Asian Correspondent – Dissent in Burma army ranks sparks disunity in new govt
By Zin Linn Jul 28, 2011 2:00PM UTC

Harsh conditions are being faced by the Burma Army’s ordinary soldiers and junior officers, especially after the recent decrease of supplies to their family members. The problem has caused several responsible commanding officers to tend resignations, the Shan Herald Agency for News (S.H.A.N.) said.

Among those commanding officers, Lt-Gen Myint Soe, Chief of the Bureau of Special Operations (BSO) ‘1’ also takes part. BSO ‘1’ which composed of more than 200 brigadier-generals and colonels, oversees security in Kachin, Chin and Sagaing regions.

The indirect protest from those military officers has brought “reformist” President Thein Sein and “hardliner” Vice President Tin Aung Myint Oo to meet head-on.

Thein Sein had reportedly asked “Naypyitaw”, believed to be the retired Senior General Than Shwe, to suspend all the military campaigns currently being waged in Karen, Shan and Kachin states, to relieve of the pressure before dealing with the problems of the rank and file, according to Shan Herald Agency for News.

According to President Thein Sein, Burma Army troops must be withdrawn away from the headquarters of the ethnic groups. But, Tin Aung Myint Oo thought the military operations, particularly against the Shan State Army (SSA) North, ought to continue and that the problems inside the Army could be resolved after receiving a loan from China.

“We must destroy the groups one after another,” one of the generals supporting Tin Aung Myint Oo’s view was quoted as saying. “And the total control of the SSA areas (west of the Salween) will enable us to defeat the Wa (east of the Salween).”

The United Wa State Army (UWSA) has reportedly ordered all of its frontline units on 24-hour alert along the Salween river, a shared border with its ally the Shan State Army (SSA) ‘North’. The UWSA have alerted all of its troops to be ready to defend Wa State, although they do not want war. They will not fire the first shot, said a senior Wa officer.

Throughout these days, several soldiers from Burma Army troops warring with the Shan State Progress Party/ Shan State Army (SSPP/SSA) in Shan State South have reportedly been deserting from the battlefields, local sources reported.

The disagreement between “reformist” President Thein Sein and “hardliner” Vice President Tin Aung Myint Oo were so bitter it seemed ‘Naypyitaw’ had become “too small for the two men to live together,” according to the source. “Both sides looked to Than Shwe to stick his oar in, which he did,” source said.  Thein Sein and Tin Aung Myint Oo have to stay in status quo helping unity of the armed forces. By doing so, Than Shwe advised, the unity of the Burma Army, should be maintained at all costs, the source said. The source said it has a document in possession to support his report, According to (S.H.A.N.).

Lt-Gen Yawdserk, leader of the Restoration Council of Shan State / Shan State Army (RCSS/SSA), better known as the SSA South, said the report corresponded to the situation on the ground. “Wanhai (the SSA North HQ) was supposed to have been taken last week,” he said. “But so far Burmese troops around Wanhai have not made any significant move.”

At the same time, troops from neighboring townships are being ordered to march toward Kehsi Township in Shan State South. Kehsi is 25 miles southwest of Wanhai.

The SSA South leader said his units had been engaged in ambushes against Burma Army convoys moving to Mongnawng, some 30 miles south of Kehsi, yesterday.

However, this war upon the ethnic population launched by Burma Army generates not only deserters from Burmese military but also victims from Shan villages.

Currently, political activists in Burma have been taking historic risks with a signature-campaign to release political prisoners and to stop the aggressive wars on ethnic people what they say is discrimination by the President Thein Sein government.

Currently, the military-dominated Burmese government and the Kachin rebels are in the process of signing a ceasefire agreement. KIO, a member of the ethnic alliance United Nationalities Federal Council (UNFC), has offered to stop fighting as a nationwide ceasefire. But Burmese authorities said they would negotiate cease-fire in Kachin State first.

Then in accordance with the example of Kachin State, they would try to achieve a cease-fire in other states, La Nang a spokesman for KIO said.

Some political analysts believe releasing over 2,000 political prisoners and stopping the aggressive wars on ethnic people are the most important topics to be addressed by the new ‘Thein Sein government’.

Releasing political prisoners and calling peace to armed ethnic groups would provide evidence to the international community that government is genuine about bringing about political change and embracing real democratic values.

News On 6 Tulsa – Burmese Refugees Receive Cultural Crash Course In Tulsa
Posted: Jul 27, 2011 8:22 PM PDT Updated: Jul 28, 2011 2:30 PM PDT
Lacie Lowry, News On 6

TULSA – Two thousand Burmese refugees are getting a cultural crash course.

Cing Leng Nuam said, “The difference between America and Burma/Myanmar is like heaven and Earth. The difference is so vast and I have to adjust a lot of things.”

Nuam has been here one month and had to leave her parents behind. She’s struggling with the language barrier.

So YWCA Tulsa is helping Nuam and others like her to adjust. The agency is among 33 others chosen by the United States Committee for Refugees and Immigrants to receive a grant that helps refugees resettle into American society.

Two thousand Burmese refugees have resettled in Tulsa.

Dr. Chin Do Kham is a cultural orientation teacher, and said “They come and the relatives will come and join and the relatives will invite their relatives to come and so the family circle is growing and growing.”

This will be the most stability they have known for a long time compared to Myanmar.

The YWCA said most of the refugees now in Tulsa came from refugee camps and are fleeing persecution from Myanmar’s military regime, one of the most oppressive in the world.

If they pass American security clearances they end up here on refugee status.

The fear of rejection is one of the biggest obstacles.

“The feeling of being a stranger is a very difficult thing,” Dr. Kham said. “No one will understand me and I won’t understand their language.”

The refugees receive temporary benefits like Medicaid and food stamps until they get a job. The transformation is quick.

“I feel more at home now. I feel more settled,” Nuam said.

She hopes her parents can join her soon.

Brisbane Times – It’s the swap to stop people smuggling
Kirsty Needham
July 30, 2011

Much depends on the asylum seekers deal with Malaysia, writes Kirsty Needham.

Immigration officers are waiting in a van parked in the shadows behind a busy kitchen off Kuala Lumpur’s bustling night-time street food market. A question to the driver on what they are doing draws a disarmingly matter-of-fact reply: ”Catching girls and taking them to detention camps.”

Their prey work illegally in restaurants or as cleaners and come from Burma, Bangladesh, Vietnam, Indonesia, Iran and Afghanistan.

A card from the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees gives them a get out of jail free card, however. ”We don’t catch them, they are refugees,” the driver says.

Refugees can wait months to be registered by the UNHCR, and even if issued cards, they are not permitted to legally work in Malaysia. But confusion reigns over whether illegal workers are also refugees, labels the immigration men use interchangeably.

It will be the men in the van who will play a pivotal role in the success or failure of the controversial refugee swap agreement signed on Monday by the Gillard government.

The media and political storm that would erupt if any of the 800 asylum seekers to be sent from Christmas Island are caught in a Malaysian immigration raid – and wind up behind razor wire, sleeping on a bare floor for months, eating rotten food and punished by being made to stand for hours with raised arms, or worse – would sink Labor’s efforts to cloak the swap deal with special protections.

The deal is signed but Australian officials admit the hard part will be what happens next. The 800 will sink or swim in Kuala Lumpur’s sea of downtrodden foreigners.

