Myanmar’s Suu Kyi calls for China openness amid clampdown
Mon May 30, 7:42 am ET

HONG KONG (Reuters) – Myanmar pro-democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi urged China’s Communist leaders on Monday to be more open and tolerant amidst a heavy clampdown on dissidents and government critics in recent months.

“My message to China’s leaders will be very simple,” said Suu Kyi who was released after years of house arrest last November by Myanmar’s military junta and is widely seen as a voice against political repression worldwide.

“China is a great country, the Chinese people are a great people with a marvelous and long history behind them. They can afford to take more steps, they can afford to be daring, they can afford to allow room for all kinds of opinions,” said Suu Kyi during a video conference with an international audience at the University of Hong Kong.

With Myanmar subject to widespread international sanctions, China has remained its biggest economic and political ally and has maintained a no strings investment policy.

Myanmar, a former British colony also known as Burma, is widely considered to have one of the world’s most autocratic governments despite releasing Suu Kyi and holding elections last year that were widely criticized as a sham.

Uprisings across the Arab world have made Chinese authorities jittery about any sign of instability and several prominent dissidents have been detained in recent months.

Suu Kyi’s comments come days before the 22nd anniversary of a bloody crackdown in and around Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in 1989, when Chinese troops were ordered to fire on pro-democracy demonstrators.

The previous year, the military in Myanmar crushed a student-led protest movement.

While any public commemoration of June 4 is banned in mainland China, pro-democracy groups in Hong Kong are gearing up for a candlelight vigil that organizers expect to draw an especially large turnout given the ongoing clampdown.

“I don’t think that we should despair,” said Suu Kyi. “The Chinese people are so interested in economic progress that they have not quite reached the political side of the matter. I think that will come, and perhaps sooner than people imagine.”

As for her own plans, Suu Kyi said she intended to make a trip around Myanmar in the next month or two to meet supporters, but she declined to give details.

On the Middle East uprisings and whether they might hold lessons for Myanmar’s long struggle for democracy, Suu Kyi said it was too early to deem such populist uprisings a success, though she said she was against foreign military intervention of the kind seen in Libya.

“This is not something that we particularly want (in Myanmar). What we want to achieve is national reconciliation.”

Myanmar’s new president Thein Sein, who took office last month, is seen as a stooge for former junta supremo Than Shwe and analysts expect little change.

Western governments are pressing for reforms and the release of hundreds of political prisoners in Myanmar.

Time Magazine – Burma’s Suu Kyi Announces High Stakes Political Tour
Posted by Emily Rauhala Monday, May 30, 2011 at 10:11 am

Pro-democracy campaigner Aung San Suu Kyi confirmed Monday that she’s planning a visit to Burma’s provinces this summer. “I hope to be able to travel out of Rangoon in the month of June, as soon as I have got rid of all the work that has piled up,” she said in a video conference hosted by Hong Kong University. The Nobel Laureate has spent almost 15 of the last 21 years under house arrest.

The tour, if it proceeds, would be her first trip since her release last fall and, indeed, her first sojourn since a pro-Junta mob ambushed her entourage as she toured the countryside exactly eight years ago. Several of her supporters were killed in the May 30, 2003 attack; Suu Kyi, who initially fled, was apprehended and detained. “The generals saw her crowds growing larger,” a diplomat told TIME after the incident, “and decided they had to stop it.”

That, of course, could happen again. But Suu Kyi didn’t dwell on the danger, so neither will I. I’ve attached her keynote speech. And here are some of the most interesting bits from the live chat:

On Sanctions: Suu Kyi reiterated her support for international sanctions on Burma, saying that, as far as she can tell, the policy is hurting the government, not the people.

On China:  “China can afford to be daring, to allow for all types of opinion,” she told the crowd. “Open your greatness to everybody else.” Suu Kyi also voiced support for imprisoned dissidents: “You are not alone,” she told them.

On India:  The democracy campaigner called out the world’s largest democracy for its ambivalence on Burma. “India is not as concerned about our fate as we would like them to be,” she said.

On OBL: “With regards to the recent death of bin Laden, it just shows that violence ends with violence, and that there is too much violence already in our world and we’ve got to try do something about it.”

Just as the talk drew to a close, the power went out in Rangoon. It seemed a fitting ending: The Lady, in half-light, looking out at the world.

In a videoconference with the University of Hong Kong, the Nobel Peace Prize winner calls on the Chinese leadership to dialogue with the NLD. Economic development must go hand in hand with democracy and human rights. In June, she will make a political tour of the country, itinerary still uncertain for safety reasons.

Yangon (AsiaNews / Agencies) – Chinese diplomats in Myanmar should engage in dialogue with the National League for Democracy (NLD), the main Burmese opposition party banned by the regime on the eve of the elections last November. The Nobel Peace Prize Winner and NLD leader Aung San Suu Kyi made the call during a videoconference with the University of Hong Kong. In a live web link up form her home in Yangon, the “Lady” also asked Beijing to tie its stellar economic development to  a series of reforms on the path for democracy and openness.

Answering a question from the South China Morning Post (SCMP) on relations with Beijing, Aung San Suu Kyi said she has “long sought” contacts with the Chinese leadership, which “has always shunned us.” China has initiated several projects and economic development in neighbouring Myanmar, which is why the opposition leader calls for “talks also with us” and more contacts with members of the NLD”.

The Nobel Laureate also noted that the rapid growth of the Chinese giant has caused social problems in Myanmar, including trafficking of women along the border in the direction of the Chinese provinces. Beijing is interested in maintaining good relations with the leadership of government, by not meddling in the internal affairs of a country with which it does trade and business.

Aung San Suu Kyi, free after spending 15 of the last 21 years under house arrest since 2003 and who is confined to Yangon, told the audience of students, academics and community leaders she sees a future Burmese society, “free, open, educated” in which there is “respect for the law” and the possibility of a market economy modelled after on the local reality.

The opposition leader states she does not want to choose between China and the West, because both will be necessary for the development of Myanmar. If she had to choose, she states, “we are on the side of human rights.” Aung San Suu Kyi ended by clarifying her message to the leadership in Beijing: “China is a great country – says the Nobel Peace Prize Winner – the Chinese people are a great people with a marvellous and long history… They can afford to take more steps, they can afford to be daring, they can afford to allow room for all kinds of opinions. ”

Finally the opposition leader also confirmed her intention to make a political tour of the country, as anticipated in recent weeks. The route and itinerary have not yet been established, because the Burmese authorities have not granted any “particular assurance” for her safety.

New York Times – Dissident Plans a More Active Role in Myanmar
By KEVIN DREW
Published: May 30, 2011

HONG KONG — Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, the most high-profile dissident in Myanmar, signaled on Monday that she would be seeking to broaden her audience in her country since being released from house arrest.

Speaking from Myanmar via a live video link to an audience at the University of Hong Kong, she confirmed that she would begin traveling outside of Yangon, the biggest city in Myanmar and its economic capital, a move that may test boundaries imposed on her since her release in November.

In 2003, during a period free from detention, Mrs. Aung San Suu Ky toured the country, drawing increasingly large crowds, and on one trip, a band of men attacked her convoy in what some people believed was an assassination attempt. She was then sent back to house arrest.

On Monday she also urged the international community to reach out to the opposition movement in Myanmar by using modern communications technology.

In the months since her release from house arrest, Mrs. Aung San Suu Ky, recipient of the 1991 Nobel Peace Prize, has used video links and other means to connect with students and activists in Europe and North America.

“We can help each other now — we now have the ability,” she said after being asked how people outside of Myanmar could an engage with her and other pro-democracy activists inside her country.

Mrs. Aung San Suu Kyi would not specify when or where she would travel, or even the purpose of her trips. But she pointedly noted on Monday that the government had not provided assurances of her safety and that she had made it clear that she expected the authorities to ensure her security.

