Rock star welcome for Suu Kyi on Myanmar campaign trail
By Aung Hla Tun | Reuters – 57 mins ago

WARTHINKHA, Myanmar (Reuters) – Tens of thousands of people lined the streets to give a rapturous welcome on Saturday to Myanmar Nobel laureate Aung San Suu Kyi as she hit the campaign trail for the first time in her bid to win a seat in the country’s parliament.

Riding in a convoy of three dozen cars and flanked by hundreds of motorcycles, Suu Kyi received rock star treatment from crowds of cheering, flag-waving supporters chanting “long live mother Suu” throughout her seven-hour crawl to the rustic constituency where she will contest April by-elections.

The leader of Myanmar’s pro-democracy struggle stood through a car sunroof, waving and smiling as dilapidated, overloaded trucks shuttled in the crowds, in an outpouring of excitement at a rare rally in a country tightly controlled for 49 years by an army that brutally suppressed activism.

“We need your strength, for the people,” Suu Kyi shouted to the crowd, much of which held aloft her picture alongside that of her late father and independence hero, Aung San who was assassinated when his daughter was two years old.

The decision to contest the by-election represents a giant leap of faith for Suu Kyi and her National League for Democracy (NLD) party after two decades being jailed, harassed and sidelined by the former junta, which made way to a nominally civilian government 11 months ago.

The NLD boycotted the widely flawed 2010 election but last year accepted an olive branch from president and former junta fourth-in-command, Thein Sein, who reached out to Suu Kyi. She regards the reform-minded ex-general as sincere and trustworthy.

The motorcade moved at a snail’s pace on a 56-km (35-mile) venture south of the commercial capital Yangon, weaving through bamboo-hut villages on bumpy, dusty dirt-tracks as farmers and children jostled to catch a glimpse of “The Lady,” as she is affectionately known.

Some 5,000 supporters in Warthinkha, a village of just 1,000 people, packed into a rice paddy to hear her rousing speech on a makeshift stage, her voice drowned out by bursts of applause.

‘ALL-OUT EFFORT’

“I call on the people to have confidence in us. The NLD has no magic power, but we will get to our desires soon with an all-out concerted effort, with the courage and ability to get over the struggle,” Suu Kyi told the crowd.

“There are so many struggles ahead, I recognize this not because I’m disappointed but just to say we need strength and reinforcement to overcome them.

“The journey we are on, with the people, is very rough but the destination we are headed for is peaceful.”

Her bid for a parliamentary role is largely symbolic, with only 48 seats up for grabs in the by-elections, meaning the NLD can only secure a tiny stake in the national legislature.

The last time the party contested an election was in 1990, when its landslide win was ignored by the junta. Suu Kyi did not run in the poll because she was under house arrest.

It remains to be seen exactly what Suu Kyi could achieve in a parliament stacked with military appointees and lawmakers allied with a party widely believed to have been formed and funded by the ruling generals before they stepped aside.

But the farmers who turned out in their droves believe Suu Kyi can be the decisive factor in transforming the country.

“I’ve never seen such a huge crowd. We’re very lucky she’s decided to stand in the election representing our village,” said mother of four, Naw Ohn Kyi, 59. “It’s like we’ve won the biggest prize in the lottery without even buying a ticket.”

Another villager, Sa San Thein, 35, added: “We were thrilled to hear Aunty Suu was coming. It’s just like a mother who left on a long journey, coming home unexpectedly.”

The elections will be closely watched by the international community as a litmus test of the government’s sincerity towards reforms, which have included the release of an estimated 650 political prisoners and ceasefires with ethnic rebel armies.

Diplomats expect the polls will be free and fair, despite irregularities in the 2010 election, because the participation of Suu Kyi, the charismatic darling of the West, would be a powerful endorsement of its fledgling democratic system.

A clean poll is also a pre-requisite for lifting of sanctions that are currently under review, as Western nations seek to bring the vastly underdeveloped but resource-rich country out from the cold after two decades of isolation.

Myanmar refugees tell of violence despite peace calls
By James Pomfret | Reuters – Fri, Feb 10, 2012

NONGDAO, China (Reuters) – In an obscure part of southwest China, a refugee crisis from one of the world’s longest running and least known conflicts in Myanmar is slowly unfolding, largely ignored by the outside world and denied by China.

Thousands of refugees bringing tales of rape and violence have flooded across the border into China, fleeing fighting between Myanmar government troops and ethnic minority Kachin rebels.

Conflicts between the Myanmar government and various minority rebel groups erupted soon after independence from Britain in 1948.

The Myanmar government is keen to end the violence as it introduces democratic reforms after five decades of iron-fisted military rule and as Western governments call for peace as they prepare to lift sanctions.

Concrete moves to end the conflicts is a condition for the full lifting of the embargoes.

While pacts have ended the fighting in most parts of Myanmar, the bloodshed has not stopped in Kachin state in the far north despite a call from the central government for an end.

Kachin state, a broad spur of Himalayan foothills wedged between China and India, has for generations produced some of the world’s finest jade, as well as opium and timber.

Now it is central to the energy plans of both Myanmar and China, home to hydropower dams and twin pipelines that will transport oil and natural gas to China’s southwestern Yunnan province.

In the town of Nongdao in a far western nook of Yunnan, talk of Myanmar’s return to democracy and the release of political prisoners ordered by President Thein Sein rings hollow to refugees such as Da Shi Jar Raw.

“They used big rockets to hit the villages and they burned the fields,” the 32-year-old told Reuters, describing attacks by government soldiers in the country also known as Burma.

“The Burmese soldiers are raping women and shooting children,” she said. “They killed a lot of mothers so we don’t dare go back.”

“TERRIBLE THINGS”

Labang Roi Tawng took her four young children and fled on a four-day trek in December to the border and safety at a camp in China of more than 500 people.

“The military were killing, shooting and raping people, doing terrible things, so we were very afraid and ran,” she said.

At least 10,000 refugees have entered China since fighting erupted between Myanmar’s military and the Kachin Independence Army (KIA) after a 17-year-old ceasefire broke down last June. Some Chinese media reports have put the number at 40,000.

“How long the fighting continues, we cannot say,” said Lahpai Zaulat, with the Kachin Relief and Development Committee at Longdao, another area where refugees have flocked.
“More and more will come,” he said of the flow of people fleeing, adding new huts were being built every week.

At one camp, where a mass of huts nestled between an open rubbish heap and farmland, organizers said refugees were arriving at a rate of about 10 a day.

Most of the Kachin villagers have fled to several areas along the fenceless border including Mai Jai Yang in Kachin state, and Nongdao, Longchuan and Leiji on the Chinese side.
The flow of displaced appears to be under control for now, with authorities grudgingly providing land for shelters.

Many refugees in two border camps visited by Reuters looked relatively healthy and well fed despite often dirty and crowded conditions in huts of plastic tarpaulin strung over bamboo.

