.

But then, reforms or no reforms, nobody can really parse the signals from inside what is still one of the world’s most opaque polities. McCain believes the reforms to be partly a reaction to the Arab Spring, partly a desire to end Burma’s long isolation, partly a weariness with a decades-old pariah status.

Some are curious as to why Than Shwe would cede power to Thein Sein—a man he reportedly dismissed as his “postman” when the current president was still just prime minister under the former junta.

“We have to ask, why is Than Shwe letting this happen, and why now?” said Thai academic Thitinan Pongsudhirak. Than Shwe, after all, seized power in 1992 and later put former ruler Ne Win under house arrest, where he remained until his death in 2002. Does he not fear a similar fate for himself and his family?

Clues lie, perhaps, in what Thitinan described to The Irrawaddy as Than Shwe’s “farewell tour,” visiting India and China shortly prior to the 2010 parliamentary elections, after which he formally ceded control to today’s nominally civilian government under Thein Sein.

While visiting India from July 25 to 29, 2010, Than Shwe made cash donations to monks, meditated at Bodh Gaya, where Buddha attained enlightenment, and laid a wreath at the Mahatma Gandhi’s grave.

“I have heard from several inside sources that Than Shwe sees himself as deeply Buddhist,” said Thitinan. “He has money, he has power, but we cannot dismiss the possibility that he cares a lot about his spiritual well-being, despite the many abuses he was responsible for.”

It could be, therefore, that Than Shwe has stepped back from power because he fears bad karma from transgressions committed by Burma’s ruling regime when he was still at the helm, such as the beating and jailing of hundreds of Buddhist monks during the crackdown on the 2007 Saffron Revolution.

In response, the Burmese monastic community declared a religious boycott of the generals and their families, refusing to accept their alms or offer them the Buddha’s teachings—both necessary for earning karmic kudos. According to recently freed U Gambira, one of the leaders of the Saffron protests who was tortured in jail, the boycott still stands.
Burmese Buddhism has long been infused with nat worship—placating spirits to generate good fortune in worldly affairs.

Knowing this, and seeing first-hand the nature of military rule, many Burmese question the sincerity and depth of Than Shwe’s Buddhism, says Ingrid Jordt, an anthropologist who studies Burmese religion and culture.

As far as Than Shwe is interested in his spiritual well-being, according to Jordt, he is following yadaya che, a non-Buddhist ritualism aimed at reversing bad fortune or compensating for misdeeds.

This can sometimes be passed off as Buddhist merit-making, as per Than Shwe’s pilgrimage to India, but sometimes there is no disguising the voodoo element, such as former Prime Minister Khin Nyunt’s cross-dressing incantations in 1990, when he dressed as a woman in a yadaya ceremony aimed at preempting predictions that a woman (Aung San Suu Kyi) would take power in Burma.

Jordt does not believe Than Shwe has retired, and that underneath the recent reforms, the power structures remain the same.

“Burma’s military (now civilian) leaders do not care a fig about democracy. They only care that the international community sees what they are doing as democracy. They will shape-shift as they need to,” she says.

Than Shwe is not out of the picture, she adds, but simply no longer needs “to micro-manage according to the old system.”

Burma’s censorship dep’t to be abolished?
Friday, 27 January 2012 22:13 Mizzima News

(Mizzima) – The director of the Burmese Press Scrutiny and Registration Department (PSRD) repeated claims this week that the department would be abolished in coming months.

“The new press law, which is still in the process of being enacted, will guarantee freedom of expression in Burma,” Tint Swe told Radio Free Asia (RFA) in an interview on Wednesday. “It won’t take too long to adopt the press law—it would just be a matter of months after discussions at the upcoming parliament session.” Tint Swe made similar claims in November.

Tint Swe told RFA that the law had already been drafted by Burma’s Ministry of Information and sent to the Attorney General’s office for approval.