“It is the duty of the government to provide assurances,” she said.

Some Burmese dissidents have been hoping that Mrs. Aung San Suu Kyi would take a more active political role.

Her supporters, while acknowledging the range of opinions within the democracy movement in Myanmar, described her decision to travel around the country as a natural progression.

“She is the leader of the democracy network, and that includes addressing issues such as social welfare, political prisoners, farmers’ rights and civil rights lawyers,” said Aung Din, executive director of the United States Campaign for Burma, a lobbying group. “She is the leader of a broader civil society movement.”

The military has ruled Myanmar since 1962, and the elections in November were advertised as a “road map to democracy.” In March, a civilian government was installed under President Thein Sein, but analysts say little has changed inside Myanmar since the elections.

The new government has done little to end abuses across Myanmar, said Tomás Ojea Quintana, the U.N. special rapporteur on human rights in Myanmar.

Speaking by telephone, Mr. Quintana listed several areas in which the new government failed to make any significant progress, noting land confiscation, forced labor, internal displacement of people, extrajudicial killings and sexual violence against women.

“These problems remain widespread and unaddressed,” said Mr. Quintana, who in May visited Thailand for a week to speak with refugees from Myanmar.

The Myanmar government has refused entry to Mr. Quintana.

He said he was preparing a report to present to the U.N. General Assembly this year.

Likewise, little progress has been made to confront what has been described as rampant corruption of the Myanmar economy.

It has been “a little disappointing,” Sean Turnell, professor of economics at Macquarie University in Sydney, said of the new government’s response to initiating economic reforms. The military remains by far the largest expenditure in Myanmar, at about 25 percent of the budget, he said.

“That is causing all sorts of distortion to the economy, and creating a very serious budget deficit,” he said. “But the government’s response to budget deficits has been to print more money, which has led to the highest rate of inflation in Southeast Asia.”

Mr. Turnell said, for example, that he had expected the government to address the gap between the official exchange and market rates of Myanmar’s currency, the largest such gap in the world. The official exchange rate is 6 kyat to the U.S. dollar, while on the market, a dollar exchanges for 350 kyat, Mr. Turnell said. No action has been taken, he said.

“Economic reform is really going to run up against vested interests,“ he said, pointing to a relatively few number of oligarchs who command most of the business enterprises in Myanmar.

The address on Monday by Mrs. Aung San Suu Kyi was preceded by a videotaped speech from her. In it, she emphasized the need for education and described people as “learners and nonlearners.”

When asked later how she would describe the military establishment in Myanmar, she said, “I would say they are not very fast learners.”

When asked by a student how she has managed to maintain her conviction in principles, she was blunt: “Discipline. That’s how I managed to live in isolation and keep my faith.”

Under house arrest for 15 of 21 years before her release in November, she spoke on Monday of maintaining simplicity in her daily life.

“I’ve learned to be happy with small things,” she said. “You have to learn to be happy with small things.”

When asked by a female student at Hong Kong University about the role of women in politics in Myanmar, Mrs. Aung San Suu Kyi said many women were playing roles inside her party, the National League for Democracy.

Then she smiled, adding “sometimes I think they are more helpful than men.” 

Sin Chew Jit Poh – Features: Danger underfoot in Myanmar war zones
2011-05-31 13:21
by Daniel Rook

MAE SOT, May 31, 2011 (AFP) – The last thing Tee Pa Doh remembers before losing his foot is a bright flash. With his leg mangled and bleeding, he knew his best hope was a long journey through the jungle to the Thai border.

Today he counts himself lucky to be alive. But in the conflict zone of eastern Myanmar that he calls home, littered with landmines and with danger lurking at every step, his story is nothing out of the ordinary.

“My foot was blown off but I didn’t fall. I stood there, holding my injured leg,” said the 52-year-old village headman from Karen State, the scene of one of the world’s longest-running civil wars.

“There was blood spurting out. Everyone was afraid to come over to me. I held my leg and hopped,” he said, recalling the day in May when a landmine turned his life upside down.

He was taken on a tractor to the frontier several hours away following the incident in his village and crossed over to Thailand where the limb was amputated, following a path taken by many others before him.

“If there was no clinic in Mae Sot I couldn’t do anything in Burma,” said the victim, whose name AFP has changed for his safety, rubbing the stump of his newly bandaged leg at a clinic in the sleepy Thai border town of Mae Sot.

Myanmar, also known as Burma, is the only regime in the world that still regularly lays anti-personnel mines, according to the International Campaign to Ban Landmines, joint winner of the 1997 Nobel Peace Prize.

“In most of the world landmine use is declining. In Myanmar there’s been consistent armed conflict and use of mines by both the ethnic militias and the state forces,” said Yeshua Moser-Puangsuwan, a researcher for the pressure group’s annual Landmine and Cluster Munition Monitor report.

Nobody knows exactly how many people have been maimed or killed in Myanmar as a result of landmines, because the authorities do not keep count.

About 33 of Myanmar’s 325 townships are believed to be contaminated with the controversial weapons.

Over the decade to 2009, the Monitor identified at least 2,587 casualties from landmines or explosive remnants of war, including 183 fatalities, but that might be just the tip of the iceberg.

“We believe it could be exponentially higher than that,” Moser-Puangsuwan said.

“In countries like Burma, the fastest path to poverty is to become a mine victim,” he added, noting that the injury can rob victims of a livelihood and force them to take out loans to pay for medical costs.

Most victims have no choice but to seek help from Myanmar’s crumbling healthcare system, although some international relief groups such as the Red Cross help with rehabilitation.

Many of those living close to Thailand seek treatment there.

At the Mae Tao Clinic, founded by a Myanmar doctor to provide free health care to fellow refugees, Karen landmine amputee Maw Kel runs a workshop that sees about 15-20 patients every month, providing free artificial limbs.

Most patients cross over illegally from Myanmar and must return afterwards.

Tha Gay, who lost his leg in a landmine blast two years ago, returned to the clinic to have his own prosthesis repaired. He is one of eight people in his village to have lost a leg.

“If it weren’t for this clinic, I would have died. There was nothing else I could have done,” he said.

“I’m very happy to have been given this artificial leg. If I didn’t have it, I wouldn’t want to live. I would rather kill myself.”

Myanmar has endured half a century of military rule and while the junta handed over power to a nominally civilian government in March after a widely criticised election, the armed forces still dominate the nation.

There are documented cases of people being forced to act as “human minesweepers” for army patrols, which regularly force civilians to work as porters carrying ammunition, firewood or other supplies.

“To take ordinary civilians and march them ahead of military units when they’re being used for portering, or to order them to clear mines without any appropriate training, is a human rights atrocity,” said Moser-Puangsuwan.

It is not just government soldiers who use landmines. At least 17 non-state armed groups are accused of using the weapons since 2009.

Across the border from Mae Sot, ethnic minority Karen rebels who have been fighting the government for six decades appear to have increased their use of landmines, either homemade or seized from the military.

They target not only state soldiers but also rival ethnic factions.

Caught in the middle, civilians in the conflict zones face danger underfoot whenever they leave their homes.

“Anti-personnel landmines and improvised explosive devices are probably the biggest security threat to most people in those areas,” said David Mathieson, a Myanmar expert for New York-based Human Rights Watch.

“Villagers tend to anticipate when fighting is going to happen and they flee. But then what most factions do is to go in and landmine the area… booby trapping civilian areas and destroying agriculture and houses,” he said.

Thailand’s announcement in April that it wants to close its Myanmar refugee camps has raised fears across the exile community that it might be pushed back and landmine victims turned away.

But Maw Kel believes his prosthetic services will be needed for many years to come.

“Look at Cambodia. The war already finished 30 years ago but landmine incidents still happen. It’s going to be the same in Burma,” he said.