But what baffles many Kachin is that President Thein Sein’s order for troops to end their offensives has fallen on deaf ears. The only explanation the government has provided is problems with communications equipment.

But few are convinced by that.

“The military has ignored government orders to stop fighting,” Khon Ja, a Kachin activist based in Myanmar’s commercial capital of Yangon, told Reuters.

“This should be the highest crime.”

Channels for dialogue with the KIA are open and talks are going on, but without any real progress.

“BORDER PEOPLE”

For its part, China, keen to secure Myanmar’s energy supplies and wary of an influx of displaced, officially denies the existence of the refugees. They are an embarrassment to a government which enjoys close ties with Myanmar and has stood by it in the face of Western sanctions.

“Remember these people aren’t refugees, they’re just here temporarily to escape the conflict,” said a Chinese government official in the border town of Ruili after police detained a Reuters news team for nearly five hours.

Chinese Foreign Ministry spokesman Liu Weimin, speaking at a

briefing on Friday, described the refugees as “border people” and said there were “not as many of them as outside reports say.”

“China has all along dealt with this issue in a humanitarian way, and has provided daily necessities,” he said.

China has been relatively tolerant in allowing the Kachin to stay, many without identity papers, sometimes in border towns among Chinese citizens who share the same ethnicity. But it is wary of allowing non-government organizations (NGOs) to help.

“The NGOs can’t come to help us because China doesn’t have any refugee laws,” said refugee Joseph Dabang. “Really we have tremendous trouble and we have no money.”

Many Kachin are Christian and Christian organizations are helping to run camps and supply rations.

In another camp, that spilt into a plantation, corrugated iron shacks were crammed with bedding and scores of children gathered at a school set up with plastic sheeting for walls.

Teacher Htu Raw darted between blackboards as she taught two classes at the same time, getting children to recite English words like “flower” and “cup.”

“I’m very sorry for the children so it doesn’t matter if I’m tired,” said the round-faced teacher as a room full of wide-eyed children watched her every move.

“Many of these children have lost parents. But these students are now my children.”

Myanmar MPs tackle first budget in decades
By Didier Lauras | AFP – 59 mins ago

Myanmar’s fledgling parliament is slaving over its first budget, a daunting task for the inexperienced body in a country where the army has long been used to dipping into state
coffers at will.

It has been almost a year since Myanmar, after decades of military rule, embarked on a political transition with a new nominally civilian government.

For the novice lawmakers in the nation’s twin-chamber parliament — dominated by soldiers and former military personnel — that means once impenetrable dossiers are now open to fierce debate.

“We have a broad framework but it is very complex,” said Aung Tun Thet, an adviser to the United Nations in Yangon, referring to the draft budget prepared by President Thein Sein’s government in December.

During the long era of successive juntas, the budget was prepared by the government alone.

“There was no assessment, no discussion, no dialogue. Now for the first time in many, many years, we have a chance to discuss the budget and its priorities,” Aung Tun Thet told AFP.

“It’s a very refreshing step forward,” he added. “It’s a demonstration of the checks and balances between the legislative and the executive.”

Although the army-backed ruling party holds an overwhelming majority, lawmakers have embraced their new-found power — debating laws, voting and shuttling bills between the two chambers.

Some of the spending plans will surely please the West. According to the Ministry of Planning and Development, the plan is to double the education budget and spend four times as much on health as in the last fiscal year.

It would be a welcome change. Myanmar has a record of committing just $7 per year per person to healthcare, a mere 1.8 percent of the total budget, one of the lowest health spending rates in the world according to a 2009 UN report.

But the government is also seeking to spend 15.33 percent of the budget on the armed forces.

“We cannot agree on what they asked for,” an opposition lower house member, speaking on condition of anonymity, said of the military spending request, accusing the government of comparing Myanmar with neighbouring countries “that are developed whereas we are not”.

“We cannot talk about it openly now as it’s a sensitive matter to discuss,” he told AFP.

If the draft budget is approved, the army’s slice would officially rise 50 percent to $2.35 billion compared to the previous year.

But debates are made even more difficult because the earlier budgets were never published, de facto considered as state secrets.

Aye Maung, an upper house representative and chairman of the Rakhine Nationalities Development Party (RNDP), one of Myanmar’s ethnic-based political parties, said he was ready to approve the request for more military spending.

“We can accept it. But we don’t know whether this number is realistic or not as we don’t know the previous budget.”

In 2009, defence intelligence organisation Jane’s Sentinel estimated the army budget to be around $1.5 billion.

“It is unlikely that even Myanmar’s military government can accurately calculate the full cost of the country’s armed forces,” it added in its annual report.

Experts concur that the army helped itself to the country’s funds for nearly half a century, notably profiting from a wide portion of the oil revenues.

Several of the highest-ranking officers belonging to the former junta, which relinquished power last March, consequently had their assets frozen under Western sanctions.

But cheerleaders of Myanmar’s recent reform efforts promise the army will not be given free reign in this year’s budget.

Toe Naing Mann, son of former junta number-three turned lower house speaker Shwe Mann, is one of them.

“The chief of the army does not want to participate in politics,” he said about General Min Aung Hlain, who is one year into his new job.

He said the military budget was quite high relative to Gross Domestic Product, but still rather low in real terms.

“Now, we can proceed with a revolution of military affairs,” he said. “We have to reduce armed forces, from quantity to quality.”

The money discussions are expected to last a few more weeks. The result will be the first budget debated in parliament since the first post-colonial military coup in 1962.

The discussion “provides a historic opportunity to redefine national spending priorities and bring fiscal transparency,” said Meral Karasulu, who headed an International Monetary Fund mission to Myanmar last month.

She welcomed the apparent willingness to boost health and education, and the prediction of a “moderate” fiscal deficit of about 4.6 percent of GDP, slightly down from last year.

“A prudent fiscal policy is essential to maintain macroeconomic stability,” she said.

US urges Myanmar to release detained monk
AFP – Fri, Feb 10, 2012

Buddhist monks walk in Amarapura, Myanmar. The United States urged the authorities …

The United States on Friday urged the authorities in Myanmar to release a prominent Buddhist monk who was one of the leaders of a 2007 anti-government uprising.

“We are deeply concerned that the Burmese (Myanmar) authorities removed U Gambira from a monastery” in the capital Yangon early on Friday, State Department spokeswoman Victoria Nuland told reporters.

“We urge the government of Burma to release him immediately and unconditionally and to provide clarification on the purpose of his detention,” Nuland added
Given the “government’s stated commitment to reform and democratization, we call on Burmese authorities to protect the fundamental freedoms of all its citizens, including all of
those recently released from detention,” she said.

The government’s release of about 500 political prisoners since October has been hailed by Western countries, which have long demanded the freeing of such detainees before they would consider lifting sanctions.

A quasi-civilian regime, which came to power in March last year after almost half a century of outright military rule, has impressed observers with its apparent desire to reform and open up to the outside world.

Gambira was one of hundreds of political prisoners released in January, cutting short a 68-year jail term imposed for his key role in the 2007 “Saffron Revolution,” which was brutally crushed by the former junta.