The federal opposition has noisily warned of canings and human rights abuses, contrasting Kuala Lumpur’s concrete jungle with the tiny Pacific island of Nauru, the Liberals’ preferred dumping ground for asylum seekers.

”[Julia Gillard] is trying to give a fig leaf of human rights to something which is completely dodgy,” the Opposition Leader, Tony Abbott, said this week, pointing out that the UNHCR had not put its signature on the deal.

Australia will accept 4000 refugees over four years from Malaysia in return for sending the next 800 boat arrivals to Malaysia for processing by the UNHCR, with Australia picking up all the $292 million cost.

The federal government says 80 to 90 per cent of boat arrivals start their journey in Malaysia, and sending them back will deter people smugglers and end potentially lethal boat voyages.

Human rights groups in Australia and Malaysia have slammed the government’s own ”trade” in people.

The UNHCR would prefer Australia to process boat arrivals in Australia, as expected under the Refugee Convention. But a UNHCR official stood on stage as the Immigration Minister, Chris Bowen, signed a document that has been partly shaped by the UNHCR’s insistence that key elements of the Refugee Convention are shadowed in the bilateral agreement.

A hostel-style transit centre will initially process ”transportees” within 45 days of arrival in Kuala Lumpur. After being fingerprinted, they will be flown to Malaysia within 72 hours.

Unaccompanied children will be treated as special cases. The International Organisation for Migration will do health checks, and then the 800 will move into the community. The Australian government will pay a month’s hotel and living allowance.

Importantly, an identity document will show they have work rights and can stay legally in Malaysia for the years it takes for UNHCR to assess their refugee claim and for them to be resettled in another country.

Refugees, already scrambling to survive in Malaysia, say these protections for the 800 are unfair.

”They will be treated quite differently,” says the vice-chairman of the Human Rights Commission of Malaysia, Khaw Lake Tee. ”There’s definite discrimination. We would like the same treatment to be extended to all refugees.”

The executive director of refugee rights group Tenaganita, Irene Fernandez, says the harsh urban reality in Kuala Lumpur means women are sexually harassed by employers or refugees have wages docked, because employees with no legal status cannot report them to police. The Malaysian government is considering extending work rights to refugees as part of a program to fingerprint all foreign workers, but nothing has been announced yet.

Children sent from Australia will have access only to community-run refugee schools. Khaw Lake Tee says the lack of formal education for refugee children in Malaysia is a problem affecting entire generations of Burmese, and the commission wants the Malaysian government to invite NGOs to offer services.

Thawng Lian Thang, 34, was walking home from the Baptist church at the other end of the night markets when police arrested him because he was not carrying documentation.

Thang had only recently arrived in Malaysia, fleeing Burma when the military wrongly suspected the farmer was involved with a rebel army. Such was the urgency for him to escape,

Thang left behind his wife and four children.

The Chin Refugee Committee, a community group caring for Malaysia’s large population of Burmese refugees, had issued him a card. Often this, or a bribe, will get a refugee out of the police station before they reach the notorious immigration detention.

But Thang had been robbed by a gang, who took the card and his savings. He spent seven months in detention and says the small and rotten food portions barely kept him alive. Released just six weeks ago, he now clutches a dog-eared letter from the UNHCR that he is desperate not to lose.

Thang is anxious about his family and desperate to get out of Malaysia and resettle in another country.

The Chin Refugee Committee’s Patrick Sang Bawi Hnin says it has noticed a fall in refugee arrests, and says the recent decision to pull the vigilante volunteer force RELA off the streets has been a tangible benefit of the international scrutiny the Australia deal has cast on Malaysia’s treatment of refugees. The Malaysian government has said it will be judged by the results of the deal.

Dr Fernandez says she does not believe the assurances the Malaysian government has given to Australia for preferential treatment of the 800. The only reason for the swap is to solve a political problem for Labor, she says; refugees won’t benefit.

The opposition spokesman for immigration, Scott Morrison, likes to spruik the latest tally – 230 boat arrivals since Labor was elected – across talkback radio, targeting listeners in the western Sydney marginal electorates that prompted the Gillard government’s shift to toughen border protection.

According to the minister, Chris Bowen, as of this week: ”I think it’s a very big call now for somebody to get on a boat and come to Australia.”

ZDNet UK – Most dangerous country online – Myanmar?
Liau Yun Qing , ZDNet Asia | July 29, 2011 8:02 AM PDT

A new Akamai study shows that the country Myanmar, which had never been ranked before, was the No. 1 source of Web attack traffic in the first quarter of this year..

Myanmar has become the No. 1 source of Web attack traffic worldwide as the Asian country makes its debut in a cyberthreat index covering the first quarter of 2011, according to new report (registration required).

Released Wednesday, the latest edition of Akamai’s quarterly “State of the Internet report” noted that Myanmar’s sudden appearance at the top of the chart was “certainly unusual”.

This was the first time the country placed in the ranking, which has a four-year history, noted the content network delivery provider. It added that the attacks from Myanmar seemed related to attack traffic in late-February and early-March which targeted port 80.

According to Akamai, Myanmar accounted for 13 percent of the observed attack traffic despite only targeting 25 unique ports, among which 45 percent of the attack were targeted at port 80. In contrast, the United States–ranked No. 2–accounted for 10 percent of attack traffic with tens of thousands of targeted ports. Attack activities from the U.S. were strongly indicative of general port scanning and not specifically-targeted attacks, said the company.

To round out the top 5 on the list: Taiwan ranked third, Russia fourth, and China fifth.

Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses: COMMENT
IDSA – Why Replace the Assam Rifles along the Indo-Myanmar Border?
Shivananda H
July 29, 2011

The Assam Rifles, which is deployed along the Indo-Myanmar border, was put in an awkward situation when the ministry of home affairs (MHA) proposed to replace them with the Border Security Force (BSF). The matter became a tussle between the MHA and ministry of defence (MOD) when the latter contested the proposal. The disagreement has been reportedly referred to the Cabinet Committee on Security (CCS) for an ultimate resolution. The issue became further complicated when it emerged that the army is demanding operational control over the Indo-Tibetan Border Police Force (ITBP) positioned along the Line of Actual Control (LAC) with China.

The Assam Rifles, the oldest paramilitary force in India (raised in 1835), is administratively under the MHA but operational control over it is exercised by the army (MOD). It was entrusted with the responsibility of guarding the 1643 km long Indo-Myanmar border in 2002, when its force strength was 30 battalions; it moved in to replace the BSF. Currently, the Assam Rifles consists of 46 battalions, of which 31 are deployed for counterinsurgency (CI) operations while the rest are tasked with guarding the India-Myanmar border, including the prevention of arms and drug trafficking.

The MHA is under the impression that the Assam Rifles, traditionally a CI force, has not proved to be efficient in this task while at the same time it is not guarding the border properly as well. According to media reports, the MHA has observed that the AR has not been able to check the trans-border movement of the Northeast militants from their bases in Myanmar. But, the MHA seems to have overlooked the fact that the Assam Rifles alone is not responsible for counter insurgency in the Northeast region.