His remarks came as Rangoon journalists report that many prior censorship restrictions or advisories have been handed down in recent weeks. Among the items censored or advised to be toned down were calls by Aung San Suu Kyi and others for the release of all remaining political prisoners and comments by recently released 88-Generation student leaders.

Other censored items involved the news of the eviction of a popular abbot for his outspoken political views and criticism of possible election irregularities by the military-backed Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP) ahead of April 1 elections, according to RFA.

Lawmakers in Parliament said this week that revisions to the country’s press law would probably come up in this session of the Parliament, which opened this week.

Burmese censorship rules have been modified in recent months and are now divided into two general categories:

Group 1 includes nearly 200 publications focusing on sports, health, arts, children’s literature, crime, business and technology, which don’t need to pass articles through censors prior to publication, but must submit copies after publication.

Group 2 includes around 160 publications focusing on news, economics, and religion, which must pass articles through censors prior to publication.

Internal refugees need help: KNU
Friday, 27 January 2012 14:44 Kyaw Kha

Chiang Mai (Mizzima) – It’s past time to offer direct aid to tens of thousands of internal refugees in Karen State and other areas.

The Karen National Union (KNU) and Burmese government peace delegation will discuss the rehabilitation of internally displaced persons (IDPs) during the second round of peace talks, KNU officials said prior to the meeting.

KNU peacemaking committee Secretary Pado Saw David Htaw said that the KNU plans to prioritize the issue because internal refugees need to return to their villages and restart their lives.

“We will give second priority to the issue regarding refugees in Thai camps along the border area, because they don’t have as many problems getting food and shelter as the Internally Displaced People (IDPs) inside Burma,” Pado Saw David Htaw said.

Many refugees inside Burma have to hide in remote jungle camps in the Pegu Region and in Karen State. Food aid groups along the Thai-Burmese border can sometimes provide for IDPs, and the foreign-based Backpacker Health Worker Teams and KNU medical units can provide limited health services to IDPs, said the KNU.

There are around 100,000 IDPs, according to some estimates. Many villages have been burned down by Burmese troops, and many IDPs can not return to their villages because land mines have been planted by government and ethnic armies. DPs are homeless for various reasons, the first being renewed fighting since mid-summer 2011. Dam construction in Karen State has also been a factor.

The KNU peacemaking committee and the Burmese government delegation signed a cease-fire agreement in Hpaan on January 12, agreeing in principle on 11-points, which according to the agreement will be discussed further in coming talks.

Another key issue to be discussed, said David Htaw, is KNU-connected prisoners.

There are around 150,000 refugees in nine camps in Thailand with food and shelter provided by the Thailand-Burma Border Consortium, which is funded by international organizations. Most of the refugees are Karen who fled from their homes because of the fighting.

Most of the refugees’ homes and farmland have been destroyed and landmines have been planted in their areas.

A refugee who fled from Paingkyon Township to the Nu Po camp along the Thai-Burmese border told Mizzima, “There is only empty land in our villages. No one has solved the problem. Even if we want to return to the area to farm, we don’t have oxen and carts. Who will help us?”

A Karen refugee who fled three years ago from Kadimu village to the Mae La camp told Mizzima, “Here, we don’t know what our future will be. If we are sent to resettlement countries, it’ll be good for our children’s education. To return our villages, we’ll need guarantees that we can make a living in safety.” She said she fled because her village was burned down in February 2010 by the Burmese army.

Refugee groups say that both the Burmese government and the KNU have a responsibility to create conditions where internal and external refugees can return to their homes to restart their lives. After a genuine cease-fire, refugees will need support, including access to their farmland, seed crops, equipment and national identification cards.

International aid groups have called for the Burmese government to allow them full access to the area, in order to start the rebuilding process and national reconciliation. So far, the government has prevented full access to the area.

Up to 900 political prisoners may remain in Burmese jails
Friday, 27 January 2012 14:08 Nay Myo

New Delhi (Mizzima) – As many as 918 political prisoners may still be locked up in Burmese prisons, but an accurate list of the number is still incomplete, say groups working on the political prisoner issue.