Ironically, the biggest danger may come when the war finishes and people rush to return home, said Moser-Puangsuwan.

“There are no records of these mines. They’re not marked in any way. So when the armed conflict ends there’s going to be a massive number of casualties and at this point there is virtually nothing anyone can do to stop it,” he warned.

Tuesday May 31, 2011
The Star – 15 Myanmar seamen to replace crew of stranded ship
By M. KUMAR kumar@thestar.com.my

PORT KLANG: Fifteen Myanmar seamen will replace the crew of MV Banga Biraj who have been stranded on board the detained vessel for more than a year off Northport here.

HRC Shipping general manager Capt Shajahan Siraj said the company was getting Myanmar seamen as the recruitment of Bangladeshi sailors was proving “inconvenient”.

“A lot of them have heard of the current condition of the ship and they do not want to serve on the container vessel,” said Shajahan in a telephone interview from Dhaka yesterday.

“The Myanmar nationals will replace the long-serving crew of Banga Biraj before Friday,” he added.

He said they were in the midst of submitting the papers for the foreign sailors to the Shipping Ministry in Bangladesh.

Capt Shajahan said they were confident of repatriating all the crewmen by the deadline set by Suhakam, which warned that it would take legal action if it failed to do so.

“The Myanmar seamen are being signed on a six-month contract and they will be replaced by the end of the contract,” he said.

Meanwhile, the Daily Star newspaper in Bangladesh reported that the 30-year-old Banga Biraj had faced various troubles over the past decade.

On July 9, 2003, seven armed robbers attacked the ship, held the deck crew hostage and fled with valuables from its storeroom.

In October the same year, Banga Biraj was involved in a head-on collision with MV Eagle Strength and both vessels crashed into 18 navy vessels at Chittagong port.

On Aug 1, 2007, a mobile court fined three officials of Banga Biraj for discharging oil sludge in the Chittagong port channel.

The Nation – China has failed to progress, McCain says
By Pravit Rojanaphruk
Published on June 1, 2011

US Republican Senator John McCain said in Bangkok yesterday he was “disappointed” with China’s “lack of progress” as an emerging superpower in failing to push neighbours such as Burma and North Korea to be more democratic.

“Many of us have been disappointed in China’s lack of progress as a world power,” said McCain, who was visiting Bangkok for two nights.

He is due to fly for Burma early today to meet leaders of the new elected government plus pro-democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi.

McCain, who met with PM Abhisit Vejjajiva and a leader of the opposition, also urged the Thai government not to force unregistered refugees in camps near the Burmese border back to their homeland.

“I strongly believe that the [Thai] government will not send these people back to persecution or even death,” he told Thai and foreign reporters.

McCain, a former presidential candidate who was a prisoner during the war in Vietnam, said 2,000 people were “literally dying in a prison camp” in North Korea, while no significant changes in terms of human rights could be seen in Burma.

He said China, as an “emerging superpower” should exhibit “more mature behaviour” in relations with its neighbours.

He added that the US would put more interest and commitment into the region once their preoccupation with the situation in Iraq had scaled down.

McCain said one indicator of the lack of freedom in China was the fact that Chinese were not allowed to “tweet” (use the Twitter web service). He also noted that the so-called Arab Spring “is not confined to the Arab world”.

“Burma does not exist in a vacuum – the Arab Spring has unsettled dictators all over the world.” He said later, though, that he was not “a judge” on Burma but viewed developments in the country with “a healthy dose of scepticism” as it looked like the Burmese generals had simply removed their uniforms and ran for election last November.

“Why is it that they are so poor?” asked McCain, of people in Burma. “It’s because they got a lousy government.”

McCain urged Burma’s new leaders to release all 2,000 political prisoners and to assure Suu Kyi she would be safe if she travels around the country to meet people, as planned this month.

The Daily Telegraph – Semenyih immigration depot – a barbed wire home for our refugees
By Geoff Chambers in Malaysia
June 01, 2011 12:00AM

The Semenyih immigration depot, which holds up to 1500 detainees, is usually heavily fortified but The Daily Telegraph simply walked through the front gate.

A riot at the notorious depot presented the perfect opportunity for the Malaysian Home Affairs office to renovate the facility as the new home for 800 Australian asylum seekers.
In return, Australia would accept 4000 processed refugees from Malaysia.

Workers are putting final touches to the compound’s buildings. The detention blocks, complete with bars, have been given a new coat of paint, new fencing and the rooms cleaned up in preparation for the new arrivals.

“It is almost finished,” a worker said.

Lining the compound is 1m-high barbed wire and three giant watchtowers.

Further south at Lenggeng detention depot, security has been increased.

A successful Amnesty International mission to expose the dirty conditions that women and children are living in has spooked the Ikatan Relawan Rakyat Malaysia (RELA) paramilitary corps.

The yellow beret-wearing volunteer army is made up of part-time “neighbourhood watch” storm troopers.

Refugee advocates said RELA had recently raided apartment blocks where Burmese immigrants had been hiding. If the Burmese are caught for the second time, they are sent to secretive courts within immigration depots where they are ordered to be caned with a rattan.

At Lenggeng, this reporter was frisked by RELA officers who temporarily confiscated my phone, passport and camera and I was ushered into Commander Salaze’s office.

Out the front of the office in two 10m x 15m cages are two groups of Burmese refugees huddled together. Outside, RELA officers twirl their batons under the hot sun.

“I can’t let you in to have a look because we are on a heightened security alert,” Commander Salaze said.

He denied the photos released by Amnesty International were taken at the camp but it is understood detainees who commit serious offences are transferred to local prisons where canings take place.

He also laughed off suggestions that 6000 detainees were caned in Malaysia every year: “The caning does not happen in any of the immigration camps, it happens in the prisons.”

In April, 109 Burmese refugees scaled the rear wall of the compound and ran into the jungle. Across Malaysia, there are regular riots and mass escapes as the system struggles to cope with the influx of refugees from Burma, Afghanistan, Iraq and Somalia.

“We caught most of them but some got away,” Commander Salaze said.

Aerial surveillance and tracker dogs were used to hunt them down in the nearby palm oil plantations.

The Daily Telegraph could not get past the front gate of the KLIA compound, near the international airport. There are more than 800 refugees living there.

Across Malaysia, there are more than 90,000 registered refugees and asylum seekers.

ABC Radio Australia – Mutual dependence in China-Burma relationship
Updated May 31, 2011 14:22:07

Burma’s President Thein Sein says his country’s relationship with China has “reached a new chapter” as partners for multi-strategic cooperation.

President Thein Sein – along more then a dozen cabinet ministers – recently completed a three day state visit to China where they met with President Hu Jintao. The two nations issued a joint statement saying the two sides will maintain close high-level contacts.

Presenter: Bill Bainbridge
Speaker: Jie Chen, Associate Professor of Political Science and International Relations at The University of Western Australia

CHEN: Well it’s a rather interesting visit. They are talking about upgrading the bilateral relationship to so-called comprehensive strategic cooperative partnership, that’s just the rhetoric, but what it shows is not just China’s appreciation of Burma’s, the country that recognised the establishment of the People’s Republic really early on in 1949-50, but also this new relationship shows that the two sides truly need each other for a number of very important things.

So far as Burma is concerned I think Thein Sein absolutely told the truth when he said that the relationship with China is the most important, not even one of the most important, but the most important and essential diplomatic partnership, because China as the permanent member of the UN Security Council is the only power so to speak that deals with Burma on a reasonably friendly basis.

That is more important than affairs within ASEAN, so far as Burma is concerned the regime in Burma is very much dependent on the assistance from China. So that’s very easy to understand.