Nonetheless, the issue of reshuffling the forces came up in April 2010 when the MHA informed the MOD that its was entrusting the BSF with responsibility for guarding the Indo-Myanmar border. It had also been found that most of the Assam Rifles’ posts were located much inside Indian territory and only a few posts were positioned near the zero line of the international border. The MHA has further stated that Home Minister P. Chidambaram had taken up the issue with Defence Minister A.K. Antony on several occasions and requested him to direct the Assam Rifles to move its troops right up to the zero line, at least along the vulnerable areas of the border. But, the Assam Rifles was unable to comply since it was faced with the problem of inadequate infrastructure including transportation. Interestingly, when the Assam Rifles sought an increase in its battalion strength, the MHA had refused to give the go-ahead and instead had asked the force to move right up to the zero point of the border as a precondition for the sanction.

The MHA argues that relieving the Assam Rifles from border duty would allow it to focus on CI operations. Further, the MHA has sought the implementation of the “one border, one force” doctrine of 2001, recommended by the border management task force formed after the 1999 Kargil conflict and the group of ministers’ report on reforming the national security system. But, interestingly, the deployment of the BSF in place of the Assam Rifles along the Indo-Myanmar border would be an additional responsibility for the BSF, which has just moved into the left wing extremism affected areas apart from continuing to perform its primary task of guarding the Indo-Bangladesh and Indo-Pakistan borders; even this is contrary to the “one border, one force” concept.

On the other hand, the MOD has opposed the proposal for moving the Assam Rifles from the border on the grounds that the force and the army would be deprived of its knowledge of the area and the operational experience it has gained in the region especially considering the potential threat from China. Sino-Myanmar military cooperation, which started with Myanmar’s purchase of arms including jet fighters, armoured vehicles and naval vessels in 1989, has become much deeper now. Myanmar has brought the Chinese to India’s eastern flank with the upgradation of infrastructure like dams, bridges, roads and ports including electronic-intelligence and maritime reconnaissance facilities. Recently, on May 13, 2011 the president of Myanmar, U Thein Sein publicly appreciated the military cooperation extended by China when the vice chairman of China’s Military Commission, Xu Caihou visited Myanmar. China’s interest in infrastructure development inside Myanmar along with its strategic military ties is also enhancing China’s military capabilities. The Chinese are keen to rebuild the old Stilwell Road and are developing several air fields as well.

Against the backdrop of this emerging security environment and further considering the vulnerability of the border areas, the MOD is justified in wanting to keep the Assam Rifles under the control of the army along the Indo-Myanmar border. The Assam Rifles also supplements the army’s combat capability since it is integrated with the latter’s overall operational role and profile. It is unique among the seven paramilitary forces in India and has a specialised knowledge of the Northeast environment. Known as the “the sentinels of the Northeast” and “friends of the hill people”, the force has performed commendably in various CI operations in the region and has in addition contributed to the uplift of the local tribes in the hostile remote border areas. Ninety per cent of the force’s officer cadre is on deputation from the Army; thirty per cent of its troops are recruited from the Northeast region; and the training and ethos are similar to that of regular infantry regiments. Since the Assam Rifles is commanded by officers on deputation from the army, any expansion of the force would mean the need for more officers; which is difficult to envisage given the massive shortage of 11,238 officers that the army suffers from.

Given that the Assam Rifles has been deployed in the Northeast since its inception, no other forces in India is more experienced or has a better understanding of the ground scenario. Therefore, replacing the Assam Rifles with the BSF along the Indo-Myanmar will be a sub-optimal option to ensure security in the region.

Kompas – Indonesian Proposed as Official ASEAN Language
Jimmy Hitipeuw | Jumat, 29 Juli 2011 | 15:25 WIB

JAKARTA, KOMPAS.com – The Indonesia-Malaysia Round Table Conference Indonesia has recommended Malaysian/Indonesian language as official language of ASEAN, like accepted by the ASEAN Inter Parliamentary Association (AIPA), an international relations expert said.

“The forum has made a recommendation, one of which for of the use Malaysian/ Indonesian language as official language in ASEAN,” Director of International Study Institute of FISIP (social and political science faculty), Syarif Hidayatullah IUIN Nazaruddin Nasution SH, MA, told ANTARA in Jakarta Thursday.

He said those taking part in the forum will make the recommendation while hoping heads of state of ASEAN give their approval at the upcoming summit. The Indonesia-Malaysia Round Table Conference in Kuala Lumpur on July 25 and 26 is sponsored by Foreign Policy Study Group (FPSG)- Malaysia and Eminent Persons Group (EPG)- Indonesia, the Indonesian Council on World Affairs (ICWA) and the International Study Institute/FISIP of Syarif Hidayatullah UIN.

The forum was attended by representatives of civil community organizations like academicians, MPs, non-governmental institutions and former diplomats of the two countries, and focused more on how to develop P-to-P cooperation in their second track diplomacy to strengthen G-to-G relations and cooperation. Nazaruddin, former Indonesian ambassador to Cambodia, said a commitment from Indonesia and Malaysia was necessary now that the chair is held by Indonesia.

Giving an example in regional organizations in America (OAS) Spanish had been used for a long time besides English. And the ASEAN Inter Parliamentary Association (AIPA) has recently even accepted Malaysian/Indonesian language besides English as the official language or the organization.

The members of ASEAN are Brunei Darussalam, Philippines, Indonesia, Cambodia, Laos, Malaysia, Myanmar, Singapore, Thailand and Vietnam, with a total population of close to 600 million. Indonesia gets a turn to chair ASEAN in 2011 and become host of the 18th ASEAN Summit in Jakarta in May 2011.

In relation to the formation of the the ASEAN Community 2015, the forum suggested Indonesia and Malaysia to set aside their differences and prioritize their similarities in facing bilateral, regional and international issues. Islam and democracy, territorial claim, problems of Indonesian migrant workers, culture and media reports as well as interparliamentary relations between the two countries are other serious issues in talks in the forum.

Those who spoke for Indonesia are Secretary of the Eminent Persons Group/EPG), Musni Umar Dean of FISIP UIN, Prof DR. Bahtiar Effendy member of the House commission I Muhammad Najib, former diplomat Ibrahim Yusuf from ICWA and Nazaruddin Nasution of the International Study Institute, and Jumhur Hidayat, chairman of the Indonesian TKI placement and protection agency (BNP2TKI).

Nazaruddin said further that the forum has issued a recommendation: to strengthen relations between peoples through various ways, like parliaments, NGOs, academicians, students and the masses, besides the efforts of the Indonesian and Malaysian governments.

It was also agreed to form of Parliamentary Caucus by the parliaments of the two countries, the formation of an Indonesia-Malaysia education foundation, and coordinate the handling of nontraditional issues, like human trafficking, terrorism and climate change.

Stuff – Burma’s glittering remnants
UTE JUNKER
Last updated 05:00 28/07/2011

It’s makeover time at the Yaza Mani Sula Kaung Hmu Daw Pagoda, one of Burma’s most sacred shrines.

Although the country is littered with temples and pagodas, this one is remarkable.

It’s been revered for more than a thousand years, not least because it houses a collection of venerated Buddha relics – a tooth, 11 pieces of hair and an alms bowl.

What really sets the Yaza Mani Sula Kaung Hmu Daw apart, however, is its design. The smoothly curved pagoda resembles nothing so much as a milky-white breast pointing into the sky.