Since he was freed, Gambira has breached regulations by breaking into monasteries closed by the government after the mass monk-led demonstrations, a government official told AFP Friday on condition of anonymity.

Myanmar frees monk held for questioning
AFP – 13 hrs ago

Myanmar officials have freed a leading dissident Buddhist monk after a brief detention, his monastery said Saturday, following a call from the United States for his immediate release.

Gambira was taken away by authorities early on Friday and released that night, less than a month after he was freed from a jail term for his leading role in mass anti-government protests in 2007.

He was one of hundreds of political prisoners released in January, cutting short a 68-year jail term imposed for his key role in the 2007 “Saffron Revolution”, which was brutally crushed by the former junta.

Since he was freed, Gambira has breached regulations by breaking into monasteries closed by the government after the mass monk-led demonstrations, a government official told AFP Friday on condition of anonymity.

After questioning he was taken to senior monks who reprimanded him for his behaviour, according to the abbot at Maggin monastery in Yangon, where Gambira is staying.

“He was released by authorities last night after the senior monks spoke to him,” abbot Einda Ka told AFP.

After he was detained the United States said Myanmar’s authorities, who have recently impressed the West with reformist moves, should release Gambira immediately.

State Department spokeswoman Victoria Nuland said that given the “government’s stated commitment to reform and democratisation, we call on Burmese authorities to protect the fundamental freedoms of all its citizens, including all of those recently released from detention”.

Myanmar’s release of about 500 political prisoners since October has been hailed by Western countries, which have long demanded the freeing of such detainees before they would consider lifting sanctions.

A quasi-civilian regime, which came to power in March last year after almost half a century of outright military rule, has surprised critics with its apparent desire to reform and open up to the outside world.

A key sign of change has been the acceptance of democracy icon Aung San Suu Kyi and her National League for Democracy (NLD) party back into the political mainstream after more than two decades of marginalisation.

The opposition leader, who was released from house arrest soon after a 2010 election and has since been allowed to launch a bid to enter parliament, is running for office in April 1 by-elections.

On Saturday she begins campaigning in the rural constituency near Yangon where she is standing for a seat — the first time she has been able to directly participate in an election — and thousands of supporters are expected on the streets.

Observers and the international community are set to closely watch the upcoming polls after widespread criticism and accusations of cheating in 2010, and have called on the government to ensure they are free and fair.

The 2007 protests that landed Gambira in jail began as small rallies against the rising cost of living but escalated into huge anti-government demonstrations led by crowds of monks.

They posed the biggest challenge to military rule in nearly two decades, leading to a bloody crackdown by the authorities. At least 31 people were killed by security forces while hundreds were beaten and detained.

February 12, 2012 13:43 PM
Myanmar President Stresses Investment In Education Sector

YANGON, Feb 12 (Bernama) — Myanmar President U Thein Sein has stressed investment in education sector, saying that it is the best guarantee and most valuable for the nation’s future, Xinhua news agency reported official media as saying Sunday.

Thein Sein made the remarks during his inspection trip to the country’s northwestern Sagaing region on Saturday, said the New Light of Myanmar.

“Only when all youths become intellectuals and intelligentsia in the future, will the nation enjoy fruits of development,” he told Sagaing dwellers.

He disclosed plan to open an arts and science university in Sagaing and upgrade the region’s cooperative college and technological college to university level.

Noting that Myanmar saw its elected government and parliament on transition to democracy, the president said “In Myanmar, three pillars for the democracy of the parliament, the government and the judiciary body had been established and the country is beginning to take shape as a discipline-flourishing democratic nation.”

The government was also making all-out efforts for peace and stability to reduce pressure from outside and to make peace with ethnic armed group, he said.

As to the investment, he outlined three steps for considering making investment. The first is to establish business which can offer job opportunities as much as possible, the second is to establish factories which produce value-added materials for export instead of raw materials and the third is to establish business based on high technology.

Regarding foreign investment, he said the government had taken the interest of the people, the integrity and sovereignty of the country into consideration.

Asian Correspondent – Discrediting Panglong initiative, no reform will arise in Burma
By Zin Linn Feb 12, 2012 5:59PM UTC

Today is the 65th anniversary of the Union Day of Burma. It marks the signing ceremony of the ‘Historic Panglong Agreement’ between General Aung San and leaders of the Chin, Kachin and Shan ethnic groups guaranteeing a genuine federal union of Burma. However, Burma’s successive decision makers neglect the political contract between Burmese and the ethnic leaders of independence.

Even in the emergence of President Thein Sein government, the contract has been put aside since the cabinet has been dominated by former generals. Besides, Burma’s new 2008 Constitution distributes many problems for political parties, ethnic cease-fire groups and exiled dissident factions seeking some common initiative between ethnic groups and the current governments.

To address the interconnected ethnic problems, the current government must review the mistakes of past rulings and the political aspirations of the ethnic communities. The root cause of the nation’s ethnic political mayhem is the consecutive governments’ antagonism to a democratic federal union. The late dictator Ne Win, who seized power in a military coup in 1962, opposed sharing equal authority in a series of heated debates in the then legislative body.

Ne Win supported a unitary state over a genuine federal union. The Military Council headed by Ne Win declared that the military coup had taken place because of the “federation topic,” which he said could lead to the disintegration of the nation. Equality of ethnic minorities with the Burmese majority was to him out of the question. When Ne Win seized power, he demolished the 1948 Constitution.  At the same time, the Pang Long Agreement, which promised autonomy or self-determination of the ethnic groups, was broken and abrogated.

In actual fact, it is a fair demand for self-sufficiency among the respective ethnic minorities. No government should use guns to govern ethnic minorities. If one looks back to 1960-61, many leaders from ethnic states criticized the weakness of the constitution as well as the government’s failure to take in the political autonomy of the ethnic minorities.

They pointed the finger at the central government of not allowing the representatives of ethnic states to manage their own affairs in areas of the economy, judiciary, education, and customs and so on. The central government ruled the ethnic areas as vassal states.

Sen-Gen Than Shwe has followed the tradition of his predecessor Ne Win and Saw Maung, who both defended the single unitary state. “All the armed forces in the union shall be under the command of the Defense Services,” says section 337 of the 2008 constitution.” It means ethnic armed troops are under state control.

Under the 2008 constitution, the junta-sponsored Nov. 7 elections there are only 330 civilian seats in the 440-member House of Representatives whereas the remaining 110 seats are taken by military officials appointed by the commander-in-chief. In the 224-seat House of Nationalities, 168 Members of Parliament are elected and 56 representatives are appointed by the chief of the armed forces.

As published in the state-owned newspapers, the list of military personnel to serve as military representatives in the 7 State and 7 Region parliaments totaling 222.

Moreover, the junta-backed Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP) won a landslide in the polls which declared seizing 882 out of 1154 seats in parliaments. Remarkably, 77 percent of the parliamentary seats have been seized by the military-backed USDP in the 2010 polls which were distinguished for vote-rigging show.