But from the Chinese point of view, Burma has become increasingly important in a number of things, I would say strategically, also in terms of financial security and also in terms of China’s burgeoning economic needs. On these fronts Burma has become increasingly important on a number of issues , is very indispensible. We all know that China has been developing so-called two ocean neighbourhood strategy, if you look at the Chinese naval activism in the name of ending piracy in the Indian Ocean, you can see that Chinese naval profile is slowly encroaching into the Indian Ocean. And for that purpose, if not long-term purpose, China needs assistance from countries from allies like Burma and also in Pakistan.

So that’s very important and needs the Burmese ports for that long-term purpose, and also in terms of national security the two nations share more than two-thousand kilometres border, and that border unfortunately has never been free of all sorts of troubles, although Burma used to be one of the earliest Southeast Asian nations which settled border dispute with the newly established People’s Republic in 1950s. But there are ethnic disputes.

BAINBRIDGE: Well just on that, you mentioned the military and strategic interests of China there, they’re also interested in the South China Sea, but could this stronger relationship between Burma and China could that be a problem for Burma in ASEAN, after all Burma is pledging to back China in a dispute with Vietnam over the South China Sea?

CHEN: There can be an issue. I think there are two dimensions to it; one is that China itself probably needs to reconsider its strategy because there’s tension on the issue of border dispute, there’s tension with Japan, South China Sea, Taiwan, and the Philippines, Malaysia, and more recently Vietnam. And all of these tends to sort of build up a region cohesion, vis-?-vis China, now the fact that Burma has come into the equation that further sort of raises alarm and makes the situation more complicated in the ASEAN or East Asian circles in dealing with China. But on the other hand I could see that whenever Burma itself is not finding everything particularly smooth with ASEAN, with ASEAN partners, with the West, it is on these sort of occasions that you can see Burmese relationship with Beijing can be really warmed up. So I think there’s also a choice for Burma. Whenever Burma got along really well, got what it wanted from engagement with ASEAN and the new initiatives with the West, then you could see the relationship with China could be more balanced by other factors.

BAINBRIDGE: Indeed they’re looking for China’s assistance to be able to take the lead in ASEAN in 2014. How’s that going to go down with other ASEAN members though bringing in China to exert pressure?

CHEN: Well I think the ASEAN members have never been terribly united in the China engagement strategy. This is not really secret in regional diplomacy. Ever since the 1980s there have been divided opinions between countries like Indonesia, Malaysia on the one hand and other members on the other. And I think the expanse of ASEAN membership to include Vietnam, Cambodia and later on Burma has further complicated the situation. I think you see more of this in the future, particularly when China itself has become more and more ambitious in South China Sea, therefore demonstrating more determination and taking to the regional diplomatic tables with more initiatives, you could see this can deepen the existing division among the ASEAN members.

Newly-forged China-Myanmar strategic partnership of great significance: Premier Wen
English.news.cn   2011-05-27 20:41:08

BEIJING, May 27 (Xinhua) — Premier Wen Jiabao said Friday that the decision by China and Myanmar to forge comprehensive strategic partnership of cooperation is of great significance.

“The partnership is bound to push forward bilateral friendly cooperation in all areas to a new stage,” Wen said when meeting with visiting Myanmar President U Thein Sein.

China-Myanmar neighborly friendliness dates back many years and the two countries share common interests in promoting regional peace and development, Wen said.

Thein Sein arrived in Beijing Thursday for his first state visit since assuming presidency in March.

Several Chinese leaders including President Hu Jintao and Premier Wen met with Thein Sein Friday afternoon.

During President Hu’s talks with Thein Sein, the two sides agreed to upgrade their relations to strategic partnership.

Earlier Friday afternoon, the country’s top political advisor Jia Qinglin also met with Thein Sein to discuss bilateral relations.

Jia, chairman of the National Committee of the Chinese People’s Political Consultative Conference, said he appreciated Thein Sein’s visit to China shortly after taking office in March.

He said the visit showed the great importance Myanmar attached to the bilateral relationship.

China and Myanmar have always maintained mutual trust and support since the two countries forged diplomatic relations more than 60 years ago, he said.

China-Myanmar relations have enjoyed rapid development, featuring frequent high-level exchanges, increasing political mutual trust and expanded economic cooperation, he said.

The two countries also have maintained mutual support on issues concerning each other’s core interests and kept close coordination in international and regional affairs, he said.

To increase bilateral cooperation is in accordance with the fundamental interests of both nations and is conducive to regional peace, stability and prosperity, said Jia.

He called on both sides to enhance strategic mutual trust, raise the level of economic and trade cooperation and expand people-to-people and culture exchanges.

China is ready to work with Myanmar to deepen traditional friendship and enhance comprehensive cooperation and make the two countries good neighbors, good friends and good partners, said Jia.

Thein Sein said he appreciated Jia’s visit to Myanmar in April shortly after the new Myanmar administration took office.

He also thanked Jia for his valuable advice on developing bilateral relations during his April visit.

Thein Sein said his visit aimed to maintain the momentum of high-level exchanges between the two nations and show Myanmar’s willingness to advance mutually-beneficial cooperation in various fields.

“I am glad to see the bilateral relations developing towards the strategic cooperative level on the basis of traditional brotherly friendship,” he said. 

New Kerala – Nigerian arrested for murdering girlfriend

New Delhi, May 30 : A Nigerian national was arrested from south Delhi for murdering his Myanmarese girlfriend and dumping her body in a travel bag earlier this month, police said Monday.

Innocent Nwayo, 31, was arrested Sunday from Kotla Mubarakpur when he came to visit his friend Prince Michael, police said.

He killed his 22-year-old girlfriend May 20 and left the travel bag containing her body in his rented house in west Delhi’s Uttam Nagar. After the murder he fled to Mumbai.

“The murder took place after the two entered into a scuffle as the victim suspected that Nwayo was attracted to a girl who came to their house along with three more friends April 28,” a police official said.

“The body was found in a black travel bag. When the bag was opened it contained a decomposed body of a woman found wrapped in a blanket and tied with a plastic rope,” police said.

The victim, identified as Chong alias Cecelia, was from Myanmar and worked in a beauty parlour at Munirka. She was in a live-in relationship with the Nigerian national, the police said.

She hailed from Myanmar but was brought up in Manipur. She came to Delhi in 2005 with her husband, whom she divorced last year.

Police said after killing her the Nigerian bought a travel bag from INA market to dispose of the body.

Before coming to India, he worked in the Nigerian police force.

Jakarta Post – Opinion: Political transition in Myanmar: Thinking outside the box
Baladas Ghoshal, New Delhi | Tue, 05/31/2011 9:51 AM

On March 30 this year, Myanmar dissolved its ruling military government and sworn in a new president.

Former prime minister U Thein Sein, who shed his Army uniform to contest elections last year, was inaugurated as President of the newly elected government. Than Shwe, who has ruled the country with an iron fist since 1992, was referred to only as “chairman of the SPDC” in the inauguration report, even though he is expected to remain a dominant force despite Thein Sein as president.

The inauguration of the new cabinet is the latest step in Myanmar’s so-called transition to democracy, which critics have called a sham designed to cement military rule. The road map could be viewed as an initial step toward a gradual and incremental transition, but needs to be broadened by the inclusion of NLD and other political groups that the junta has barred.

The vote has occurred under a constitution that has inevitably guaranteed an unfair result. It reserves many government posts and 25 percent of parliamentary seats for military officers, and allows the president to hand over power to the military in emergencies. It also effectively bars Aung San Suu Kyi from seeking elected office because her two sons are foreign citizens.

Critics scarcely recognize the significance of the 2010 election being conducted at all, even though 30 million voters were registered (of which perhaps 50 percent turned out), 37 parties and numerous independent candidates competed, and at least 180 anti-government representatives were elected to the first parliamentary assemblies seen in Myanmar for 20 years.