This feminine touch is somewhat unexpected. Most of Burma’s shrines and temples follow a more masculine model: a simple white base with a golden spire thrusting proudly into the sky.

Unfortunately, this deviation came to the attention of the country’s then general-in-chief, Than Shwe. On a recent visit, he ordered that the pagoda be painted gold, upsetting local monks and scholars for whom the building’s clean white lines represent purity.

In this country, however, the general’s word is law. When we arrive at the pagoda, a troupe of workmen is suspended on ropes from its top, slapping on the gold paint. They look like insects crawling over the pagoda’s massive surface.

The work has just begun but it seems that the general has miscalculated. If the gold paint is intended to distract the eye from the building’s breast-like silhouette, it’s not working.

Quite the contrary. It still looks like a breast – only now, it looks like a breast belonging to an exotic dancer. Probably not what the general had in mind.

The tale of the general and the pagoda offers an insight into modern Burma. It’s a very traditional country: deeply religious, dedicated to maintaining centuries-old traditions, where beautiful religious buildings form the backdrop to everyday life.

However, it’s also a country that suffers at the hands of the capricious generals who have ruled for decades.

Most of the world knows little about Burma beyond those generals, whose mismanagement has reduced it to one of the poorest countries in the world. As a result, any visit to Burma is a journey of exploration.

From the temple-studded central plains to the gorgeous southern beaches, every day brings a new discovery.

Getting to Burma is not difficult: there are frequent flights from Thailand and the visa formalities are no more rigorous than those of many of its neighbours.

However, the country’s tourism infrastructure has a long way to go. Accommodation options are limited: Yangon has a number of international-standard hotels but once you leave the city they’re few and far between.

The roads are in poor shape and petrol is severely rationed. You can see a petrol station long before you reach it by the queue of cars stretching towards it. Fortunately, there is an alternative – take to the river.

The Ayeyarwady River has served as the country’s main highway for centuries, transporting goods and people between key towns and settlements.

Although navigating the Ayeyarwady can be unpredictable – ever-shifting sandbanks are a hazard, as is the river’s depth, which can vary as much as 12 metres from its wet season peak to the shallows of the dry – it offers a much quicker and more pleasant travel experience than the country’s dusty, potholed roads.

On the Ayeyarwady, every hour is peak hour. Small passenger boats dart from bank to bank, while flat-bottom barges carry heavy loads of wood and construction materials.

However, there’s plenty of room for everyone: at its widest, the river stretches 6.4 kilometres from bank to bank.

Our vessel is clearly the queen of the river. The Road to Mandalay is a luxurious, low-slung river cruiser that takes just 82 passengers.

The spacious cabins are equipped with satellite TV, and passengers can also take advantage of an alfresco bar and dining area, a fitness room and even a swimming pool, not to mention a program of lectures and cultural presentations, including dance and handicraft demonstrations.

You can even book an in-room massage. It’s a level of luxury that’s rare in Burma: throw in itineraries that showcase the country’s highlights and you have the perfect way to go exploring.

Our four-day itinerary takes us between two fascinating destinations: the central plains of Bagan and the country’s last royal capital, the city of Mandalay. Mandalay was founded in 1857 by King Mindon, one of the colourful rulers that stud Burma’s history.

Mindon is remembered as a moderniser – he encouraged his country to adopt the exciting developments of Europe’s Industrial Revolution – but also as a man with a great deal of charisma.

According to legend, Mindon managed to foil a planned putsch when he came face-to-face with the man commissioned to kill him. From force of habit, the would-be assassin followed protocol and dropped to his knees, dropping his sword at the same time.

Overcome by the king’s majestic aura, the assassin then underwent a spectacular change of heart and offered to help the king escape, giving him a piggyback ride back to the barracks where loyal royal guards were stationed.

Mindon also possessed something of a building fetish. Not content with building a sprawling royal palace, which these days has been partly requisitioned as an army barracks, Mindon created two of Mandalay’s most magnificent monuments.

The beauty of the Sandamani Paya – hundreds of white, gold-tipped spires stretching to the sky – is only enhanced by its apparent pointlessness. In fact, it’s a memorial to King Mindon’s brother, Prince Kanaung, erected after he was felled by assassins. Apparently, he didn’t share his brother’s personal magnetism. Conveniently, Mindon’s other spectacular construction is right next door.

The Kuthodaw Pagoda is another act of devotion, this time religious rather than familial. The pagoda’s 5.2 hectares are home to 700 shrines, each one protecting a weighty marble slab about 1.5 metres high and 1.1 metres wide. Each slab is inscribed with the sacred Buddhist text of the Tripitaka, an achievement that has led to Kuthodaw Pagoda being acknowledged (by Guinness World Records, among others) as the world’s largest book.

Mandalay might have been the last royal capital but it had plenty of predecessors. Burma’s turbulent history has been punctuated by a series of competing dynasties, each of which sought to establish its legitimacy by creating a new capital.

No fewer than three of these lie just a short distance from Mandalay – Innwa, Amarapura and Sagaing. Not that you would ever pick it. If you’re picturing eerie ghost towns centred around abandoned royal buildings, think again.

In Burma, a deeply Buddhist country, the use of brick has traditionally been reserved for religious buildings. All other buildings – even royal palaces – were made of wood. Whenever a king established a new capital, he raided the previous capital for building materials, dismantling his predecessor’s buildings to create his own.

As a result, most royal buildings have disappeared. What used to be glorious capital cities are now sleepy villages, where the only activity comes from dust-coated stone carvers churning out one Buddha statue after another. Amarapura has managed to maintain just one relic from its royal past: a 200-year old teak bridge that stretches 1200 metres across Taungthaman Lake.

The U Bein Bridge, distinguished by its gently curving form – designed to help it withstand the wind that can whip across the lake – still sees plenty of traffic, particularly at sunset.
While fishermen busy themselves in the water, labourers make their way home across the bridge, and ordinary Burmese – from teenage girls to monks to entire families – relax and exchange news.

Nearby, the town of Sagaing has done a slightly better job of clinging onto its glory days. Although Sagaing held the title of capital for only four years, it remains an important religious centre.

There are more than 500 monasteries, home to about 6000 monks and nuns, and plenty of temples to visit, including some old cave temples with murals that can be seen by candlelight.

From our mooring on the opposite bank of the river, Sagaing presents a beautiful panorama: a glittering array of golden spires topping white pagodas scattered throughout the lush greenery that covers the hill. It’s a magnificent sight, one that we happily drink in with our evening cocktails.

However, it’s worth making the trip across the river to explore at least some of the buildings close up. Many pagodas are linked by a network of paths winding up and down the hill, which makes for a pleasant wander.

One must-visit is the U Min Thonze, the 30 Caves Pagoda. The pagoda’s crescent-shape colonnade is lined with 45 identical Buddha statues – one for each year of the Buddha’s life.

The area around Mandalay is so rich in sights, it takes us a couple of days to explore them all. However, possibly the most spectacular sight in Burma lies at Bagan, a day’s cruise up-river from Mandalay.

Our visit to Bagan starts in a low-key manner. Mooring at Mandalay, the magnificence of Sagaing dominates your view; at Bagan, by contrast, the view seems to be an awful lot of nothing. But as we head out in our shuttle buses, we’re about to discover one of Asia’s most magnificent sites.