Hence, several ethnic leaders asserted that they don’t have faith in the planned 2010 election where they are likely to have limited opportunities which is not likely to create a genuinely peaceful federal union as the Burmese armed-forces take 25 percent of all seats and also seize additional 77 percent through junta-backed parties in the latest parliaments as set by the 2008 Constitution.

In such a parliament, dominated by the military and former military, ethnic representatives have little or no chance to press the self-sufficiency and equal status issues in parliament. Authentic ethnic representatives, who are willing to push ethnic issues forward, have no opportunity to occupy enough seats in the military faction monopolized-parliament to form an effective coalition.

Without addressing and honoring the ethnic people’s demand for self-determination, the latest parliament-based government seems unable to stop political and civil strife throughout ethnic areas. In reality, ethnic people’s demand of equal rights is not a new one but already mentioned in the 1947-Panglong agreement.

Burma’s sixty-four year-old Historic Panglong Agreement has been ignored by the consecutive Burmese regimes. The said agreement has been disregarded by the military leaders as they did not support the ‘Federalism’since 1962. The Panglong Agreement was signed on Feb. 12, 1947, between General Aung San and leaders of the Chin, Kachin and Shan ethnic groups guaranteeing to establish a genuine federal union of Burma.

National reconciliation and ethnic self-determination are two sides of the same coin, and they must be addressed in the new parliament and in respective regional and state parliaments. If the current government failed to deal with the Panglong initiative or equal rights of ethnic minorities, its so-called political reforms will not be a meaningful process.

Bangkok Post – Myanmar’s rising drug trade
Critics say that the ceasefire agreements signed with ethnic armies are driven by a desire to capitalise on the country’s booming narcotics business not a desire for change and that the army and politicians are padding their coffers with the proceeds
Published: 12/02/2012 at 12:00 AM
Newspaper section: Spectrum

Professor Des Ball pushes plates of what is left of a roast duck and barbeque prawn dinner to the side as he spreads a large map across the dinner table and stabs his finger at a point where northern Thailand meets Myanmar.

”We’re talking thousands of tonnes of drugs being produced just across this border. In Myanmar there are so many military checkpoints and roadblocks. You can’t move that amount of drugs through a country that is as militarised as Myanmar without the government’s army knowing about it.”

Mr Ball works at the Strategic and Defence Studies Centre at the Australian National University in Canberra, and has been following and documenting the illicit drug trade in Myanmar for decades.

”I’ve been tracking not just opium, but also ya ba [methamphetamines] coming from Myanmar. During that time the amount of ya ba coming into Thailand reached as high as 800 million tablets. In 2009 and 2010 it got higher, closer to one billion. Myanmar is the largest producer of methamphetamines in the world and the second largest opium producer _ add the two together and Myanmar’s the largest narcotic state in the world.”

Media reports last month showed drugs from Myanmar are still flowing into Thailand. A drug bust on the outskirts of Bangkok netted a massive amount of methamphetamines coming from Myanmar _ 3,864,000 ya ba tablets and 71kg of ya ice (crystal methamphetamine) with a street value of more than one billion baht. A day earlier and close to where Mr Ball’s finger is firmly placed on his map, Thai soldiers shot dead two smugglers crossing from Muang Yon on the Myanmar side of the border to Chiang Mai’s Mae Ai district carrying bags containing 100,000 ya ba pills, eight kilogrammes of ya ice and some heroin.

Mr Ball, a founding member of the steering committee of the council for security cooperation in the Asia Pacific says that since 1996 the United Wa State Army has become one of the world’s largest and most powerful drug traffickers _ with the support of Myanmar army units stationed in border areas.

In a 1999 working paper, ”Myanmar and Drugs: The Regime’s Complicity in the Global drug Trade”, Mr Ball stated that, ”according to US government estimates, Myanmar receives between $700 million and $1 billion in foreign currency from heroin exports annually.”

A report published by the US Congressional Research Service (CRS) in 2010 _ ”Myanmar and Transnational Crime” _ states Myanmar’s ”illicit narcotics reportedly generate between $1 billion and $2 billion annually in exports”.

It’s been more than 12 years since Mr Ball’s initial report and he remains convinced that Myanmar government officials are still highly involved in the drug trade and at all levels.

”About 10 years ago, about 50% of Myanmar’s foreign exchange came from drugs. In recent years this has fallen, primarily because there are other forms of revenue such as gas and oil. Drugs are now less than 50%, but are still around 40%.”

Mr Ball says the Myanmar government does nothing to stop the drugs because it is making lots of money from it.

”The military government is still involved _ the two most relevant areas, the Golden Triangle and the North East Command are where the most opium and ya ba production takes place. The military units based there are intrinsically involved in the drug business _ they provide security through checkpoints, transportation, cross-border passes and extract taxes from farmers.”

Mr Ball says Mong Yawng on the Myanmar side of the border used to be the centre of the drug trade but it has now moved further east.

”Across the border from Ban Arunthai and for about a 60km stretch down the border to Pang Mah Pha on the Thai side is where drugs are now being trafficked across from Myanmar.”

Mr Ball says militia forces aligned to the Myanmar army are running mobile drug factories just across the border.

”They use up to 10 pickup trucks _ park them under the jungle canopy _ one provides power from a generator, another has a pill press to stamp out the drugs, one is a lab to mix the chemicals, another holds a communications setup and then there are trucks carrying soldiers for the security of the whole production facility.”

CEASEFIRE ARRANGEMENTS

Mr Ball explains that a major factor in the growth of opium cultivation and heroin production has been ceasefire agreements and business deals that the regime struck with most of the armed ethnic armies in northeast Myanmar.

”These were mostly arranged by Lt-Gen Khin Nyunt, who was No3 in the regime at the time. It is more than disingenuous for the Myanmar government to say they are not involved or making money from the drugs _ they’re up to their necks in it.”

Mr Ball’s position contradicts the recent report from the UN Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC) ”Southeast Asia Opium Survey 2011”, which credits the Myanmar government’s ceasefire agreements (since 1996) with armed groups that led to a reduction in opium cultivation. The UNODC report states, ”This paved the way for greater control by the government of opium poppy-growing regions and allowed the implementation of measures to reduce opium poppy cultivation.”

Mr Ball is contemptuous of the UNODC report. ”The explanations they provide are ridiculous. The UN has no understanding of the dynamics involved in the narcotics trade in Myanmar. This argument that the ceasefire groups have led to greater control over the drugs is absurd. We know the groups who have had the longstanding ceasefire arrangements are those who have the greatest motivation in the drug trade. Starting with the Wa, the Kokang, and various militia and Democratic Karen Buddhist Army factions. It’s part of the ceasefire deals _ on one hand you accept the control of the government and on the other hand you are free to engage in drugs.”