Also for the first time, representatives of minority groups were elected to national and regional. While the military regime may derive some comfort from their victory, they have not won greater legitimacy but have rather alienated people even further. Widespread grievances notwithstanding, the ground realities in the country go against the grain of hope for any political change in Myanmar in the near future. There is a need for thinking outside the box to break the deadlock.

There are structural difficulties in the democratic transformation in Myanmar. Apart from an unending civil war for 60 years, there are two difficult factors, legacies of Myanmarese history. The first is the long history of failed state and institutional building, and the second is a lack of a long-term vision of the future state. Today the military machine is all there, with only the shadow of other institutions remaining.

India and Indonesia must use their influence with the junta to nudge them to gradually liberalize the polity.

The civil society has been completely debilitated. A vibrant civil society is a must for restoration of democratic political development. The problem lies in creating state institutions from the scratch that can replace the military state that exists, not just in governance and administration, but also in the economy of the country.

Thus, to restore democracy in Myanmar, it will require not only creation of political institutions but also overhauling the existing bureaucracy and establishing new ones with values, norms, rules and an orientation that ensures civilian supremacy over the military.

The significance of the elections has never been dependent on their free and fair conduct. The opportunities lay elsewhere, with the resumption of legal political activity and discussion, something that has been impossible for most of the last half-century; with the generational transition within the military; with the separation between military and government; and with the introduction of regional legislatures and a limited devolution of governance. Some of these developments are tentative, not all may prove positive, but they do represent change and opportunity in a situation that has been frozen for many years.

Suu Kyi’s release is also a highly emotional moment for the country. It seems clear that the regime had taken the decision on her release from a position of strength and confidence, having completed the election process on their terms.

Political parties in Myanmar are taking a forward-looking approach, determined to make the best strategic use of the small opportunities that are available. They are challenging the election results, but are not defining their strategy for the future on that basis. A dramatically new political landscape is taking shape in Myanmar, although it may take a while for some of the protagonists to recognize this.

The institutions of government and the government itself are changing; the opposition is in flux, with a host of new players and perspectives, into which Suu Kyi has been thrust; and the ethnic issue has been further complicated, with some ethnic parties doing reasonably well in the polls, others being excluded from them, and heightened military tensions in some areas.

India and Indonesia, as two large democracies in the world and experienced in nation-building in a multi-cultural and multi-racial society, must use their influence with the junta to nudge them to gradually liberalize the polity. India’s low profile help in cyclone relief in 2008 has surely endeared her in the eyes of the regime that might offer some leverage in its back-room diplomacy to seek change in Myanmar.

Indonesia, which itself has transformed from a military regime to a vibrant democracy, can show its own experience to the Myanmarese regime to be as inclusive as possible in its transition bid. Myanmar’s chairmanship of ASEAN could be an attractive carrot for change that will require compromises, and will be slow at best. Bargaining for gradual and incremental change over a period of time, rather than gaining nothing could be a realistic option.

Integration of Myanmar’s economy with its neighbors — India, China, Thailand and Indo-China countries of the Mekong region — is a necessary condition for economic interdependence and breaking Myanmar’s isolation.

The success of Myanmar’s transitions to democracy hinges to a large extent on viable economic development that can create a growing middle class, which can then seek greater reform and political change in the country.

This has happened in the case of Indonesia, Thailand, Taiwan and South Korea in the last decade. To realize such a goal, assistance should be extended for human resource development and the construction of the Asian Highway by extending the north-east and east-west corridors from Bangkok to India via Myanmar, measures that will in the long run facilitate socioeconomic and political change in Myanmar.

Lifting of sanctions by the West for a limited period could be tried to persuade the regime to give some matching concessions in the form of release of all political prisoners. There is need for concessions from Suu Kyi’s side as well.

It has to be acknowledged that such an approach will not generate immediate political reform but worth trying given the fact that sanctions and international pressure has not brought about desired results of crippling the regime.

The writer is visiting senior fellow at the Center for Policy Research and distinguished fellow at the Institute of Peace and Conflict Studies, New Delhi.

VOA News – McCain to Assess New Burmese Government’s Human Rights Commitment
May 31, 2011

U.S. Senator John McCain will visit Burma on Wednesday for talks with pro-democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi aimed at assessing how serious the new Burmese government is about human rights reforms.

McCain, the top Republican on the Senate Armed Services Committee, is a long-time critic of Burma’s military government, and a supporter of its pro-democracy opposition. He said he will use the trip to urge the nominally civilian government sworn in earlier this year to release an estimated 2,200 political prisoners languishing in Burmese jails.

On Tuesday in Bangkok, McCain told reporters that Burma’s commitment to rights reforms will be measured by how the government handles Aung San Suu Kyi’s upcoming tour of the provinces. He said he will ask government officials to allow her to travel freely.

Suu Kyi announced Tuesday that she will tour the country next month. It will be her first trip to the provinces since 2003, when a similar trip ended with her arrest.

The Nobel laureate marked the eighth anniversary of her arrest by announcing the tour, and said she has not received any safety assurances from the government.

On May 30, 2003, she and her entourage were ambushed by supporters of the military junta while touring upper Burma. U.S. analysts at the time said up to 70 people may have been killed. Suu Kyi escaped, but later was captured and placed under house arrest, where she remained until November 2010.

In advance of his trip, McCain visited the biggest refugee camp for Burmese in Thailand, at Mae Sot. Tens of thousands of refugees there are waiting either to return home or to be resettled elsewhere.

The Irrawaddy – Investment Commission Bolstered, as Trade Council Sidelined
Tuesday, May 31, 2011

The Myanmar Investment Commission (MIC), which has replaced the now defunct Trade Council as Burma’s main trade body, has been reinforced in its new role with the recent appointment of senior officials from President Thein Sein’s government as key members.

On April 20, just weeks after Thein Sein’s new government was sworn in, Burma’s state-run media reported that the MIC would take over the Trade Council’s responsibilities as the main body in charge of promoting trade and investment.

Since then, it has emerged that key positions in the MIC have all been filled by Thein Sein appointees. Leading the commission as its chairman is former Maj-Gen Tin Naing Thein, who heads both the Ministry of Livestock and Fisheries and the Ministry of National Planning and Economic Development.

A high-ranking official from the Ministry of Finance and Revenue in Naypyidaw told The Irrawaddy that of the remaining 15 positions on the MIC, 11 are occupied by deputy ministers and four by managing directors.

“The chairperson is Minister Tin Naing Thein, the vice chairperson is Deputy Minister of Railway Transport Thura Thaung Lwin, and the secretary is Deputy Minister of National Planning and Economic Development Dr. Kaung Zaw,” the official said.

Thein Sein reportedly instructed members of the commission to work on improving relations with potential foreign investors, particularly those from neighboring countries like China and India.

“The commission was told to adhere to the correct policies and implement them efficiently—not like the Trade Council,” said an official in Naypyidaw. Previously, the MIC scrutinized business proposals and then gave recommendations to the Trade Council and Cabinet.

Although the move was seen by some as an effort to streamline procedures for authorizing foreign investment in Burma, a member of the Union of Myanmar Federation of Chambers of Commerce and Industry said the new government should focus on policy reform initiatives rather than institutional reforms.

Some observers suggested that by sidelining the Trade Council, Thein Sein was also trying to reduce the power of Thiha Thura Tin Aung Myint Oo, who as head of the Trade Council was notorious for favoring companies run by businessmen with whom he had strong personal ties, including Stephen Law (aka Tun Myint Naing) of Asia World Company and Zaw Zaw of Max Myanmar Company.

The Trade Council was a major source of revenue for its chairperson. According to sources close to the council, Tin Aung Myint Oo claimed a five percent commission on any foreign investment he approved.

According to unconfirmed reports, this led to some friction between Tin Aung Myint Oo and Thein Sein over who would be in charge of regulating foreign investment under Burma’s new government.