The Khmer empire that stretched across south-east Asia in the Middle Ages has left a number of impressive monuments, most famously the 11th-century complex of temples at Angkor. What few people realise is that the Khmers left another magnificent temple complex at Bagan.

Stretched across an area the size of Manhattan is an extraordinary collection of temples and pagodas, ranging from sprawling complexes to small, postbox-size constructions. The temple spires jut from the plain like a field of cactuses. Predictably, the project was kick-started by another of Burma’s quirky kings.

King Anawrahta, who came to the throne in 1044, seems to have been an impetuous sort. Formerly a Hindu, he was converted to Buddhism by a monk sent as an emissary by the Mon King. Anawrahta was so taken with his new faith, he asked the Mon King for a selection of sacred texts and relics in his possession.

The Mon King refused the request; a bad idea, since Anawrahta was not the sort to take kindly to being turned down. He marched south, conquered the Mons, and packed up an enormous train of carts containing not just the texts and relics but everything else he thought worth having: including Buddhist monks and scholars, and the Mon King himself.

Anawrahta then launched into a building frenzy that his successors continued right through until the decline of the kingdom in the 13th century, when Genghis Khan’s Mongol hordes swept in. Bagan was left a wasteland, reputedly haunted by ghosts, until the British moved into the area in the 19th century and rediscovered the amazing temples.

One could spend days exploring Bagan’s temples but even sampling a few of them gives a taste of the area’s splendours. At Mynkaba, Gubyaukgyi has some of the most spectacular wall paintings in Bagan. Every inch of wall space, as well as the ceilings, is covered with incredibly detailed, richly coloured scenes from Buddha’s life.

Sulamani Temple – in the middle of a sprawling paddock, where goats graze in the grass – houses four massive Buddha statues, as well as Indian-influenced murals featuring almond-eyed dancing girls wrapped in diaphanous clothing, palanquined white elephants, and even fleets of boats crewed by massive numbers of oarsmen.

Eerily, at almost all of these temples, we’re the only visitors. As yet, the only people to have discovered Bagan seem to be European backpackers: we occasionally drive past them, bicycling down the dusty roads on their way to the next temple.

The one time you’re likely to encounter other tourists is at sunset: it’s a Bagan ritual to watch the sun go down from the top of one of the temples. Shwe San Daw Pagoda is the most popular choice, so we opt to avoid the crowds by heading instead to Pagoda Dhamma Yazika, a large pentagonal structure set amid lush gardens.

Dhamma Yazika has a spooky reputation: it is said to be haunted by the 12th-century general responsible for its construction – proving that power-hungry generals have long plagued the country. Nonetheless, its elevated terrace makes a perfect sunset perch. Behind you, the massive gold-painted stupa has a rich, golden glow; in front of you, countless spires form elegant silhouettes across the plain. It’s magic.

Perhaps the most surprising thing we’ve learnt in Burma is that the country has as much or more to offer visitors than many of its better-known neighbours. If and when the country finally develops some decent infrastructure, it’s bound to become a major destination. My advice: get in now and beat the rush.

Trip notes

Cruising there The four-night Bagan-Mandalay trip can be done in either direction. Prices start from $2005 a person, twin share, and include all meals on board, entertainment and off-boat excursions, plus internal flights. 1800 000 395, orient-express.com.

When to go Burma has three seasons. The monsoon season (late May to mid-October) can be unpleasantly wet and the hot season (early March to late May) can be unpleasantly
warm. The cool season (mid-October to late February) is the ideal time to travel.

FIVE MORE PLACES TO VISIT
1 Kalaw This pine-fringed hill town is nirvana for trekkers. Choose from day hikes or multi-day treks. Visits to hill tribes are popular.
2 Inle Lake This 22-kilometre-long lake is home to 17 villages on stilts. Watch the local fishermen with their leg-rowing technique, visit a floating garden, or chill out in one of the lakeside temples.
3 Ngapali Beach South-western Burma is home to some spectacular white-sand beaches, including Ngapali, a great place to enjoy long lazy days and spectacular seafood.
4 Pyin u Lwin This colonial-era hill town is known as Burma’s strawberry capital. It offers plenty of local colour, from the Tudor-style cottages to the pony wagons that trot through town. 5 Namhsan Those who like to get way off the beaten trek will love Namhsan, perched high in the mountains. Accommodations are basic but the scenery is stunning.
- Sydney Morning Herald

Business Insider – Risk Investing from Myanmar to Florida
The Daily Reckoning | Jul. 27, 2011, 7:00 PM | 355 |

“Why don’t you move to Myanmar for six or eight months,” a friend suggested a few months back. “Seriously. You go down there, get a feel for the place, buy a bunch of beachfront
real estate and wait for the military junta to collapse. It’s a long term play, sure, and it’s pretty speculative. But it’s not as crazy as it sounds, really.

“Vietnam and Thailand have long been exposed to the region’s tourism industry,” he continued. “They’re already developed, more or less. But the real bargain in that part of the world has got to be Myanmar. It has an enormous coastline and, unlike Vietnam and Thailand, dynamite fishing hasn’t destroyed the coral reef there.

“There are literally hundreds and hundreds of miles of pristine, untouched beaches. It’s truly paradisaical…and paradises usually don’t stay untouched forever. Someone eventually comes in and makes good for the place. Then prices really go through the roof. Play it right and you could end up sitting on the next Phuket, the next Nha Trang. An entrepreneurial individual could really clean up. Think about it.”

We recalled this advice yesterday, while talking to another mate here in Vancouver. Our Vancouver friend was telling us about a real estate bargain in another risky part of the world: Florida.

“Four blocks from the beach…in Delray…three bedrooms…$75k,” he told us. “And there are plenty of others just like it.”

“Sounds like a bargain,” we replied. “But do you really want to dive into the US real estate market? Now?”

“In all honesty, I think we could see another ten, maybe fifteen percent drop in housing. But in places like Florida, like Nevada and Arizona, where prices have already come down so far, a drop of that magnitude isn’t going to break the bank.”

Good point. Depressed real estate in certain key parts of the US might offer a pretty attractive risk profile for property speculators. How far can a $75k house fall, after all? Provided you’re not loaded to the hilt with debt, provided you can cover up front expenses, settle in cash, a little bottom fishing might be a reasonable idea. Who knows?

But what do Burmese beachfront lots and Floridian vacation homes have to do with investing, you’re wondering? Quite a bit, actually. In many ways, it cuts right to the heart of this year’s conference theme – Fight or Flight: Your Capital at Risk. Do you stick it out at home, dig in your heals and “fight.” Or do you pack up your belongings and head for some exotic, dynamite-free zone abroad? Where’s the risk…and where’s the opportunity?

“I’m from The People’s Republic of California,” announced Rick Rule, perennial favorite at the Agora Financial Investment Symposium, from the podium yesterday. “You think there’s no political risk there? Or how about Australia, where they’ve decided that companies that invest decades of time and capital into bringing resources to market, often during periods of marginal profitability, must now pay windfall profits taxes for the privilege of doing business there. And that’s on top of all the usual taxes and bribes they must already pay there.”

Rick was making the simple but important point that risk profiles change over time. Places that were previously thought of as “safe bets,” as “market friendly,” may not be as safe and friendly as they first appear. These places would include Australia, much of the US and, as Rick put it, “Albertastan” here in Canada. Conversely, many frontier markets offer
opportunities most people will never take the time to investigate.