According to the list compiled by the Thai-based Assistance Association for Political Prisoners-Burma (AAPP-B), 918 political prisoners are still behind bars. According to the National League for Democracy (NLD) party, 388 are political prisoners are still being detained. The two groups use different criteria in defining a political prisoner. It is possible the exact number may never be known.

The Burmese government does not claim to have an accurate list of political prisoners, because it denies that it has political prisoners in its jails. Occasionally, it refers to the numbers compiled by the AAPP and NLD.

AAPP-B Secretary Teik Naing told Mizzima: “When we rechecked our list, we found that some of them were released but some were handed over to police and some were taken away by military units so that it is very difficult to make a complete list. We can confirm around 900 political prisoners are still behind bars.”

According to NLD spokesman Ohn Kyaing, the number of remaining political prisoners may likely increase and the NLD is still working on the exact numbers.

“According to our list, there were 591 political prisoners, and we found that 303 prisoners were released,” said Ohn Kyaing. “We are compiling a new list by collecting figures based on information from prisoners who were just released, and the new list is almost completed,”

A total of 651 prisoners are believed to have been freed during the January 13 presidential amnesty.

At a press conference in Naypyitaw on January 14, Home Minister Ko Ko said, “There are only prisoners in the prisons who are convicted for the crimes they committed. If you know there are monks who were arrested, please give us an accurate list of them.”

Taik Naing said that the AAPP defined those who were arrested and imprisoned in connection with a political issue as political prisoners.

“Some of these political prisoners were charged and framed up in criminal cases such as a narcotic drug cases, misappropriation cases, gambling cases, etc. But we saw them all as political prisoners because they were arrested for their political activities, and then charged with other cases and imprisoned,” he said.

Ohn Kyaing said the NLD considered those who were imprisoned in bomb blast cases and charged under the Unlawful Associations Act were regarded as political prisoners.

“We list all of them who were charged in bomb blast cases, charged in the “saffron revolution” cases, those who were charged under sections of the Unlawful Associations Act in Taungoo, those who were charged under the Emergency Provisions Act and those who were charged with section 505 of Penal Code (causing disaffection to the State) as political prisoners. And some of them were charged with abetting these political prisoners. We list them also as the political prisoners,” he said.

In Myanmar, a “sham” parliament stirs to life
By Jason Szep | Reuters – 3 hrs ago

NAYPYITAW, Myanmar (Reuters) – In Myanmar’s sprawling parliamentary complex, lawmakers flexed their newly democratic muscles on Thursday. Some drafted anti-graft legislation for one of the world’s most corrupt nations or clamored for transparency on a typically secret national budget.

Others wanted answers from the government: why are train lines across the country woefully inefficient? Will the government move faster to revamp clearer foreign-exchange rate laws and hold companies to task for shabby infrastructure on state contracts?

Derided as a well-choreographed sham in one of the world’s most authoritarian countries when it opened a year ago, Myanmar’s parliament began a third session on Thursday with feisty stirrings of democracy, under pressure to accelerate economic and political reforms that could soon convince the West to lift decades-old sanctions.

The main legislation up for debate requires the government to seek parliamentary approval for its budget. That alone is a significant change for Myanmar, where past military regimes drew up spending plans in secrecy, often carving out largesse for the army, which handed power to a nominally civilian government in March last year.

In the cavernous hallways of the lower house and the gilded main legislative chamber, legislators expressed unvarnished views, including some scathing criticism of government policy by those in the opposition.

It wasn’t always this way.

“When we first came to parliament, we were worried we might be arrested,” said U Ba Shin, a member of the Rakhine Nationalities Development Party, a major ethnic party that
won nine of the lower house’s 440 seats in the first general election in two decades in November 2010.

“Now there is less fear among the people. But many people still don’t know their rights or speak their minds in parliament. There is big room for improvement.”

Myanmar’s purpose-built capital, Naypyitaw, has been a curiosity since it was built from scratch seven years ago, a virtual fortress where the then-military rulers of the former Burma isolated themselves some 320 km (200 miles) from the largest city, Yangon.