One man who agrees with Mr Ball’s criticisms of the UNODC and his assessment of the drug trade is Col Sai Htoo, assistant secretary-general of the Shan State Progressive Party (SSPP). Its armed wing, the Shan State Army, had a 22-year ceasefire with the former Myanmar regime.

Col Sai Htoo is prepared to name Myanmar army generals and militia leaders he alleges have close links to the drug trade.

”Myanmar’s president, Thein Sein, was the commander of the Golden Triangle region based in Kentaung 20 years ago _ he was very close to Yee Say and Ja Hsi Bo, [the] Lahu militia leaders and drug bosses.”

Col Sai Htoo explains how the Myanmar army helps vehicles carrying drugs negotiate their way through the many checkpoints and roadblocks in Shan State.

”The Myanmar army drives the lead escort car through the checkpoints and the drug cars follow _ nobody in their convoy is stopped.”
Col Sai Htoo says farmers make little money from drugs.

”In Myanmar the drug money goes all the way to the top _ they and the international drug gangs make the money. The Myanmar army has an understanding with the drug traffickers _ one eye open, one eye shut _ the top generals give orders to stop growing poppy, but it is only an order. When the DEA [US Drug Enforcement Administration], UN or other international agencies give money to Myanmar to eradicate drugs, the money goes straight into the pockets of the generals.”

The CRS report, ”Myanmar and Transnational Crime”, concurs with Mr Ball’s and Col Sai Htoo’s position that the ceasefires aided the drug traffickers rather than controlled them: ”Recent ceasefire agreements in other border regions have not markedly improved the situation; instead, these ceasefires have provided groups known for their activity in transnational crime with near autonomy, essentially placing these areas beyond the reach of Burmese law.”

Col Sai Htoo says he is surprised, considering the evidence, that agencies such as the UN continue to rely on the government’s support to carry out their drug surveys. ”Drugs in Myanmar don’t go down, production keeps going up. If they are serious about stopping the drugs, do what Thailand did 20-years-ago _ set up a programme to educate and support farmers to grow alternative crops _ the government has received millions to stop drugs [donated by international agencies], but none of it gets to the people.”

Col Sai Htoo said he is willing to talk to any agency if they are serious about stopping the flow of drugs. He says his ceasefire group does not grow poppies or benefit from the drug trade as the SSPP has had an anti-drug policy since 1973. The SSPP has just signed another ceasefire agreement with a Myanmar government ”peace talks” delegation.

”We recently signed an agreement, but for a ceasefire only and for the Myanmar army to withdraw from our territory. Despite the ceasefire the Myanmar army is still fighting in our area _ it seems the government has a problem _ its army is not following its orders.”

Col Sai Htoo warns that stopping drugs in Myanmar will not be easy.

”There’s no rule of law in Myanmar. Who has the most guns has the most power and who in Myanmar has the most guns?”

LOCAL KNOWLEDGE

Community-based organisations such as the Palaung Women’s Association (PWA) and investigations by the Shan Herald Agency for News question the reliability of the UNODC drug surveys, claiming they rely too much on ”eradication reports and ground truthing” of satellite imagery by the Burmese military and police personnel.

The PWA’s 2011 report ”Still Poisoned” found that since Myanmar’s 2010 national elections opium cultivation has increased significantly. The PWA’s general-secretary, Lway Nway H’noung, says opium cultivation across 15 villages in Namkham Township has increased by a staggering 78.85% in two years. These villages are under the direct control of government paramilitary ”anti-insurgency” soldiers.

At the PWA office located on the Thai-Myanmar border Nway H’noung points to a photograph of ”Panhsay” Kway Myint, the recently elected member of parliament for Namkham, and alleges he is the most ”prominent militia leader and drug lord in the area”.

Kway Myint is a member of Myanmar’s ruling party _ the military-backed Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP).

Nway H’noung acknowledges that Kway Myint did make good on his election promises.

”He promised people who voted for him that they could grow opium for five years and they can. He is the leader of the Panhsay People’s Militia, a drug lord and now a government MP. His militia can be seen growing opium and they have the biggest acreage in the area. Kyaw Myint has close links to the Myanmar army Light Infantry Battalion 144.”

Nway H’noung is sceptical that since Myanmar’s elections the government’s reforms have done a lot for citizens and says it is more a case of how low the bar has been dropped by international groups on what is acceptable to allow them to engage with the government.

Nway H’noung gives an example of how the drug trade in her area has allegedly increased since the 2010 election.

”In the 2008-2009 poppy season the total cultivation across 15 villages in Nakham was 617 hectares. In the 2010-2011 season it had almost doubled to 1,109 hectares _ that’s a 78.58% increase. Most of the opium cultivation in Namkham occurs in the areas under the control of MP Kyaw Myint.”

And Nway H’noung accuses the Myanmar army of running tax gates at Namkham checkpoints. ”Everybody going through has to pay. A charcoal seller said after he paid the tax he’d never sell enough to make it worth working _ he asked the soldiers if he could go back home and not have to pay … He was made to pay.”

The Shan Herald Agency for News ”2011 Drug Watch Report” alleges that seven USDP members of parliament are also key drug lords. Khuensai Jaiyen, the editor of the Shan Herald Agency for News, has been reporting on Myanmar’s drug trade for more than 20 years and names the seven as _ ”Liu Guoxi in the national assembly, Ho Xiaochang [aka U Haw and Haw Laosang] in the people’s assembly, Khun Myat in the people’s assembly, Kyaw Myint [aka Win Maung] in the Shan State Assembly, Keng Mai in the State Assembly, Bai Xuoqian [aka Pei Hsauk Chen] in the Shan State Assembly and Myint Lwin [aka Wang Guoda],” Khuensai Jaiyen adds that, ”all seven are either militia or Border Guard Force leaders”.

Khuensai Jaiyen says the international community and Asean have been conned by the government’s assertions that it runs aggressive crop substitution and drug eradication programmes.

”In Shan State there are 55 townships. Only 11 can claim to be reasonably poppy free. Out of those eleven, seven are along the Chinese border and under pressure from Chinese authorities not to cultivate poppies, the rest grow poppy.”

Khuensai Jaiyen accuses the Myanmar army of providing security for the drug manufacturers.

”Refineries in Punako, Monghsat townships, opposite Thailand’s Chiang Rai, are guarded by Myanmar army Light Infantry Battalions 553 and 554. The Myanmar army local units know their rice pots are in the poppy fields. When on a poppy destroying mission they get paid for not destroying the poppies or for destroying poor quality fields chosen by the growers.”

Khuensai Jaiyen explains that ”tax scales for growing are fixed locally with the understanding that poppy fields will be left alone by the army and, in the event that they have to be cut down in order to satisfy Naypyidaw’s public relation needs, the farmers will be informed in advance so they have time to select suitable fields that are either poor or already harvested.”

”2011 Drug Watch Report”, states that in Namkham, in northern Shan State, each village is required to pay as much as 300,000 kyat (9,250 baht) to the Myanmar army to be allowed to grow opium.

The CRS report ”Myanmar and Transnational Crime” points out that the level of corruption in Myanmar is rampant among authorities.