Doug Clayton, managing partner at Leopard Capital, echoed Rick’s point. Doug looks for opportunities in markets few people bother considering. He offered four “sunrise” economies in his presentation. All have attractive demographic trends, boast robust national resource profiles and offer cheap labor. And they’re all growing at about two or three times the pace of the world’s “developed” nations.

Doug made the case for, wait for it…Bangladesh, Haiti, Cambodia, and Ethiopia. Sound crazy? Good, Doug says. Who wants to buy into a popular market anyway? Isn’t that the whole point of investing, going were most fear to tread, getting in early and then cashing out when the herd arrives? Food for thought…

“So you’d spend a few months of the year in Delray?” we asked our mate.

“That would be the idea, yeah. We’re just looking at the moment, but there really are some attractive deals. We’ll see, I guess.”

“Worst case scenario,” added his wife, “we’ve got a vacation home in Florida, right by the beach.”

“Not terrible,” your editor agreed. “But tell me, have you thought about Myanmar?”

Bangkok Post – 1st Army commander denies choppers were shot down
Published: 29/07/2011 at 12:00 AM
Newspaper section: News

The First Army commander yesterday denied three helicopters that crashed close to the Thai-Burma border were shot down.

Lt Gen Udomdet Seetabut said there was no trace of spent ammunition at the crash sites in Kaeng Krachan National Park in Phetchaburi province.

The first two helicopters went down on July 16 and 19. A third crashed on Sunday.

“I insist that no one could have shot down our choppers in that area. We have good ties with the Burmese military. They have also given us help. As for ethnic militants, they are not in the area,” said Lt Gen Udomdet.

Some villagers heard gunfire from the Burmese side of the border after the second helicopter went down, which could have led to speculation, he said.

A Huey, a Black Hawk and a Bell 212 helicopter all crashed during rescue operations, killing 16 soldiers and one photographer, and injuring one soldier. Sgt Phatthanaphon
Tonchan, a mechanic who survived the Bell 212 crash after its tail rotor malfunctioned, said he did not think a bird strike was the cause.

He added the crash took place within 30 seconds of the rotor malfunction. Sgt Phatthanaphon said he only survived through the bravery of local people, who pulled him from the burning wreckage.

Sgt Phatthanaphon suffered injuries to his spinal cord which doctors say could take three months to heal. He expects to return to work in six months.

The Diplomat – Voices from Burma’s Gulag
By Simon Roughneen
July 30, 2011

Following are reflections from three of Burma’s recently-released political prisoners, all of whom are still inside the country and therefore request that pseudonyms be used.

Ko Zaw was one of 55 Burmese political prisoners freed as part of a controversial May 2011 announcement that saw almost 17,000 prisoners released from jail.

‘I was released on May 17 under the so-called amnesty,’ he says, after spending almost four years in Myingyan prison in Arakan State in Burma’s west, close to the border with Bangladesh. In a country that holds almost 2,000 political prisoners, where some sentences amount to almost a century of jail time, human rights groups and Burmese opposition figures criticised the releases, as most of those freed were nearing the end of their sentences in any case.

Mo Naing, another recently freed political prisoner, was accused of being one of the ringleaders of the 2007 ‘Saffron Revolution,’ a series of nationwide demonstrations against rising living costs that spiralled into a saffron-clad monk-led protest against military rule. Recalling the fait accompli that passed for his trial he said: ‘My lawyer wasn’t allowed to defend me at court, and in fact I was sentenced before the trial was finished.’

Mo Naing’s summary injustice was in contrast to the experience of U Tin, another of the recently-released contingent who was also caught up in the Saffron dragnet. He recounts that the trial period ‘took almost one year, and I had been tried every week since middle of December 2007,’ before finally receiving a nine-year sentence on November 11, 2008.

Jail conditions for Burma’s political prisoners are always harsh, according to accounts given by former detainees. U Tin recalls his time in the remote Hkamti prison, where he and the other detainees had to drink water drawn from a nearby stream as there was no other source of drinking water in the surrounding area. ‘There’s a gold mine nearby and the water is contaminated,’ says U Tin, ‘and there was no doctor at the prison.’

U Tin was transferred to Hkamti from the police battalion at Kyauktan township, south of Burma’s old capital and largest city Rangoon. Former United Nations human rights envoy Paulo Sergio Pinheiro was scheduled to visit the location during October 2007, but, prior to the envoy’s arrival, U Tin and the other detainees were moved to another police station.

U Tin believes this was a ruse, an attempt to convince the envoy that no civilians were arbitrarily detained during the Saffron protests and crackdown. UN human rights representatives are often refused entry to Burma, and when access to the country is granted, the envoys are given limited access to political detainees. Since calling for a Commission of Inquiry into possible war crimes in Burma, the current UN envoy, Tomas Ojea Quintana, has been refused a visa for Burma.

Remembering some of the violence meted out by the government’s security forces during that time, U Tin says, ‘I was beaten and arrested near the Shwe Gon Taing bus stop in Rangoon by Swan Arr Shin members,’ he says referring to the notorious faux-civilian hired-thug group, whose name translates as ‘Masters of Force.’ The government sometimes deploys the group to intimidate or even harm opponents.

The Mae Sot-based Assistance Association for Political Prisoners, which helped in the setting-up of these interviews, estimates that 10,000 Burmese may have been tortured by the country’s security personnel since an August 1988 student rebellion against the military government. Some political detainees escape this cruelty, however, even if prison conditions in themselves are harsh. Mo Naing says that ‘although I wasn’t physically tortured when I was detained in both prisons, I faced difficulties to receive health care as the authorities do not provide adequate health care.’

However, torture is a reality for many detainees. After his arrest in October 2007, at his home in Arakan State, Ko Zaw was tortured. He explains that he ‘was handcuffed and taken by motorcycle to the police station. I was continuously interrogated at night and in the day time from the time I arrived in police custody. I was also deprived of drinking water, meals, sleeping and I wasn’t allowed to have a bath. When I was interrogated, I was beaten hard on my ears, punched in my face and was told to stand up for a long time.’

U Tin says that the absence of the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) has made life tougher than it might otherwise be for political prisoners. The ICRC has suspended visits to political prisoners since early 2006, citing the State Peace and Development Council’s (SPDC) insistence that it monitor the meetings, a contravention of ICRC procedures and of international law. However, a recent visit to Burma by US Sen. John McCain seems to have opened the door for the ICRC, somewhat at least. McCain raised the issue in meetings with the Burmese government, and subsequently, state-run newspaper The New Light of Myanmar reported on July 7 that three ICRC officials visited three prisons on July 1 and 2, though political prisoners weren’t seen.

The SPDC was the name for the Burmese military junta prior to the establishment of a nominally civilian government in March 2011, after rigged elections in November 2010 produced a landslide win for the party formed by the SPDC – the Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP). Attempts by some of the tiny grouping of opposition politicians in Burma’s new parliament to promote a wider amnesty for the country’s political prisoners and prisoners of conscience have fallen flat, to date.