Bestowed with manicured, heavily watered lawns and forbidding stone walls, Naypyitaw bears no resemblance to the rest of the country, one of Asia’s poorest, including nearby villages of mostly thatched wooden huts. Parliament’s 31 buildings with pagoda-style roofs are its main attraction. Its wide boulevards and streets are eerily quiet.

In addition to the lower house there is a 224-seat senate. There are also 14 assemblies spread across the country.

“DON’T BE SCARED”

But changes inside the Hluttaw, or legislative chamber, are at the heart of the most dramatic reforms since the army took power in a 1962 coup and ushered in five decades of unbroken military rule that ended with the 2010 elections.

Shwe Mann, speaker of the house and a member of the military-backed dominant party that won the election, encouraged lawmakers to speak their minds on at least three occasions in the second session of parliament, from August 22 to November 25.

Shwe Mann’s call for openness is in stark contrast to a year ago, when he was the powerful third-in-command of a much-feared junta that brutally crushed dissenting voices.

“He is trying very hard to put this democratic process in the parliament. He has been saying when we hold open voting ‘You can openly show your opinion. Don’t be scared’,” said Sai Saung Si, 65, a member of parliament from northern Shan State and vice-chairman of the Shan Nationalities Development Party, that won 18 lower house seats in the election.

Sai Saung Si regularly voices the concerns of his constituency, including illegal seizures of land by companies or the army that went on for years unchecked.

“In the past, it would get taken away and people wouldn’t know where to go to complain. But now we raise it in parliament. Seizing the land is not according to the law … they must give it back to the people,” he said in an interview.

Overtures by the government in recent months have included calls for peace with ethnic minority guerrilla groups, some tolerance of criticism, an easing of media controls, the legalization of labor unions and more communication with Nobel Peace Prize laureate Aung San Suu Kyi, who was released in 2010 after spending 15 of the past 20 years in detention.

But there is plenty of work to do and challenges ahead. Parliamentary politics is clearly a new phenomenon. Just ask the men in green.

Sitting on the right flank of the lower-house chamber are military men in fatigues. A quarter of lower house seats are reserved for the military.

And there are other conservative pockets of resistance to reforms, say legislators, although President Thein Sein stressed last week in an interview with the Washington Post that his government had “no intention to draw back” on reform.

“It is not at all impossible for the reforms to be reversed,” said Sean Turnell, an economist at Macquarie University in Sydney who closely follows Myanmar.

“There are significant groups that are in opposition to some of the reforms but overall we are in a very much different space than we were only a matter of six months ago.”

He described the first legislative session convened by the former military junta in January last year as “a mockery of a parliament.” But there were flickers of change in the second session after the junta formally ceded power.

“The second session started to behave like a parliament. It was no longer a vehicle purely of the president or the military. It had a degree of independence. We are looking now to the third session to see which one was representative — the first session or the second.”

BARRIERS TO PROGRESS

It is a crucial question for investors who see plenty of opportunities as Myanmar begins to opens up.

But barriers to progress are formidable: U.S. sanctions, an incoherent exchange rate regime, woeful infrastructure, weak investment laws, a crippled banking system, decades of mismanagement and a shortage of skilled workers.

“Economic reform, if anything now, is beginning to lag behind the political reform,” said Turnell, adding that investors were waiting for a long-overdue foreign investment-protection law to snake through parliament.

“We have yet to see it. I am a little bit worried about that. It is a law that needs to get through but there is still a little bit of debate about it.

“When something like that does pass, that will be quite a signal that real economic reform is under way.”

Some see that change happening if Suu Kyi wins a seat in the lower house in April by-elections.

“When she comes to the parliament, if she raises one issue, and this issue is very beneficial to the country, then who will dare go against it?” said Sai Saung Si.

