Published: April 5, 2011 3:00 a.m.
The Journal Gazette – Jailed Burmese comedian’s plight shown in film
Devon Haynie | The Journal Gazette

Authorities in Myanmar may have banned all showings of Rex Bloomstein’s recent documentary, “This Prison Where I Live,” but the award-winning British filmmaker had the chance to screen the film in Fort Wayne in front of a Burmese audience Monday.

The film was to be shown Monday evening inside IPFW’s Neff Hall, followed by a discussion.

The film focuses on the lives of two comedians: German comic Michael Mittermeier, who is free to say what he pleases, and Burmese comedic sensation Maung Thura, known as Zarganar, who has been sentenced to 35 years in prison for criticizing the Burmese regime.

Both Mittermeier and Bloomstein traveled to Burma, now known as Myanmar, in hopes of speaking to people about Zarganar’s predicament and the country’s political situation.

Everyone was too fearful to be interviewed, however. So much of the film draws on footage of Zarganar that Bloomstein gathered before the comic’s imprisonment.

“It’s a film within a film,” Bloomstein said Monday morning. “It reflects, in its own way, the atmosphere of fear and repression in Burma.”

The U.S. government and human rights organizations have long condemned Myanmar’s authoritarian government for human rights violations. Zarganar is one of almost 2,200 political prisoners behind bars in the country, according to human rights group Amnesty International.

Bloomstein said he was thrilled to screen his movie in a city with a significant Burmese population. As many as 7,000 Burmese refugees and immigrants have settled in the area, and Bloomstein called the numbers a positive reflection on Fort Wayne’s humanity.

He urged citizens to be tolerant of their Burmese neighbors, engage with them and learn more about what might be keeping some of them from assimilating as quickly as some might expect.

“Please remember that these are people trying to build a new life,” he said. “You may feel they are strangers. They are strangers from their own society, too. Many have grown up in refugee camps.”

The film screening and discussion were sponsored by the IPFW Institute for Holocaust and Genocide Studies. In addition to making films about Burma, Bloomstein has also made several films about the Holocaust.

Kyaw T. Soe, a veteran of Burma’s democracy struggles and director of the IPFW New Immigrant Literacy Program, said he thought it was important for younger Burmese to see the film and learn about the political situation in their country.

“There’s a reason why (Burmese democracy leader) Aung San Suu Kyi is begging filmmakers to make noise,” he said. “And Bloomstein is doing that with this film.”

A life in limbo; Thailand’s Myanmar refugee camps
05 Apr 2011 14:31

MAE SOT, Thailand (AlertNet) – The smell of deep fried snacks mingling with sweet tea, the ladies with shopping baskets laden with fresh greens, the men puffing on cigars in teashops with blaring TVs, teenagers milling about stalls with the latest mobile phones and gadgets – it’s a typical market scene in any small town in Southeast Asia.

But this is no town. This is Mae La, a sprawling refugee camp an hour’s drive from the border town of Mae Sot in northwest Thailand.

It is home to over 45,000 people from Myanmar who fled their homeland as a result of the world’s longest running civil war between the national army and indigenous ethnic groups.

The official Thai term for these places – there are nine along the border housing some 142,000 people – is ‘transitional camp’. But Mae La was set up 27 years ago.

Children who were born and grew up here know little beyond the thatch-roofed, wire-fenced existence.

Many residents have lived here since 1984, when the first camps were set up after government forces launched a full-scale offensive against ethnic Karen insurgents, pushing 10,000 Karen refugees across the border.

Then there are those who moved here more recently from different parts of Myanmar with the hope of being resettled in a developed country like the United States, Canada or Australia.

Some, like the young woman from central Myanmar whom I had tea with, just want a better life. “We’ve been here for about four years. Back home, the living is difficult and you cannot find work or money,” she said.

She and her husband now live in a stilt house whose former occupants have been resettled in America in what some critics describe as a “revolving door situation”.

DEPENDENT ON AID

With a host of support programmes, food aid and the prospect of possible resettlement, these camps offer a life far better than what most people have in Myanmar, attracting more people to cross the border, observers say.