The freeing of political prisoners – who are deemed mere criminals by the Burmese government – is regarded as a litmus test of the new Thein Sein-led Government’s reformist intentions by some Western counterparts, who say they could relax sanctions against the country’s rulers if political prisoners are released. The country’s best known former political prisoner, Aung San Suu Kyi, was freed from house arrest on November 13, 2010. She has been warned not to get involved in political activity by the country’s rulers, and to date has made only one trip outside of Rangoon, to the spectacular Buddhist temple-laden city of Bagan.

Since the end of the opening session of parliament, some of the opposition parties, including the National Democratic Front (NDF), Democratic Party Myanmar, and the Peace and Diversity Party, have sought to stage demonstrations in support of Burma’s political detainees, but their requests to do so have been turned down.

The AAPP says that there are 1994 political prisoners and prisoners of conscience in jail inside Burma, of which a total of six have been jailed since the country’s November 7, 2010 election, with three of those incarcerated since the March 30 inauguration of a quasi-civilian government. In total, 111 political prisoners have been released to date during 2011. Aside from those amnestied, the rest of the 111 had completed their prison sentences.

Simon Roughneen is an Irish journalist currently in Southeast Asia. He writes for Financial Times, Los Angeles Times, South China Morning Post, Asia Times, The Irrawaddy, ISN, Sunday Business Post and others. He was in Mae Sot in June

The Irrawaddy – Italian-Thai Co Workers Flee Burma Conflict
By SAW YAN NAING Friday, July 29, 2011

Some 50 workers of the Italian-Thai Development Company (ITD) have fled from Burma to the Thai side of the border to escape fighting between Burmese government troops and Karen rebels that broke out near their work site on Thursday, according to various sources.

ITD, Thailand’s largest construction firm, is contracted to build the Kanchanaburi-Tavoy Highway, linking the western Thai town of Kanchanaburi with the Burmese coastal town of Tavoy [Dawei] as part of the multi-billion-dollar Dawei Development Project.

Local residents in Kanchanaburi said that the workers, most of whom are Thai and Karen, are now sheltering in a makeshift camp on the Thai side of the border in Kanchanaburi Province. They left all their equipment and many personal effects behind as they abandoned the site in haste.

No company workers have been reported killed or wounded in the crossfire, but sources said the construction camp was hit by artillery shells.

At least six Burmese government soldiers were killed during the fighting, said Karen villagers who had also fled to the Thai-Burmese border for safety.

Hostilities broke out close to the worker’s accommodations and the construction site known as Base 1, as Burmese government forces came under surprise attack from the Karen National Liberation Army (KNLA) Brigade 4, according to a report by the Thailand-based Karen News.

The construction camp is located near a government military base at Ah Leh Satone on the Thai-Burmese border.

An official from KNLA Brigade 4 told The Irrawaddy on Friday that a unit of KNLA soldiers from Battalion 10 ambushed government troops on patrol. The Karen guerrillas also burned down a temporary Burmese outpost along the Kanchanaburi-Tavoy highway.

ITD’s construction project at the Dawei Development Project was approved in March last year by the Burmese military government. The US $60 billion project includes a deep-sea port, a giant industrial zone, roads, railways, transmission lines, and oil and gas pipelines.

In early July, ITD workers on the Kanchanaburi-Tavoy Highway project were prevented from working by KNLA troops.

The KNLA has warned that construction should be stopped after local villagers complained that the mega-project would have a severe negative impact on the local population and the environment. Displaced villagers also said that they have not been compensated for the loss of their land.

The Irrawaddy – EC Chief Says NLD Threatened Junta with ‘Nuremburg-style’ Trial
By BA KAUNG Friday, July 29, 2011

Power was not transferred to Burma’s main opposition party, the National League for Democracy (NLD), when it won a landslide victory in an election two decades ago because the party allegedly threatened the country’s military leaders with a Nuremberg-style war tribunal, according to the head of the Union Election Commission (EC).

On Wednesday, EC chief ex-Gen Tin Aye told officials of political parties that took part in last year’s election that the NLD, led by Aung San Suu Kyi, was not given power following the 1990 election because the party had threatened to bring the then military leaders before a war tribunal.

Tin Aye was apparently referring to a comment by late NLD leader Kyi Maung, who said in early July 1990, about a month after the 1990 election that “here in Burma, we do not need any Nuremberg-style tribunal” when he was asked by a foreign journalist if the NLD would require putting the military on trial for past crimes.

Although Kyi Maung did not say that the military leaders would be tried if NLD party was allowed to form a government, the mere mention of a war tribunal angered the ruling generals, who had Kyi Maung arrested and sentenced to 17 years in prison.

The official reason the military leaders did not hand over power in 1990 was that the regime said the election was only intended to chose representatives to a committee to draft a new national constitution.

Just before last year’s parliamentary election, which the NLD boycotted, the former military regime officially nullified the 1990 election results.

In response to Tin Aye’s remarks, NLD spokesman Nyan Win said on Friday that the late NLD leader Kyi Maung never said that there would be a war tribunal.

More recently, however, the NLD has expressed support for a United Nations Commission of Inquiry into crimes against humanity and war crimes in Burma proposed by the UN human rights special rapporteur on Burma, Thomas Quintana.

The NLD was officially dissolved last year for refusing to take part in the election. Suu Kyi reportedly discussed the legal status of the party during her meeting with a senior Burmese minister on Monday.

Suu Kyi to spend three days in meditation centre in Rangoon
Thursday, 28 July 2011 17:53 Myo Thant

Chiang Mai (Mizzima) – National League for Democracy (NLD) General-Secretary Aung San Suu Kyi will go on a three-day retreat in a Rangoon meditation centre from Friday to Sunday, according to Win Htein, the NLD office chief.

“Starting Friday she will spend three days in the meditation centre at the Shwetaunggone Pannita Yama Monastery to practise meditation,” he told Mizzima. The monastery has three branches in Rangoon and he declined to identify the monastery, but some observers said it is believed to be the Shwetaunggone Pannita Yama Monastery at “10-Mile Hill” in Rangoon.  After her release from house arrest in November 2010, she donated food to monks in the Shwetaunggone Pannita Yama Monastery at “10-Mile Hill.”

Suu Kyi claims she was sustained during her long periods of house arrest by her Vipassana meditation practice, according to interviews with the media. Commenting on her long isolation, she said, “Isolation is not difficult for me. Maybe it’s because of my Buddhist upbringing.”

In an interview with the Shambhala Sun in the United States, she said she meditates because everybody, as human beings, “has a spiritual dimension which cannot be neglected. Overall, I think of myself as a very ordinary Burmese Buddhist who will devote more time to religion in my older years.”

Recently, Suu Kyi made a personal pilgrimage to Bagan, the ancient temple site in Central Burma, and was surrounded by several thousand local residents at a market. Large crowds routinely appear wherever she travels in public.

‘I will do as many good things as I can for my fans’
Friday, 29 July 2011 12:59 Mizzima News

(Interview) – Hip-hop singer and political activist Zay Yar Thaw, who was released from Kawthaung Prison on May 17, wants to create music that expresses people’s true feelings. His band, ACID, was the first Burmese hip-hop group. He was arrested in 2008 for forming an unlawful organization (Generation Wave) and for possessing foreign currency (Malaysian Ringgit). He was sentenced to six years in prison, which was commuted to four years. He was released under the presidential commutation earlier this year. Mizzima interviewed him about his prison experiences, pro-democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi and his social, political and art activities.