”The US State Department and other observers indicate that corruption is common among the bureaucracy and military in Myanmar. Myanmar officials, especially army and police personnel in the border areas, are widely believed to be involved in the smuggling of goods and drugs, money laundering, and corruption.”

THE OPIUM FARMERS

Across the northern Thai border, layers of hills stretch, buckle and blur into a distant Shan horizon.

A single plume of smoke rises white against the vast green landscape. A thin dirt track scars the closest mountainside before disappearing over a ridge.

Sai Wun, an opium grower, points to burnt scabs of hillside that are being readied for poppies and explains why he grows them.

”If we grew other crops like vegetables to sell _ there’s no road, no market _ how could we survive? We get no support from the government to grow vegetables, but if we grow poppies the army comes to our place to buy it.”

Sai Wun planted 120 hectares of poppies last year on the side of Nong Khang and says it was a bad year for him and his family.

”The rains came too early and there was too much of it. Poppies need cold. It’s not the terrain high or low, but the cold that’s important _ if your teeth are chattering, it’s going to be a good crop,” Sai Wun said.

Sai Wun has been farming poppies for more than 10 years and says this is the third time the Myanmar army has supported the growing.

”In the past we had to hide, now we don’t, we even build huts in the middle of our fields to sleep in. The Myanmar army controls our area together with a Lahu militia. The Myanmar army are our main investors, we sell 100% of our opium to them, they won’t allow us to sell it to outsiders or traders.”

Sai Wun explains that the militia comes to the farm to buy the opium resin.

”Before we start growing, the Myanmar army visits the headman to offer loans. The militia in our area is given orders from Myanmar army Infantry Battalion 579 who controls the area. We get paid 25,000 baht for 1.6kg of opium _ the price is low compared to what farmers get in other less isolated areas _ that price includes the army’s tax.”

Despite the rate, Sai Wun says it is hard work growing poppies.

”You need good soil, you need to weed three or four times, no watering, we rely on the mist, there’s enough moisture in it _ a bit of rain just before cutting is good. We scatter seeds on the cleared land, when it takes, we sort the plants into rows to give them room to grow.”

Leaving Sai Mun, the Myanmar army and militia camps behind and driving 100km east along the Thai-Myanmar border. Passing Chinese graveyards, tea plantations and crashed pickups we arrive at a meeting point to talk to three opium farmers from the Shan towns of Mongton, Mongpan and Namzang. Interviewing people involved in the drug trade generates a certain amount of paranoia and a need for secrecy, but the farmers interviewed for this story discussed the difficulties of growing opium and said that if they didn’t have it to grow, they wouldn’t be able to feed their families.

Mist rolled over the mountains and down into steep valleys, swirling around the hillside village cutting visibility to less than 50m.

Nai Saw, squats on the concrete floor, sips at a hot, black tea held in his work-hardened hands and says he paid the Myanmar army tax on his poppy crop for 10 years.

”I paid them direct. Some years they came three times, it depended on the officers and how much they needed. I was caught between two army battalions, IB 66 and LIB 246. The soldiers also come and demand chickens, pigs and even rice _ I had to give to them.”

Nai Thi sitting next to Nai Saw chips in, ”10 years ago we were paid 3,000 baht on the border to sell to Khun Sa, we had to deliver it to him, now the buyers come all the way to us. I had four rai [0.64 hectares] and in a good season I can get 40,000 baht for 1.6kg. I had to pay the Myanmar army 200,000 kyat tax for each rai.”

Nai Thi explains how the tax system works: ”Each group or village that is growing is assigned to collect the tax. The village headman takes the money to the army camp and pays the officers, or in some cases it is given to the militia who pass it onto the army. You can’t refuse to pay.”

Farmer Wai Ta, 73, says his soil is poor and he harvests lower-quality opium.

”Last year was bad for me I only got 20,000 baht for 1.6kg. My quality was so low they needed to double the weight of my opium compared to that of other farmers to get just one kilogramme of heroin.”

The three farmers laugh and exchange looks when I ask them to clarify the role of the Myanmar army in the opium production.

”It’s a stupid question _ if the Myanmar army say don’t grow it, we can’t grow it _ it’s that simple. If there’s no buyers, villagers wouldn’t grow it.”

ArabNews – Reforms bring hope, but challenges remain in Myanmar
By RICHARD JOHNSON

THE RECENT wave of reforms in Myanmar has had a positive impact on the people of what was popularly known as Burma, but serious challenges remain and must be addressed to improve the human rights situation and deepen the country’s transition to democracy, according to a senior United Nations official.

The UN Special Rapporteur on the human rights situation in Myanmar, Tomás Ojea Quintana, in fact warns: “There is a risk of backtracking on the progress achieved thus far.”

Concluding his fifth mission on Feb. 5, he said: “At this crucial moment in the country’s history, further and sustained action should be taken to bring about further change.”

“Moving forward cannot ignore or whitewash what happened in the past,” noted Ojea Quintana from Argentina, who was appointed by the UN Human Rights Council in May 2008. As Special Rapporteur, he is independent from any government or organization and serves in his individual capacity.

“Facing Myanmar’s own recent history and acknowledging the violations that people have suffered will be necessary to ensure national reconciliation and to prevent future violations from occurring,” said Ojea Quintana. It remains his firm conviction that justice and accountability measures, as well as measures to ensure access to the truth, are fundamental to the process.

The UN human rights expert said that the upcoming by-elections on April 1, 2012 will be a key test of how far the government has progressed in its process of reform. “It is essential that they are truly free, fair, inclusive and transparent,” he stressed, revealing that he had been informed that “the use of international observers was under consideration.”

Prior to its assumption of the Chairpersonship of Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) in 2014, he said, “I would encourage Myanmar to demonstrate concrete progress in improving its human rights situation. The international community should remain engaged and should support and assist the government during this important time.”

Since his last visit in August 2011, he said, there had been a continuing wave of reforms in Myanmar, the speed and breadth of which has surprised many international observers and many in the country. The impact of these reforms on the country and on its people is immediately perceptible.

During his latest six-day mission to Myanmar, Ojea Quintana not only held talks with government ministers, members of Parliament, the attorney-general, the Supreme Court’s chief justice, and representatives of the Union Election Commission. He also met with Nobel Laureate Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, daughter of Burma’s independence hero Aung San, members of the recently-established National Human Rights Commission, and representatives of civil society organizations and ethnic parties.

During his mission, Parliament was meeting in its third regular session and was discussing a number of important issues, including, for the first time, the country’s budget. Legislative reforms were under way, including a new draft media law which he was told would abolish censorship and provide some guarantees for the freedom of opinion and expression.

Campaigning for the by-elections scheduled on April 1 had begun in earnest and Suu Kyi’s activities and statements were covered in the national media. She remained under house arrest for almost 15 of the 21 years from July 20, 1989 until her release on Nov. 13, 2010.