The market at Mae La may be in full swing three days a week and motorbike taxis are readily available for residents who want to go out, but officially residents are not allowed to leave the camps so employment and livelihood opportunities are limited.

The Thailand Burma Border Consortium (TBBC), an NGO which has been working with refugees from Myanmar for 25 years, says people were initially self-reliant, but have become totally aid-dependent over the years because of the restrictions on their movement.

“People do work outside the camps but officially they’re not (supposed to), so anybody outside is vulnerable to arrest, detention, deportation and that’s happening all the time,” TBBC deputy executive director Sally Thompson said.

The European Commission, one of the biggest donors to the camps, says it is gradually shifting its resources from humanitarian aid to skills and development assistance such as agricultural and computer training so that people become less dependent on aid.

Several donors like the U.N. refugee agency UNHCR have started programmes teaching people farming on land near the camp which gives them a small income and ensures they keep up their skills for whatever the future holds.

Together with its humanitarian aid office ECHO,  the European Commision is providing €13 million ($18.4 mln) to the camps for 2011.

“It is a fact that needs are growing and resources are constrained,” E.U. humanitarian aid commissioner Kristalina Georgieva told AlertNet during a recent trip to Thailand where she visited Mae La.

“So we have to prioritise how we use money here, in Myanmar and globally. We cannot just simply continue to feed like we do now.”

SUSTAINABLE SOLUTIONS

For donors and aid agencies, there are three possible solutions for camp residents  – resettlement in a third country, some form of integration into Thailand or voluntary return to Myanmar.

As a first step, they are asking the Thai government to restart a screening process which has been dormant since 2005 to determine which people are genuine refugees as opposed to economic migrants.

“The fundamental problem with the refugee camps is there’s no screening procedure,” said Thompson.

“And that’s the responsibility of the Thai government. It’s not the responsibility of NGOs, camp committees, or refugees to decide who’s in and out of the refugee camp.”

The governor of Tak province, where Mae La is located, has rejected the idea however. And observers say despite Thailand’s need for migrant labour, it is unlikely to openly agree to a plan where the asylum seekers receive some form of limited legal identity in Thailand.

Aid agencies and rights groups, meanwhile, say voluntary return is not yet a viable option because of Myanmar’s continuing repression of ethnic minorities.

Refugee International’s Lynn Yoshikawa said government action against ethnic rebel groups, including a recent flare up of tensions with the Democratic Karen Buddhist Army (DKBA) which forced thousands to seek shelter in Mae Sot, showed Myanmar was unlikely to create the right conditions for people to return voluntarily and safely.

That leaves the resettlement option – but insiders say even that will not go on indefinitely.

April 05, 2011 22:09 PM
109 Immigrants Escape From Detention Centre

SEREMBAN, April 5 (Bernama) — A group of 109 immigration detainees rioted and set a building on fire before escaping from the Lenggeng Immigration Detention Centre Monday night.

Using aerial surveillance and tracker dogs, the authorities managed to capture 28 of them so far.

Five of them were nabbed in the Lenggeng area about 6.10pm Tuesday.

Negeri Sembilan deputy police chief Datuk Abdul Manan Mohd Hassan said besides burning down a building, the group also rammed a nearby gate.

“We’ve set up a special team to determine how the fire was started. They made their escape via the oil palm plantation located behind the facility,” he told reporters at the scene here Tuesday.

He was confident that more escapees would be apprehended as they had only the dark forest cover to evade the authorities and, during the daytime, it would be difficult for them to access public transport due to road blocks, police cars patrolling the area as well as aerial surveillance.

Abdul Manan disclosed that most of the escapees were Myanmar nationals who were joined by a handful of Bangladeshis, Nepalese, Iranians, Vietnamese and Thais.

“Investigations show that they were dissatisfied with what they perceived as cramped living conditions, the food and long detention periods,” he said.

Abdul Manan said it may well be that many of them had lost patience over the long process needed to settle them in third countries under the United Nations Refugee Agency (UNHCR).

“Some of them have been in detention for three to 12 months,” he said.

The facility had 348 male and 192 women detainees at the time of the incident. None of the women was involved.