The Irrawaddy – John McCain Will Press for Burmese National Reconciliation
By SAW YAN NAING Tuesday, May 31, 2011

Visiting former US presidential candidate Senator John McCain said he will press Burma’s new government to initiate national reconciliation, release political prisoners and engage in tripartite dialogue during his trip to the country on Wednesday.

The Republican figurehead was speaking to journalists at Mae Tao clinic by the Thai-Burmese border in Mae Sot. He met with Dr. Cynthia Maung who founded the vital medical centre which provides free healthcare for refugees, migrant workers and others who cross the border from Burma into Thailand.

During his trip to Burma, Sen. McCain is also expected to meet Burmese opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi on Thursday. Sen. McCain is one of the most powerful Republican voices in the US Senate and was defeated by Barak Obama in the 2008 US presidential election.

Cynthia Maung told The Irrawaddy that Sen. McCain visited the clinic and observed conditions there while pledging continued support for humanitarian assistance at the border.

Bo Kyi, joint secretary of the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners, who met Sen. McCain in the sidelines, told the US senator that the Thein Sein-led government first needed to release the more than 2,100 political prisoners currently held if it sincerely wants political change in Burma. He added that they must stop all human rights violation across Burma, including ethnic areas.

“The change should not be superficial change. It should be a genuine change,” said Bo Kyi.

On Tuesday morning, Sen. McCain also visited Mae La Burmese refugee camp on the Thai border and listened to the views of refugees regarding the shifting Burmese political landscape.

In 2008, Laura Bush also visited Mae Tao clinic in Mae Sot and Mae La camp while her husband, then US President George W Bush, had luncheon meeting with Burmese dissidents in Bangkok and listened to their perspectives regarding politics in Burma.

Mae La is the largest of nine refugee camps located in Thailand’s Tak Province, and currently houses more than 40,000 Burmese refugees, mostly ethnic Karen people who left their homeland due to attacks by Burmese government troops.

Day Day Poe, a camp committee member who met John McCain for 30 minutes, told The Irrawaddy that the senator asked her and other committees about their perspective on the current situation in Burma.

“He asked us if we knew of any change in Burma and if we think there is any change in Burma or not? He wanted to know our opinion. He also asked how many people want to go back Burma and how many of them want to resettle in the US,” said Day Day Poe.

Accompanied by four US officials, including US ambassador to Thailand Kristie Kenney, Sen. McCain toured the camp, visited clinics and several houses belonging to refugees and questioned them about living conditions in the camp. He also questioned refugee families about difficulties of their daily lives in the camp.

Sen. McCain also asked the refugee committees if they want to pass any message to the new Burma government, led by ex-Gen Thein Sein, of the military-backed Union Solidarity and Development Party.

“We told him that we want Burma President U Thein Sein to create national reconciliation as soon as possible. We said that we also support Daw Aung San Suu Kyi for her struggle for a national reconciliation,” said Tun Tun, chairman of the Mae La camp.

The refugee committees also told Sen. McCain that national reconciliation, ethnic minority ceasefires, democratic reform and security are necessary for refugees if Thailand repatriates them to Burma.

Current US President Barak Obama renewed its imposed economic sanctions on Burma in April despite several EU countries wanting to lift the restrictions. Sen. McCain has also expressed pro-economic sanction views on Burma.

The Irrawaddy – Thousands in Paungloung Being Displaced by Dam Project
By SAI ZOM HSENG Tuesday, May 31, 2011

A Burmese human rights group claimed that about 8,000 people from 23 villages in the Paunglong region are being forced by Burmese military authorities to relocate to make way for the Upper Paungloung hydro-electric dam project on the Paunglong River in southwestern Shan State, which is being constructed by European and Chinese companies.

The Kayan New Generation Youth (KNGY), an ethnic Kayan human rights group based in Thailand that is documenting the dam project, held a press conference and issued a statement on Tuesday in Thailand. The group said that the Burmese authorities ordered the residents of 23 villages to move to another location before October 2011, and the displaced people will receive just US $50 in compensation.

The electricity generated by the new dam will go to Naypyidaw, the new capital of Burma, according to the KNGY.

KNGY spokesperson Mu Moe Lay said, “The local people have no idea where they should move to. The Paunglong region is full of mountains. That’s the main challenge of the displaced people.”

The Paunglong River is one of the rivers which flow into the Sittaung River, one of  Burma’s main waterways, and the Upper Paunglong dam project is located about 50 km from Naypyidaw. A government statement said the project was started in 2004 and will produce 140 Megawatts of electricity when finished.

The Swiss engineering firm Af Colenco obtained the contract for construction design and is overseeing the project. London-based Malcom Dunstan Associates and Yunnan Machinery and Export Company (YMEC), a Chinese company, are also involved in the project.

The researchers from KNGY said that a 61-square kilometer reservoir created by the dam will flood the entire Paungloung Valley, the only fertile plain in the area, destroying the local economy and putting pressure on the surrounding forests.

A local resident said, “We were ordered to move out with threats, but we don’t know where to go and how we will survive, although the authorities are letting us choose the new place.”

Another local said, “I had collected some materials to build a new house since 2004, but in this situation I will donate them to the monastery because I don’t want them to be ruined by flood water.”

Meanwhile, forced labor problems are also surfacing in the Paunglong Region. Local people are reportedly being required to construct buildings for the Burmese army battalions which have been deployed to secure the project area. As a result, the KNGY statement urged the foreign investors to pull out of the project.

The Irrawaddy – The Shan Sniper
By SAI ZOM HSENG Tuesday, May 31, 2011

LOI TAI LENG, Shan State — “I take a deep breath. I focus on my target through the sight on my scope. Then, as I exhale slowly, I pull the trigger.”

When I asked Sai Leng how many enemy soldiers he has killed, he just laughs. “I don’t have any idea how many,” he says. “A lot. But I can tell you one thing—I rarely kill foot soldiers. I always aim for officers.”

We are sitting beneath a pine tree on a hill overlooking the Loi Tai Leng, the headquarters of the Shan State Army (SSA) in Thailand’s Mae Hong Son Province. It was a beautifully clear and fresh sunset.

It was the day after some 3,000 Shan people had gathered to celebrate the 53th Anniversary of the Shan State People’s Resistance Day, an occasion that commemorates the date when, in 1958, a group of 31 young Shan patriots and one charismatic leader, Sao Noi (aka Saw Yanda) set up camp in the jungle near Mong Ton and together vowed to fight for the freedom and self-determination of the Shan people.

Capt Sai Leng is clearly popular among his comrades. Only 29 years of age, he has a fearsome reputation as a sniper, and an element of local legend surrounds him and his trusty M-16 A2 rifle.

He said he joined the SSA when he was 18. He had come from Mong Nai Township in central Shan State and had seen and experienced first-hand the brutality of the Tatmadaw—the Burmese government forces. His close relatives had been physically abused by Burmese soldiers, and, as a boy, he had watched on helplessly as his friends and neighbors had been taken away by the Tatmadaw to work as porters.

“I had three good reasons to join the SSA,” he said, preparing to count them off on my fingers. “First, I felt I had a duty to my people; second, I always wanted to be a soldier; and third, I wanted to retaliate against the soldiers who were oppressing us.”

The SSA’s sniper team was only formed a few years ago. Few people, even SSA officers, know who are members. Training takes place in secret.

Incredibly, Sai Leng performs two “jobs” when he is at the front line or stalking the Tatmadaw—he also shoots with a video camera.

He said that he has to document the fighting for the SSA. He described how he shoots footage of a skirmish by hand, then has to scurry over to an exposed piece of ground to place the camera on auto-record while he joins in the firefight.

“Although I enjoy my job, I don’t hate Bamar [Burman] people,” Sai Leng said. “If a Burmese guy is walking around in civilian clothes, he is no enemy of mine. If, however, he is in Tatmadaw uniform and holding a gun, he is definitely my enemy.”