An initial agreement had been reached with another armed ethnic group and negotiations continued with others, Ojea Quintana said. “It was therefore important to assess the human rights situation in light of these developments and at this key moment in Myanmar’s history.”

He also met with three prisoners of conscience in Insein Prison, as well as with released prisoners of conscience, including members of the 88 Generation Students Group, some of whom he had previously addressed in his reports or had visited in prison.

He added: “While I was informed that prison conditions had generally improved, I also received allegations of continuing ill-treatment by prison officials and the continuing transfers of prisoners to prisons in remote areas, often without their prior notification and without proper notification of family members.”

The UN Special Rapporteur said the information he received of remaining prisoners of conscience being held not only in Insein but also in other prisons was of particular concern. “I therefore reiterate that the government should release all remaining prisoners of conscience without conditions and without delay. This is a central and necessary step toward national reconciliation and would greatly benefit Myanmar’s efforts towards democracy,” Ojea Quintana said. He pleaded for “a comprehensive and thorough investigation” to clarify “continuing discrepancies in the numbers of remaining prisoners of conscience from different sources.”

He also faulted insufficient attention being paid to ensure the effective implementation of the newly-promulgated and reformed laws. “There is also a lack of clarity and progress on reviewing and reforming the laws that I have previously identified as not in full compliance with international human rights standards, such as the State Protection Law, the Electronic Transactions Law and the Unlawful Associations Act,” said Ojea Quintana. “These laws impinge upon a broad range of human rights and have been used to convict prisoners of conscience,” he added.

The UN Special Rapporteur said regardless of efforts made to reform legislation, an independent, impartial and effective judiciary within the powers of the Constitution is needed to uphold the rule of law and act as a last guarantor for safeguarding fundamental freedoms and human rights in Myanmar.

The judiciary is also essential for Myanmar’s transition to democracy and should play an important role in ensuring checks and balances on the executive and the legislative. He urged the judiciary to seek technical assistance from the international community, particularly the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR) and other organizations.

During the mission, the UN human rights expert also had the opportunity to engage with members of the National Human Rights Commission for the first time since its establishment by Presidential Decree in September 2011. He was informed of some actions undertaken by the Commission, including prison visits, visits to internally displaced persons (IDPs) in Kachin State, the northernmost state of Burma where, according to Human Rights Watch, the country’s armed forces have committed serious abuses against ethnic civilians.

Concerns regarding the ongoing tensions and conflict with armed ethnic groups in border areas, particularly in Kachin State, were consistently raised during Ojea Quintana’s mission.

He said: “I received reports of violations being committed by all parties to the conflict. While I welcome the government’s commitment to peace talks and the progress made in this regard, such as the agreements reached with various groups, including most recently, the Mon, it is vital that these allegations and reports be urgently addressed. I was informed that action had been taken on some cases involving military personnel, but much more needs to be done. It is also vital that the authorities and all armed groups ensure the protection of civilians in conflict-affected areas.

Ojea Quintana said he was encouraged to hear that the resources available to the National Human Rights Commission may be increased significantly, including an increase in the number of staff supporting its work.

He said: “Despite these positive developments, I am concerned that there are no indications as yet that the Commission is fully independent and effective in compliance with the Paris Principles. At present, it seems that the Commission cannot fully guarantee human rights protection for all in Myanmar. I was informed that the Commission’s draft rules of procedure were being examined by the judiciary, and were awaiting the approval of the Council of Ministers. This sends the wrong signal that the Commission is not fully independent from the government.”

Also, he was informed that its prison visits were dependent on presidential authorization.

Monsters and Critics – Myanmar president warns of “jungle law of superpowers”
Feb 12, 2012, 6:32 GMT

Yangon – Myanmar President Thein Sein on Sunday urged unity in keeping national defence strong and warned of the ‘jungle law of the superpowers.’

‘The entire nation needs to join hands in building powerful, competent, patriotic modern armed forces,’ he said on the 65th anniversary of Union Day.

‘If defence of the nation is weak, the nation will face the jungle law of superpowers,’ the former general warned.

Thein Sein, who became president in March, has pushed through several political reforms such as cooperating with opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi and freeing an estimated 600 political prisoners.

On February 12, 1947, Suu Kyi’s father Aung San met with leaders of ethnic minority groups in northern Myanmar to unify the country as it headed toward independence from Britain, achieved in 1949.

The resulting Panglong Agreement is still celebrated as Union Day, although it failed to end Myanmar’s ethnic minority insurgencies that still pose an obstacle to peace and political stability.

Suu Kyi and her National League for Democracy on Saturday began campaigning for 48 legislative seats in a by-election scheduled for April 1.

The Nobel peace laureate is expected to win a seat and become the opposition leader in parliament. There is even speculation that Thein Sein might give her a cabinet seat.

Western democracies are regarding the by-election as a crucial benchmark for the reform process. If free and fair, some sanctions against the country are expected to be lifted.

‘The entire nation will be overjoyed to see a democratic contest in the elections and equal participation in state affairs,’ Thein Sein said. ‘It can be seen that the new government is showing respect to people’s voices and fulfilling their aspirations.’

Monsters and Critics – ASEAN chief expresses concerns about Myanmar reforms
Feb 12, 2012, 3:43 GMT

Yangon – The secretary general of the Association of South-East Asian Nations expressed concern Sunday about business exploitation of Myanmar at the expense of its people.

‘I’m worried about all these people who are already gathering in Bangkok and Singapore and who are bent on exploiting Myanmar’s resources and opportunities,’ Surin Pitsuwan said in an interview with the Myanmar Times.

Myanmar, which was under military rule during 1962-2010, has undergone significant reforms since President Thein Sein took office in March, sparking optimism that the long-isolated country is heading toward a more democratic system and open economy.

Western governments have imposed sanctions on Myanmar since 1988, but are now considering lifting them to reward Thein Sein’s reforms.

Surin, who will visit Myanmar on February 19-22, raised concerns that a rush of foreign investment might lead to unequal benefits.

‘What friends of Myanmar need to do, is make sure that we remind Myanmar’s leaders that it is the welfare of the people that counts most,’ he said.

‘The entrepreneurial spirit must not overshadow the need for schools, hospitals, utilities, clean water and so on. We do not want the opening up to bring more inequality and more disruption.’

The elected government is pro-military and packed with ex-army officers. The military establishment that has run the country for decades is well-positioned to benefit most from an influx of new foreign investments.

Surin, a former Thai foreign minister whose five-year term as ASEAN secretary general will expire this year, also noted questions about the durability of Myanmar’s reform process.
‘We would like to see the signal of change from the top being translated down to every government agency. It needs to be reinforced and developed, it needs to be seen,’ he said.

Myanmar will chair ASEAN in 2014, for the first time since in joined the regional association in 1997. The 10-nation bloc groups Thailand, Myanmar, Cambodia, Vietnam, Indonesia, the Philippines, Laos, Brunei, Singapore and Malaysia.