Four fire engines were at the scene to control the blaze. There were no reports of injuries.

The Washington Post – High-ranking Chinese Communist official 1st VIP guest of new Myanmar president
By Associated Press, Tuesday, April 5, 7:29 AM

YANGON, Myanmar (AP) – A Chinese Communist Party official made the first high-ranking foreign visit with Myanmar’s new president since a nominally civilian government took office.

Jia Qinglin, the Communist Party’s fourth-highest ranking official, pledged cooperation for political and economic development as he met with newly sworn-in President Thein Sein, the state-run New Light of Myanmar newspaper reported. They met Monday after Jia arrived Saturday for a four-day visit.

China is the main ally of Myanmar, which the West shuns for its poor record on human rights and democracy. Critics claim last November’s election perpetuated military rule behind a democratic facade; retired officers and military supporters largely make up the new government.

Members were sworn in March 30 and the junta that had been in power since 1988 dissolved itself. The country has been under military rule since 1962.

Jia praised Myanmar for successfully holding the election, the newspaper reported. He also was quoted as saying that China would cooperate with Myanmar for the stability of their mutual border region and that China opposes any acts that can hinder stability.

The report did not elaborate, but Jia appeared to be sending a message to Myanmar ethnic minority groups along the border with China, which included the ethnic Wa and its 30,000-strong army and the ethnic Kachin with roughly 8,000 fighters that are still resisting the government’s proposal to turn their armed groups into border guard forces.

During Jia’s visit, Myanmar and China signed an economic cooperation agreement and others pacts.

They included a credit agreement between the Export-Import Bank of China and Myanmar Foreign Trade Bank and a production-sharing contract for copper mining between China’s NORINCO and the military’s Union of Myanmar Economic Holdings Ltd.

People’s Daily Online – China’s top political advisor says China’s good-neighborly ties with Myanmar conforms to mutual interests
11:07, April 05, 2011

China’s top political advisor Jia Qinglin held talks with Myanmar’s speaker of House of Representatives U Shwe Mann here on Monday, saying China’s good- neighborly ties with Myanmar conforms to the fundamental interests of both sides.

Jia first conveyed his sincere sympathy to U Shwe Mann over the 7.0-magnitude earthquake that hit the northeast of the country. China has already donated 500,000 U.S. dollars to Myanmar to help its relief efforts and reconstruction.

Noting that Myanmar is one of the earliest countries to establish diplomatic relations with new China, Jia said both peoples have forged a deep friendship over the long history of exchange.

The Five Principles of Peaceful Coexistence, which was advocated by countries including China and Myanmar, have become the widely-accepted norms of developing nation-to-nation relations, Jia said.

In recent years, both sides have maintained a sound development trend of bilateral ties as both countries have conducted frequent exchanges and rendered support to each other on issues of each other’s core interests, Jia said.

He said China appreciated Myanmar’s stand over the issues of Taiwan and issues related to Tibet and Xinjiang.

Jia maintained that the development of China-Myanmar neighborly and friendly ties conforms to the fundamental interests of the two peoples, which is also China’s unshakable policy.

Jia made several proposals for further development of bilateral ties, including maintenance of high-level visits, strengthening of administration experience and exchange of socio-economic development concept, deepening of mutually beneficial cooperation and further enhancement of cooperation in the sectors of transport, energy and major infrastructure building, a close party-to-party exchange and strengthening of coordination when dealing with international affairs.

He said China will continue to support Myanmar to choose its own development mode and help safeguard Myanmar’s legitimate rights in international occasions.

For his part, U Shwe Mann believed Jia’s visit will promote bilateral ties, noting that the top political advisor of China is the first foreign leader to visit the country after its new government was established.

The speaker held the belief that Jia’s visit will undoubtedly further the two countries’ friendship and cooperation.

Jia arrived in Myanmar on Saturday for a 4-day visit. Myanmar is the first stop of Jia’s three-nation tour, which will also take him to Australia and Samoa. Source:Xinhua

A-Channel Victoria – No News Not Good News for Family of Burma Jailed Man (VIDEO)
http://www.atv.ca/victoria/4994_75802.aspx
April 4, 2011

NANAIMO – A Nanaimo woman is desperately trying to find out why her brother is being held in a Myanmar jail and says the federal government is doing very little to help.