In divided US politics, rare agreement on Myanmar
By MATTHEW PENNINGTON | Associated Press – 1 hr 2 mins ago

WASHINGTON (AP) — Partisan squabbling has hobbled the business of government in Washington, but on one foreign policy issue at least, Democrats and Republicans appear willing to set aside their differences and get things done. It is Myanmar.

The Obama administration has support from key Republicans to restore full diplomatic relations and contemplate easing sanctions against the country also known as Burma, reversing two decades of U.S. isolation of a reviled military regime.

Primarily that is because the president has political cover from a slight figure idolized on both sides of the political aisle in Washington: democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi.

“She’s really the key figure,” said Walter Lohman, director of Asian studies at the conservative Heritage Foundation think tank. “As long as they stay close to her, I don’t see any controversy.”

Standing up for Nobel peace laureate Suu Kyi has long been a pillar of Washington’s policy toward Myanmar. The administrations of Bill Clinton and George W. Bush both urged the military to honor the rejected 1990 election victory by Suu Kyi’s party. They pursued policies that left the ruling junta an international outlier.

That was an uncontroversial stance, backed by other Western governments, and a relatively painless one for Washington because of the limited American business and strategic interests in the country. In recent years, however, misgivings about emerging superpower China’s pervasive influence over its southern neighbor have given traction to the argument that the U.S. should be more engaged.

While there is far more bipartanship on U.S. foreign policy than on domestic issues, Myanmar is unusual to the extent that influential Republicans and Democrats alike appear on the same page as the White House. On other areas of foreign policy where there is broad agreement, differences in nuance and tactics cause divisions.

For example, the U.S. remains the staunchest international ally of Israel but Republicans accuse Obama of being too sympathetic to Palestinians. Despite billions in weapon sales to Taiwan, lawmakers of both parties have said it is not enough. Obama also faces bipartisan demands to punish China for keeping its currency undervalued.

The U.S. first applied sanctions on arms sales to Myanmar after its bloody suppression of a democracy uprising in 1988. Republican and Democratic lawmakers have since tightened restrictions to cover political, economic and trade ties, making them among the stiffest Washington has against a foreign government.

“In many respects, most of our major policy initiatives were designed and implemented by the legislative branches, so there will need to be partnership in place as we go forward,” Kurt Campbell, the top U.S. diplomat for East Asia, said last week.

The most prominent voice in Congress on Myanmar has been the top Republican in the Senate, Mitch McConnell, a staunch advocate of Suu Kyi’s cause for years. He has emerged an unlikely supporter of the administration’s engagement strategy, which has gained traction since the military staged fresh but flawed elections in November 2010, then freed the opposition leader and began releasing political prisoners.

After McConnell made his first visit to Myanmar this month, he praised the decision to exchange ambassadors with that government for the first time in more than 20 years, a significant endorsement as the U.S. ambassadorial nominee will need Senate approval.

McConnell wrote in a newspaper commentary that according to Suu Kyi and others he met, Myanmar appears to have made more progress in the past six months than in the previous five decades of military rule. He concluded it was too soon to lift sanctions but was open to rewarding the government for further reforms, saying he would take his cue from Suu Kyi.

It is unusual for McConnell to endorse an administration initiative with such enthusiasm, especially in an election year. During 2011, Republican opposition made it a struggle for Obama even to keep government running and raise the debt ceiling, and McConnell has said his single most important goal is the make Obama a one-term president.

Obama’s Republican rival in the 2008 presidential election, Sen. John McCain, visited Myanmar this week and struck a similar note to McConnell’s. Like the administration, both the Republican senators are watching to see whether by-elections April 1, in which Suu Kyi is a candidate, will be free and fair before deciding whether it is time to act on sanctions.

They also want to see more releases of political prisoners, an end to decades of ethnic violence and a severing of military ties with North Korea.

Even with their support, setting U.S. policy toward Myanmar will not be all smooth sailing. While some easing of sanctions can probably be conducted by executive order from the president, other steps will require approval by both houses of Congress.

Some in the Republican-controlled House have accused the Obama administration of moving too far, too fast.