He ponders a minute, then continues, pointing down at the village: “This is the 53th Anniversary of the Shan State People’s Resistance Day and I want us to achieve our goals through revolution. However … I still enjoying the fighting.”

The day before I had the SSA troops march in file during a parade for Resistance Day. A band played while 1,000 troops marched past dressed in smartly pressed camouflage uniforms with bright orange bandannas wrapped around their shoulders. They carried either M-16 or AK-47 assault rifles, and they saluted in unison as they passed the stage where SSA commander Yawd Serk stood.

Alongside him were representatives of the SSA’s associated branches: the Restoration Council of Shan State (RCSS); and the Shan State Progressive Party (SSPP), which is the political wing of the SSA-North, but which now works in cooperation with the SSA/RCSS.

Several other allies from among Burma’s armed ethnic community also attended. The Karen National Union (KNU), the Karenni National Progressive Party (KNPP), the Palaung State Liberation Front (PLSF), and the Pa-O National Liberation Organization (PNLO), had all sent representatives to attend the ceremony.

SSA commander Yawd Serk, who is also chairman of the RCSS, announced that there would no longer be an SSA-North and an SSA-South. The two armies—at times, former enemies— were now under one command, which was simply the SSA.

“We have all been through many experiences,” he declared at the press conference that concluded the anniversary ceremony.

“Our enemy is well aware that our aims are freedom and self-autonomy. The unfortunate fact is that we have not managed to achieve unity with our fellow ethnic groups. Policies must be negotiated, and an agreement must be found.”

Responding to a question about Aung San Suu Kyi, the SSA leader said, “Aung San Suu Kyi is the one true advocate of democracy within the country. However, I am afraid that her political activities will soon be restricted by the authorities.

“Although she doesn’t directly represent the ethnic groups, we still consider her a good and strong leader. We respect her,” he said.

On the subject of the new government in Naypyidaw, Yawd Serk said: “The new civilian government doesn’t have to solve political problems in a military way. Burma is formed of seven states and seven divisions. It is not the property of Burman people alone.”

Col Sai Htoo joined Yawd Serk on the stage. Addressing the crowd, he acknowledged that the fighting was ongoing in northern Shan State, and that many thousands of fellow Shans had been forced to flee to the Thai-Burmese border.

Indeed, skirmishes between Shan battalions and Burmese government troops have intensified since the SSA refused to join the Burmese regime’s local militia plan under Tatmadaw command.

However, of the former SSA-North’s three main brigades, only Brigade 1 refused to accede to the government order; the other two transformed their battalions into local militia forces and continue to cooperate and fight alongside the Burmese army against their Shan brothers.

Sai Leng shakes his head in despair as he as talks about the disunity and splits within the Shan armies. He says he worries for his son, his mother and his family.

His son is only seven months old. When asked what kind of life he wants for his son, Sai Leng says he will let his child choose his own destiny.

“However,” he says with a wry smile. “I would be glad if he decided to become a SSA soldier like me.”

Mizzima News – Poverty is not a ‘simple’ thing
Tuesday, 31 May 2011 11:37 Aung Thu Nyein

(Letter) – In response to the letter ‘U Myint’s useless paper on poverty reduction’, I would like to offer the context to a hasty conclusion of [former] ambassador Horst Rudolf in criticizing U Myint’s paper.

Poverty is a taboo word in my country which was supposed to be achieving officially the highest GDP growth rate in the world of 13 per cent during the last several years. A senior UN official was literally asked to leave the country just because he mentioned our poverty in per capital terms to that of Laos and Cambodia, which the then senior-general is rumored to have commented were pathetic and backward neighbours.

The previous national planning and economic minister said there are no deprived people in the country, but with some form of deficient people, let alone discussing and planning to address it. A native like U Myint is indeed very brave to write out all the details about this subject when a climate of self-censorship still prevails in the official circles; and therefore, I am very proud of his stand on behalf of the poor who suffered most during the lost decades of negligence, deprivation and human rights violations under successive governments of the land. Moreover, Burma hasn’t keep record of its national poverty line until now.

In total absence of institutional memory and a culture of impunity towards the poor, U Myint set the stage for comprehensive policy options because there was no effort or record whatsoever in the govrnment on this issue. Besides, he intended his paper [for an] audience previously forced into total denial, not for the self-acclaimed experts on Burma.

Just because Burma has no prior experience on poverty reduction, an arrogant assertion made by Ambassador Rudolf that ‘any experienced working group would do this job in an hour’ is not just plainly disrespectful but an outdated notion about how to approach poverty.

Poverty in Burma is a Burmese thing–and contrary to what he said, poverty dynamics in my country is definitely not a ‘simple’ thing.

As the aid community recognized a long time ago, any poverty reduction strategy must begin with a locally owned process, not imposed from the outside.

I welcome any initiative from any Burmese inside or outside the country to address our collective failure on this front.

Aung Thu Nyein is an analyst with the Vahu Development Institute

Depayin massacre anniversary raises fears for Suu Kyi’s proposed tour
Monday, 30 May 2011 21:30 Ko Pauk

New Delhi (Mizzima) – An alms offering ceremony was held in Mandalay on Monday by the  National League for Democracy (NLD) on the 8th anniversary of the Depayin massacre in which scores of party members were killed and injured.

The ceremony, held at west Khinmakan Monastery, was attended by about 150 members including Mandalay Division NLD branch chairman Thein Dan, Sagaing Division chairman Bar Bar and central women’s executive committee members who offered alms to 18 monks.

‘The monks performed religious rites for the monks, students and youths who were killed in Depayin incident. The NLD youth members released fish in a pond and offered gold flakes to the Mahamyatmuni Buddha image’, NLD member Myint Maw told Mizzima.

NLD central leaders May Win Myint, Khin Htay Kywe, Phyu Phyu Thin, Nai Nai, Myo Nyunt, and Maung Maung Gyi were also present.

The infamous Depayin incident occurred on May 30, 2003.  NLD leader Aung San Suu Kyi narrowly escaped a mob which included members of the precursor organization of the Union Solidarity and Development Party. Most of the slain NLD members were from Mandalay and Sagaing divisions.

‘In previous years, the Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP) harassed us every year when we planned to perform this alms ceremony’, said NLD member Myint Maw. ‘They came to the same monastery and offered alms to the monks in parallel with us as soon as they heard about our plan. But this year, they didn’t harass us’.

The death of Tin Maung Oo of Mandalay (southwest), San Myint (Mandalay northwest) and Thein Toe Aye (Mandalay southwest) were confirmed, but as many as 80 other deaths could not be confirmed, NLD Mandalay Division Information Department In-charge Myo Naing told Mizzima.

‘Those three who led the Mandalay group were killed on the spot on that day’, he said. ‘We can confirm their deaths. We found the mob was still beating them even while we were crossing Kyi village. So more deaths might have taken place in that village and also some students from Monywa might have been killed on that day. We couldn’t confirm their deaths. Many of them were in the convoy with their motorcycles but we could not collect the death and casualty reports’, Myo Naing said.

The attack occurred on a convoy led by General-Secretary Aung San Suu Kyi and Vice Chairman Tin Oo, who were on an organizational tour in upper Burma in 2003. The mob attacked the convoy near Kyi village in Depayin Township in Sagaing Division.

The NLD requested the authorities to take action against the mob, but no arrests or charges have been filed, NLD Vice Chairman Tin Oo told Mizzima.

‘Truth must be exposed, justice should be done’, he said. ‘The necessary probe should be performed on this case. Then we can draw good lessons following an investigation. We could give some sort of closure to those who were killed and attacked in this pre-meditated massacre’.

Aung San Suu Kyi is scheduled to start another tour of the country within a few months, a move which has raised concerns among NLD officials. Tin Oo said that the NLD would ask for security from the authorities.