The 61-year-old man who is also from Nanaimo is a seasoned adventure traveler.

He was arrested near the border between Thailand and Myanmar more than a week ago and his sister now fears for his life.

Brenda Zakreski doesn’t know any more about her brother’s situation today – despite having spoken to someone from Canada’s foreign affairs department this morning.

Ron Zakreski has travelled the world most of his 61 years.

He was just inside Myanmar near the Thai border on March 24th when he was arrested.

According to one report – for taking photographs of an area where Burmese soldiers had clashed with anti-government forces.

Myanmar – formerly known as Burma – has been ruled by a military junta since 1962. The country has been the scene of violent reaction against peaceful protesters.

Zakreski’s dealings with foreign affairs has been frustrating. They tell her privacy issues restrict them to generalities about her brother’s case.

Posted: Tue., Apr. 5, 2011, 4:00am PT
Variety – Burma’s shell of a film biz seeks outside aid
Problems plague totalitarian-ruled industry
By Peter Caranicas

If film is a common language, some places fall outside the conversation.

Myanmar, formerly known as Burma, has been isolated from the rest of the world for decades, ruled by a repressive military regime intolerant of foreign ideas. During the local biz’s heyday of the 1950s and ’60s, Burma’s filmmakers were producing about 80 movies a year. Today, output has dropped to about 20.

The country is among the world’s poorest and its film industry is in a state of decay, says location manager Bill Bowling, who went there last month as a guest of the Myanmar Motion Picture Producers Organization to give two workshops on trends in international production.

In some ways, the business is in a time warp: Burmese directors still cling to 35mm film even as their financially challenged counterparts in other third-world nations have embraced digital technology, Bowling said. “It’s hard to comprehend, but they’re still using expensive film stock to make movies budgeted at $80,000.”

Plus, censorship is strict, piracy is rampant, profits are elusive, and theaters, plagued by power blackouts, have dwindled in number from 300 to about 100.

By contrast, in neighboring Thailand a well developed industry supports a strong domestic biz as well as major productions from around the world.

“There’s been a vast improvement in theaters here,” said Scott Rosenberg, a Bangkok-based writer who also reps the local film office and touts gains in building the film infrastructure in recent years.

Thailand has drawn big Hollywood shoots ranging from Oliver Stone’s 2004 “Alexander” to Todd Phillips’ upcoming “The Hangover Part II.”

Meanwhile, Myanmar’s industry struggles to survive.

Grace Swe Zin Htaik, a former actress who appeared in more than local 200 films, was Bowling’s main contact. Now a social activist, she wants to encourage more exchanges between Myanmar and the outside world — calling for co-prod deals, the exporting of Burmese content, and the donation of training and equipment from abroad.

She also asked that the world’s film community be willing to “donate cash or in-kind for health and education” to those continuing to suffer from the impoverished country’s social problems and frequent natural disasters such as the 2008 floods that killed as many as 140,000 people.

Bowling received a small stipend for his film workshops. He donated that money to an orphanage that Swe Zin Htaik supports, where the children are dressed in military fatigues – a stark reminder of the ongoing regimentation of Myanmar’s society.

Bookings & Signings

Sandra Marsh & Associates booked 1st AD Steve Andrews on Tony Gilroy’s “The Bourne Legacy”; and production designers Andrew McAlpine on Rupert Goold’s “Richard II,” Nina Ruscio on Fox’s “Family Album,” Dante Ferretti on Sergei Bodrov’s “Seventh Son” and Francois Seguin on Francois Girard’s and Cirque du Soleil’s “Michael Jackson The Immortal World Tour.”

Paradigm signed line producers Christine Larson-Nitzsche (”The Paul Reiser Show”) and Beth DePatie (”Fame”), editor Tracy Adams (”Limitless”) and d.p.’s Mauricio Rubinstein (”In Treatment”) and Michael Watson (”Skyline”).