Question: Since you were released from prison, what activities have you been engaged in?

Answer: After I was released from prison, I provided help to the National League for Democracy on events and ceremonies held at the party’s headquarters. For instance, they held a 10-day music festival to mark Amay Su’s (Aung San Suu Kyi’s) 66th birthday. I helped them by using my musical skills. On July 19, to commemorate the 64th Martyrs’ Day, we displayed a collection of articles. I also volunteered for a blood donation group, BG school, the Sympathetic Hands Foundation, and I did some work of the Free Funeral Services Society led by Kyaw Thu and Shwe Zeegwat and the HIV/AIDS salvation centre for children, which is operated by writer Than Myint Aung.

Q: What are you current art activities?

A: Regarding art, there is a song, “Being Abstract,” on our album “Starting” that was released by our Acid Music band in 2000. The song was jointly written by Anagga and me and sung by me. We donated the song to the Free Funeral Services Society. And I helped the Free Funeral Services Society in an MTV project.

Q: After you were released, have your activities been monitored?

A: Honestly, I am not aware of it. They might watch me or not. I don’t think about whether they watch me or not. If I think about something I should do, I’ll do it. I ‘m not worried about it.

Q: What were prison conditions like for you and other political prisoners?

A: I’ve answered this question in interviews. In every country, the living standards of prisoners are lower than that of the people [living outside the prisons]. The living standard for average people in our country is very low, so I think I don’t need to describe how low the living standard is in prison.

Q: The government says there are no political prisoners.

A: If the government wants to establish a genuine democratic country and wants to be a democratic government, releasing political prisoners will be its primary task. Only if there are no prisoners who are detained for their beliefs and opinions will we be able to make the second step to seek national reconciliation. So I believe and accept that the first step is to release all political prisoners.

Q: After you were released from prison, why did you become involved in NLD activities?

A: My opinion on Amay Suu (Suu Kyi) is not personal worship. We just respect and emulate her sacrifice, her great attitude toward the people and her courage. I want to try to be a person like Amay Suu. But it’s not a kind of blind hero worship.

Q: Will you continue your NLD activities?

A: When I met with Amay Suu, I told her that she could invite me any time I’m needed. I’ll be ready to cooperate with Amay Suu at any time and at any place.

Q: Do you have any plans for projects to reach music and art audiences?

A: If news stories or something tug at my heartstrings, I’ll create music whether it can reach an audience or not. But, I will not create music with my former attitude: just to release a music album or perform in a stage show. I want to create music that can express people’s feelings: pain, hatred and hope.

Q: Are you banned from doing artistic activities?

A: Currently, I’m not banned. But I don’t know about the future. Meanwhile, I heard that my interviews with local journals were not allowed to be published by the censors.

Q: Does censorship of literature, music, film and other forms of art affect the creation of art?

A: If art were a seed and censorship covered it, a plant could not grow from the seed. And if an artist practices a form of self-censorship, his or her creation will be different. I do not mean we want to be totally free from censorship. But, I think the censorship should be relaxed to some extent.

Q: When you were released from prison, how did your friends in the artist community react?

A: Nearly all of my friends from the musicians’ community warmly welcomed me back. I think that although they might not do the right things, they respect and value those who do.

Q: What do you want to say to your fans?

A: I would like to say that I promise that whether I am allowed to create art or not, I, Zay Yar Thaw, will do as many good things as I can for my fans who are my benefactors.

Authorities give up plan to remove ancient Mrauk-U Buddha statues
Friday, 29 July 2011 17:53 Zwe Khant

Chiang Mai (Mizzima) – Because of local residents’ objections, President Thein Sein on Friday ordered the authorities to abandon their plan to remove ancient Buddha statues discovered in a Maruk-U pagoda to the Directorate of Archeology in Naypyitaw, according to MP Aung Tun Tha of Mrauk-U.

“President Thein Sein told us personally that the Buddha statues could remain in the Radana Man Aung Monastery in Mrauk-U,” said Aung Tun Tha.

President Thein Sein, accompanied by several ministers, arrived in Mrauk-U in two helicopters on Friday morning.  Aung Tun Tha, a member of the Rakhine Nationalities Development Party, met with his party and obtained Thein Sein’s consent.

On May 30, several dozen Buddha statues and other relics were found while a pagoda was being renovated at  Shwe Gu Daung in Mrauk-U. The largest Buddha statue, a Lawka Myinzu statue, weighed 4 viss, 64 ticals (16.7 lbs).

According to the Rakhapura.com local information Web site, the largest Buddha statue was probably from the 8th century. It was found along with 26 other small ancient statues on May 30. Around 5,000 residents gathered to protest the removal. The statue resembles images made in Sri Lanka during the 8th century CE.

Several thousand townspeople made a victory procession across the town with the statue after authorities agreed to follow the people’s wishes.

Kyaw Tun Aung, a retired deputy director of the archaeology department in Mrauk U, said, “Now the statue will be placed in the Radana Man Aung monastery in Mrauk U. We are going to build a monument inside the monastery to place the statue there. It is a great decision by the government authority to place the statue in Mrauk U.”

Local Mrauk-U residents said they were excited. “I think all Arakanese people will be happy,” said a resident.

President Thein Sein met with Arakan State government officials during his visit. His meetings did not include government officials in Mrauk-U.

DVB News – Armed groups urge Suu Kyi mediation
Published: 29 July 2011

A number of the targets of a letter sent yesterday by Aung San Suu Kyi that urged a nationwide ceasefire after months of heavy fighting in Burma say the calls are timely and welcome.

The opposition leader also offered to play a negotiating role between the Burmese government and multiple ethnic armies currently engaged in conflict in the country’s border regions.

La Nan, joint-secretary of Kachin Independence Organisation, whose armed wing the Kachin Independence Army, has been battling Burmese forces in the country’s north since early June, said that Suu Kyi’s message carried “great potential”.

“We have redistributed the letter to our leaders and are to hold a discussion prior to responding after everyone has read it,” he said.

Also included in the letter was the Karen National Union (KNU), the New Mon State Party (NMSP) and the Shan State Army (SSA), as well as Burmese President Thein Sein. As of today, no mention has been made of it in state media, the normal means by which the government communicates with the public.

The KNU’s deputy chairman, David Thackrabaw, was also enthusiastic about the letter. “We are mutual here and we accept [Suu Kyi’s call for] peaceful resolution to the conflicts – our door is always open.”

He added that the Nobel laureate should also urge support from the UN and ASEAN, given that various meetings and negotiations with the government towards an end to the fighting had so far failed. “So [this time] we might have to meet in a third party country.”

Suu Kyi’s offer of mediation is the first time she has mooted her possible role in bringing an end to the fighting, which has resulted in tens of thousands of people being displaced.

Nai Hongsa, general secretary of New Mon State Party, said a mediating role for the opposition icon could prove very beneficial. While the group “wants to have peace in the country” he said, “there are difficulties for us to meet and negotiate with each other so we actually need a middle person”.

Khin Maung Swe, leader of the National Democratic Force party, questioned whether Suu Kyi had discussed the matter during talks last week with the government’s labour minister, Aung Kyi, of which details have been vague.

Refusals from a multitude of armed ethnic groups to become government-controlled Border Guard Forces have led to parts of Burma’s northern and eastern border regions being engulfed in violence.