‘They speak about good governance and clean government. A good and clean government must protect every citizen.  We will meet and ask for security and protection’, he said.

Aung San Suu Kyi and Tin Oo were put under house arrest following the massacre and some NLD party members were arrested and imprisoned.

NLD leader Win Tin discharged from hospital
Tuesday, 31 May 2011 16:08 Ko Pauk

New Delhi (Mizzima) – After five days in the hospital, National League for Democracy (NLD) cofounder Win Tin was discharged on Monday evening.

He was admitted for medical tests on his liver, heart, lungs, kidneys and stomach.

‘My doctor will come to me every day to do a check-up’, Win Tin told Mizzima.  ‘I had ultrasound scans. All of my organs are in good condition. My heart pacemaker is also working properly’, he said.

Currently, Win Tin, 81, is resting at his home in Kyaukkon in Rangoon. He is taking medicine for his heart and asthma condition.

‘As soon as my health improves, I will go to the party office. I need to work’, he said. ‘But, it’s not time to go to the office right now because I don’t want to lean on other people. To go to the office, at least I need to be able to walk with my walking stick without the help of other people. I think my health will improve within five days’.

He said that he did not plan to accompany Aung San Suu Kyi on her proposed tour of the country in a few months. It will be Suu Kyi’s first tour of the country since she was released from house arrest.

DVB News – Swiss-backed dam ‘to displace 8,000’
By NAW NOREEN
Published: 31 May 2011

More than 20 villages in southwestern Shan state are facing the threat of impending flood and forced relocation due a hydropower project being built with the help of Swiss and British firms.

The Upper Paunglaung dam on the eponymous river that cuts through eastern Burma could submerge the homes of around 8000 people in the planned 61-square kilometre reservoir, according to a new report released by the Kayan New Generation Youth.

“Households will be forced to flatten their homes and abandon their farm fields, receiving in return just $US50 in compensation,” it said. Mu Moe Lay, of the KNGY, told a press conference in Chiang Mai, Thailand, today that no help would be given for the relocation, with the deadline set of October this year.

Aiding the planning and construction of the dam is the Swiss-based AF-Colenco Ltd, which will design and oversee the project, and UK-based Malcolm Dunstan and Associates, which has already been heavily criticised for its involvement in the Tasang dam, the largest of 48 dams in Burma.

“This project shows that whether from Europe or Asia, companies are willing to toss aside proper standards when working in Burma,” said Mu Moe Lay.

Security for the Upper Paunglaung dam has been handed over to the Burmese army, whom the report says has employed the use of forced labour in the seven years since construction began. Mu Moe Lay said that authorities had also moved troops from the ceasefire group, New Kayan State Party, to the dam location.

China’s Exim Bank and the Yunnan Machinery and Export Company have also provided capital and machinery for the project, one of nearly 40 hydropower developments in Burma that Beijing is playing a significant role in.

Sai Sai, from the pressure group Burma Rivers Network, said that most of the electricity generated from these projects are sold to neighbouring countries and are of little benefit for local populations. The Upper Paunglaung dam, which is located only 50 kilometres from the Burmese capital, Naypyidaw, will produce 140 megawatts of electricity.

DVB News – Mass revolt blurs Karen loyalty
By NAW NOREEN
Published: 31 May 2011

Hundreds of troops serving under a pro-government Border Guard Force (BGF) in eastern Burma are now refusing demands from their leaders and have donned opposition Karen fatigues.

Stopping short of a wholesale defection, the 500-odd soldiers are yet to commit to either the pro-government BGF or a renegade faction of the Democratic Karen Buddhist Army (DKBA), whose insignia they now wear on their uniforms.

The group, based in Karen state’s Myainggyingu region and led by Colonel Phobi, say they grew tired of the lack of rations and what they claim is discrimination between the ranks of BGF 1012, the same group the last month attacked their own armoury. Growing disquiet prompted them to surround the bases of their commanders and on 27 May, fighting looked imminent.

An intervention by Karen abbot, Ashin Thuzana, who chaired negotiations between Burmese army officials and members of the BGF 1012, has reportedly calmed the situation, although the Burmese army agreed to demands that all BGF forces in the area surrounding Myainggyingu be allowed to wear DKBA uniforms – a symbolic coup for the onetime junta-loyalists who defected to the opposition last year in a rebuttal to the creation of a BGF.

Yet ambiguity still surrounds the allegiance of the 500 men – a lay follower of Ashin Thuzana told DVB that while they can wear DKBA uniforms in Myainggyingu, they will have to switch back to their BGF outfits whenever they leave the region. Moreover, they have reportedly pledged not to attack government-allied forces.

The report paints a confusing portrait of the situation in eastern Burma, where a loose coalition of Karen armies, including the DKBA and the Karen National Liberation Army (KNLA), are battling Burmese forces supported by a number of BGF groups.

The Karen opposition, whose six-decade conflict with the Burmese regime is one of the world’s longest-running, was given a boost in July last year when a faction of the DKBA broke off and turned against the Burmese army. A number of defections have since followed.

The latest revolt follows an attack by troops from the same BGF 1012 on their commanders on 24 May, which left three dead. Reports at the time suggested that Colonel Na Kham Mwe, who led the July 2010 defection of DKBA troops, had aided the assault.

Maj-Gen Johnny of the KNLA’s Brigade 7 said that the BGF 1012 continued to strengthen its forces in Myainggyingu, prompting Burmese troops to block roads around Myaniggyingu that KNLA forces could potentially use as thoroughfares to assist the revolt.

DVB News – Insein prison rejects strikers’ demands
By AHUNT PHONE MYAT
Published: 31 May 2011

Demands for an improvement to living conditions inside Burma’s most notorious jail have been rejected by authorities, despite a hunger strike by political prisoners last week gaining international attention.

Nearly 30 inmates had refused food at the Insein jail in Rangoon, a number of whom were sent to solitary confinement as punishment. Although the strike ended on 25 May with authorities pledging to meet various demands, it now appears that a wholesale rejection has been issued.

Several news journals inside Burma were yesterday ordered by the government to publish an article outlining the refusal: calls for mosquito nets and fans for prisoners were deemed too costly, the article said, as were adequately-sized prisoner uniforms that would be replaced every six months.

It also claimed that Insein’s sizeable political prisoner population would not be separated from the common criminals because of a lack of space. Insein prison was built by the British in 1871 to house around 5,000 inmates, but despite some expansion it remains heavily overcrowded, with an estimated population double its stated capacity. Authorities would also continue to record conversations between prisoners and visiting relatives, the article said.

Tate Naing, joint secretary of the Thailand-based Assistance Association for Political Prisoners–Burma (AAPPB), was critical of the response, claiming that authorities had broken prison regulations.

“If they are to keep someone in prison, then they must grant that person the rights accorded in the prison manual. Denying the prisoners these rights with excuses of security and financial issues is very groundless.”

The early phase of the strike, which began on 17 May with five female political prisoners refusing to leave their cells, followed the day after President Thein Sein announced a one-year commutation of all prison sentences that saw nearly 17,000 people released early. Among these however were only around 50 political prisoners.

In the past few days however, inmates in the remote Kale prison in northern Burma have also begun a hunger strike. Rumours suggested that it had also spread to Hkamti prison close to Burma’s border with India.

Four inmates in Kale, including influential monk Ashin Gambira and 1990 MP-elect Nyi Pu, had addressed a letter earlier this month to Burma’s home affairs minister complaining that they were being denied adequate healthcare, food and the freedom to communicate with their families. The strike was prompted by the lack of response form the government.

A Rangoon-based news journal editor who requested anonymity told DVB that publications were still waiting to see whether they could publish independent news on the hunger strikes, but noted that the official article on the demands of the protesters omitted the fact that some had been put in solitary confinement.