The hawkish Republican leader of the House Committee on Foreign Affairs, Rep. Ileana Ros-Lehtinen of Florida, has called concessions to the military “grossly premature.”

Rep. Chris Smith, R-N.J., a dogged human rights advocate, voiced concern over alleged persecution of Christians in Myanmar. He told The Associated Press that while he was supportive of Suu Kyi, the U.S. should not be naive in its dealings with the government and “reward that which can be taken back in a heartbeat.”

Smith said the U.S. had normalized diplomatic and trade relations with authoritarian regimes in Vietnam and China only to see them crack down on activists afterward.

EU mulling 150-mln-euro aid package for Myanmar
AFP – Wed, Jan 25, 2012

The European Union is mulling a 150-million-euro aid package to help Myanmar’s new army-backed government continue on the path of reforms, EU diplomats said Wednesday.

A possible package, focused on health, education, agriculture and institutional capacity-building, was discussed by EU foreign ministers at talks in Brussels on Monday, said a source close to the matter who asked not to be identified.

At the talks, EU ministers agreed on the immediate lifting of travel bans on Myanmar leaders as a first step towards easing sanctions against the country of 60 million people.

Welcoming “the remarkable programme of political reform” undertaken by the nominally-civilian government, the 27-nation bloc said further positive steps on the road to political change “would lead to the further easing or lifting of the restrictive measures.”

It called for the unconditional release of remaining political prisoners “within the next few months” and the “free and fair” conduct of the April 1 elections, which will see a historic bid for parliament by democracy icon Aung San Suu Kyi.

At stake are embargos on arms deliveries, logging and mining while the assets of more than 900 firms and utilities have been frozen.

Myanmar hopes to usher in democracy
By ANI | ANI – Wed 25 Jan, 2012

New Delhi, Jan 25 (ANI): Myanmar’s Foreign Minister, Wunna Maung Lwin, on Wednesday said his country was moving ahead with democratic reforms and expected to see concrete and tangible steps from the western powers to ease its two-decade-long international isolation.

“The United States and the European Union have expressed recognition and support of the democratic reforms undertaken by the government of Myanmar,” said Lwin, while delivering a lecture at the Indian Council for World Affairs (ICWA) on ‘Myanmar: A Country in Transition to Democracy’ here.

” Now, there are signs that they are willing to review and reconsider to lift the sanctions and restrictions that they have unilaterally imposed upon Myanmar in the last 20 years. We welcome all these positive responses and hope to see concrete and tangible results as soon as possible,” he added.

Lwin urged that international community for assisting in Myanmar’s nation building process.

“At this critical juncture of national transition, the international community can best assist Myanmar by providing encouragement and support. We are willing and ready to work hand-in-hand with the international community in our nation building endeavors, as well as for the development, peace, and stability of the world,” he said.

Lwin said that there would be no derailment in their path to democracy and the reforms being undertaken by the government were irreversible.

“Myanmar has entered into a new era. The new constitutional government is pursuing a national goal of building a modern, developed and democratic nation in accordance with the will of the people. The reform process that we have started is irreversible. There will be no turning back or derailment in the road to democracy,” he said.

Asserting that Myanmar is working hard towards maintaining good ties with both emerging global giants-India and China, Lwin said: “So, we have a very good and historical and traditional relations with both of the countries. You can choose friends, but you cannot choose neighbours. So this is the story of Myanmar. So we have to be in good relation with both India and China.”

Meanwhile, reacting to Myanmar’s role in building parts of ASEAN highway, Lwin said that the country is working closely with both India and Thailand in this regard.

“(Link to) ASEAN highway and to the highway that leads to China also, so it is a very important highway. So we are discussing and cooperating very closely with India and Thailand,” said Lwin.

The ASEAN or Asian Highway (AH) project is a cooperative project among various countries in Asia and Europe aimed at improving connectivity systems in the region.