Asian Tribune – Burma draws a new media law, but based on the old
Sun, 2012-02-12 01:43 — editor
By – Zin Linn

Burma Media Association (BMA) released a press statement on 9 February concerning the new media law put forward by the Burmese government last week. BMA says that government’s new media law may not guarantee freedom of press, as well as freedom of expression.

Myanmar Writers and Journalists Association and Singapore-based Asia Media Information and Communication Centre (AMIC) jointly organized a two-day (January 30-31) media development workshop at Inya Lake Hotel in Rangoon, the state-owned New Light of Myanmar newspaper said on 1 February.

According to Mizzima News, heads of the BBC, VOA Burmese services and editors from Mizzima News participated in this media workshop. Also more than hundred domestic journalists and news editors took part in the conference.

The new media law, drafted by the Ministry of Information’s Press Scrutiny and Registration Department (PSRD) was introduced at a media workshop jointly organized at the end of January by Myanmar Writers and Journalists Association and Singapore-based Asia Media Information and Communication Centre (AMIC).

Even though local journalists, foreign-based Burmese journalists and journalists from Asian countries were invited to the two-day event, the participants didn’t get a chance to thoroughly discuss the fundamental nature of the law.

According to Oslo-based Democratic Voice of Burma (DVB), Mr. Tint Swe, the deputy director general of the PSRD only presented the Table of Contents of the draft law but not the
subject matter of the law. According to the BMA, sources close to the PSRD told that the draft law itself was adapted from the Printers and Publishers Registration Act enacted after the military coup d’état by Ne Win in 1962.

BMA analyzes the draft media law that it should not be based on the notorious Printers and Publishers Registration Act of 1962 which is a synonym of oppression against the press.
“We need a fresh start,” the BMA’s chairman Maung Maung Myint said.

The BMA urges the government to abolish the 1962 Printers and Publishers Registration Act, and completely overhaul the laws that restrict freedom of expression, such as the 1950 Emergency Provisions Act, Article 505/B of the Criminal Code and the 1923 Official Secrets Act.

On 10 February, International Federation of Journalists (IFJ) issued a press release in support of BMA’s statement on Burma’s new media law. IFJ says that Burma’s new media law needs to ensure press freedom.

“It is important that any new media laws introduced by the government of Burma improve press freedom, and provide greater freedom and security for journalists”, IFJ Asia-Pacific Director Jacqueline Park said.

The IFJ joins the BMA in urging the government of Burma abolish the 1962 Printers and Publishers Registration Act, and associated laws designed to restrict freedom of expression, such as the 1950 Emergency Provisions Act, Article 505/B of the Criminal Code and the 1923 Official Secrets Act.”

In its press release BMA also highlights, “Although Reporters Without Borders’ Press Freedom Index 2011 ranked Burma a slightly better position (169th) than in 2010 (174th) as a result of political reforms including partial amnesties and a reduction in prior censorship, it remained largely under the control of an authoritarian government run by former members of the military junta reinvented as civilian politicians. At least seven journalists still remain in prison at the start of 2012.”

In August parliamentary session, Thingangyun Township’s Member of Parliament Thein Nyunt submitted a proposal to the People’s Parliament to revoke the 1950 Emergency Provisions Act that was adopted under the pretext of an on-going civil war at the time, along with criminal laws relating to it, according to Democratic Voice of Burma (DVB)’s news dated 31 August 2011.

Thein Nyunt’s proposal was discussed and voted in the parliament; the results showed there were 336 votes against, 8 in favor and 41 abstaining votes, quoting MP Pe Than of Myebon Township in Arakan State, DVB reported.

The said law is widely used by the Burmese government to discriminate against political activists and journalists.

Without ensuring freedom of the press, no one will believe the reform made by the government as a genuine process. As the press is the fourth pillar of a democratic country, Burma must abandon all its unfair laws and regulations that oppressed the freedom of expression.

February 12, 2012 5:59 am
The Financial Times – Myanmar reformist era enters new phase
By Gwen Robinson in Yangon

Myanmar’s reformist era entered a new phase as de facto opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi kicked off her campaign for a parliamentary seat in a poor rural area south of Yangon.

Ms Suu Kyi has visited several parts of the country ahead of the official start of campaigning for an April 1 by-election for 48 parliamentary seats.

But her first official appearance as a candidate, in the constituency of Kawhmu on Saturday, highlighted what one diplomat described as her “metamorphosis from icon to politician”.

In baking heat, Ms Suu Kyi stood in an open car sun-roof, smiling and waving to cheering crowds as her convoy of 40 cars and hundreds of motorcyles crept for seven hours along the bumpy, 31km-route to Kawhmu.

The journey, which normally takes two hours, was broken by a rousing speech in a rice paddy where she told a jubilant crowd of more than 2,000: “The journey we are on, with the people, is very rough but our destination is peaceful… we need your strength, to overcome the hurdles together”.

In a crucial test, Ms Suu Kyi’s National League for Democracy party is contesting all 48 seats in the by-election for the 664-seat combined houses of parliament. The seats were vacated by MPs who joined the government after the 2010 polls.

Western governments have made the fair conduct of elections a condition for lifting sanctions against Myanmar, along with the resolution of conflicts with ethnic rebel groups and the release of political prisoners. Diplomats and human rights groups estimate that 300-400 political detainees remain in prison.

One Yangon-based diplomat cautioned on Sunday that “free and fair elections are not just about polling day”, and said Western governments would closely monitor the campaign process.

Media attention has overwhelmingly focused on Ms Suu Kyi, but at least 19 other parties are fielding candidates in the April poll.

Despite expectations Ms Suu Kyi will sweep into parliament, “it’s important to remember this is not a one-woman democracy”, said Khin Maung Swe, a founder and leader of the National Democratic Force, Myanmar’s second-largest opposition party.

However, NDF members will support Ms Suu Kyi and her MPs in parliament “if their policies are good for the country,” Mr Khin Maung Swe said. After all, “this is the time for state-building, not power fighting”.

With a national member base of about 10,000, the NDF is tiny compared with Ms Suu Kyi’s NLD, which had to re-register as a party for the April 1 by-election after boycotting the 2010 general election. NLD organisers estimate they have so far signed up about 500,000 members.

It is a deeply ironic moment for Mr Khin Maung Swe and the NDF. A political detainee for 17 years, he was an ardent NLD supporter but led a breakaway group in a bitter split after Ms Suu Kyi urged the electoral boycott in 2010.

The NDF won a total 16 seats in parliament and regional legislatures in that poll and is the only mainstream opposition party to hold more than a few parliamentary seats. This time, it will contest just 12 of the 48 seats.

? An activist Buddhist monk and former political prisoner who was a leader of the “Saffron Revolution” uprising in 2007 was released on Friday night after a brief detention by the authorities. Shin Gambira, 32, was taken from a monastery in Yangon for questioning by police early Friday morning after reports he had tried to break into monasteries shuttered after the protests. He was jailed in December 2007 for 68 years but freed last month in a sweeping amnesty for political prisoners.