President Zardari’s Myanmar visit to promote bilateral relations: FO

ISLAMABAD, Jan 26 (APP): Recent visit of President Asif Ali Zardari to Union of Mynamar will promote bilateral relations and boost trade between the two countries. Foreign Office Spokesman Abdul Basit while giving details of the visit said, President Zardari held a meeting with the President of Myanmar Thein Sein and the two leaders exchanged views on bilateral, regional and international issues.

President Zardari called for enhancing trade between Pakistan and Myanmar and a preferential tariff arrangement, leading to a free trade agreement.

He proposed setting up a Joint Ministerial Commission to promote economic and trade cooperation between the two countries as well as collaboration in the oil and gas sector.

The President offered to Mynamar to send the Minister for Petroleum and Natural Resources for exploring prospects of meaningful cooperation.

He also called for consultations between the central banks of the two countries to study prospects of a currency swap arrangement for closer economic and trade cooperation.

The President suggested greater interaction between chambers of commerce of both the countries and offered to send a delegation of businessmen.

He expressed the hope that closer interaction between trade bodies would lead to establishment of a Joint Business Council.

President Zardari also offered to share Pakistan’s experience in poverty alleviation and women empowerment.

He said Benzair Income Support Programme had proved to be very successful and has been lauded by the international community.

President Zardari offered educational and training facilities for Myanmar’s youth in medical, engineering and business colleges in Pakistan, as well as courses for Myanmar’s diplomats at the Pakistan’s Foreign Service Academy.

The President proposed that besides parliamentary exchanges, the two countries should also establish regular consultations between foreign ministries.

He expressed the hope that Myanmar assuming the Chairmanship of the Association of South East Asian Nations (ASEAN) in 2014 would see the culmination of Pakistan’s quest for closer and more effective institutional relationship with the organization as Full Dialogue Partner.

The President also extended an invitation to Myanmar’s President to visit Pakistan.

During his stay, the President also met with the Chairperson National League for Democracy (NLD), Madam Aung San Suu Kyi.

President Zardari conferred Mohtarma Benazir Bhutto Shaheed Award on Madam Aung San Suu Kyi at a special investiture ceremony.

Later, the President paid a visit to the mausoleum of last Mughal Emperor Bahadur Shah Zafar.

Pakistan and Myanmar enjoy cordial relations since 1948, when Myanmar achieved Independence from Britain.

Financial Times (blog) – Myanmar: entering the brave new world of economic data
January 26, 2012 8:33 am by Gwen Robinson

But just like recent reforms on the political front, economists and long-time Myanmar-watchers gained some rare insights on Thursday into the fundamentals of the country’s battered economy.

A summary of a two-week multilateral study mission led by the International Monetary Fund contained a mini-treasure trove of basic data, for example, an estimated annual rate of GDP growth for the year to the end of March 2012 of 5.5 per cent and a projection for 6 per cent growth for 2012/13.

The government has variously claimed as much as 12 per cent annual growth in past years – patently untrue even if one does not believe earlier estimates by international agencies that more than a third of the country’s 60m population lives on less than one dollar a day.

Also revealing was the IMF’s estimate of annual inflation – which it said would rise to 5.8 per cent this year from 4.2 per cent in 2011 as the effect of food price declines wears off.

The critical issue, however, in the mission’s view is the country’s dual exchange rate system which has grossly distorted what economic data has been available.

The mission said:

“Myanmar has a high growth potential and could become the next economic frontier in Asia, if it can turn its rich natural resources, young labor force, and proximity to some of the most dynamic economies in the world, into its advantage.”

The mission is drawing up recommendations on economic reforms – seen as a precursor to the lifting of western sanctions on Myanmar if it meets criteria set by the US and EU for fair parliamentary by-elections on April 1, resolving ethnic conflicts and political prisoner releases.

Whatever the outcome, Myanmar watchers can expect a lot more data in coming months. And given that figures on just about everything have varied as wildly as the “unofficial” exhange rate – now about 850 kyats per dollar – versus “official” – at just 5 or 6 kyats per dollar, anything with the IMF imprimatur is bound to be more reliable than the alternatives.