Agency has booked producer Peter Heslop on Andrew Douglas’ “U Want Me 2 Kill Him?”; UPM Richard Rothschild on Lifetime movie “5 for the Cure”; 2nd unit director George Marshall Ruge on Jon Chu’s “G.I. Joe 2″; and d.p.’s Giovani Lampassi on NBC pilot “Free Agents,” Michael Goi on ABC Family’s “Nine Lives,” Phillip Linzey on Cartoon’s “Level Up,” Phil Parmet on Frankie Latina’s “Skinny Dip” and Fred Schroeder on Nick Weiss’ “Veil.”

Montana Artists signed line producers Malcolm Scerri-Ferrante (”Eragon”) and Caique Martins Ferreira (”Love in the Time of Cholera”), editor Nicolas Trembasiewicz (Push”) and costume designer Angelina Kekich (”Human Target”). Montana also struck deals with production-services companies Producers Creative Partnership in Malta and Movie Makers in Brazil.

Innovative Artists Booked d.p.’s Rhet Bear on Jonathan Kasdan’s “The First Time,” Armando Salas on Daniel Hsia’s “Americatown” and Joseph White on Danny Roth’s “Tag”; and line producers Bob Simon on ABC pilot “The River” and Louis Friedman on Jon Hurwitz’s and Hayden Schlossberg’s “American Reunion.”

Gersh booked d.p.’s Oliver Bokelberg on ABC’s “In Crisis” pilot, Tim Fleming on ITV’s “The Jury,” Arthur Albert on ABC’s “Missing,” Shelly Johnson on NBC pilot “Smash,” Sharon Meir on ABC pilot “Subpurgatory,” Clark Mathis on NBC pilot “Grimm,” Edward Pei on NBC pilot “A Mann’s World,” J. Michael Muro on A&E’s “Longmire,” Teodoro Maniaci on CBS pilot “Person of Interest” and Patrick Cady on USA’s “A Legal Mind.”

Eurasia Review – Myanmar Sanctions: Debate Intensifies – Analysis
Written by: RSIS
The swearing-in of the new government amid a rumoured push by Germany to review EU sanctions against Myanmar has sparked a furore. Sanction supporters have refused to cooperate. This partly reflects the nature of Myanmar’s political players.
By Kyaw San Wai

ON 30 MARCH 2011, the new ‘civilian’ government of Myanmar was sworn in at Naypyidaw amid tight security. This comes after Myanmar’s first general election in two decades last November which were widely denounced as a sham by opposition movements and Western governments. The junta has been officially disbanded but its members still dominate the political system. Its proxy party has secured over 76% of the seats in the elections. Under Myanmar’s 2008 constitution, only 75% of total seats are directly elected while 25% is reserved for military appointees. A number of opposition parties, including a splinter group from Aung San Suu Kyi’s National League for Democracy (NLD) and ethnic parties, participated and won some seats, but are greatly outnumbered in parliament.

One of the key issues dominating Burmese political debate concerns the status of Western sanctions against Myanmar. The debates have been on-going for some time. But sanction opponents have recently become more vociferous in their arguments. They state that certain sanctions should be removed to improve conditions inside and that the new government should be cajoled to cooperate. This has sparked a furore across the board on the impact of sanctions. The pro-sanctions lobby is demanding harsher sanctions and to pressure Myanmar’s neighbours and regional countries to strictly enforce the sanctions to topple the junta.

Fundamental Differences

Both sides disagree on the definition of sanctions and are divided over the issues of non-statutory sanctions. The anti-sanctions groups cite a plethora of non-specific sanctions which they say should be lifted to help the people. The pro-sanctions groups, however, maintain that such sanctions do not exist or do not harm the populace. The International Crisis Group recently published a report which labelled the sanctions as a failure in bringing about change and development to Myanmar. This stance is supported by opposition parties in parliament, ASEAN and a number of academics. However, Aung San Suu Kyi — Myanmar’s iconic opposition leader — a number of exiled Burmese groups and many activists have repeatedly stated that the sanctions should remain in place, as they reportedly were not affecting the general population and no political concession was made by the junta.
Reports have emerged that Germany, supported by Italy, Spain and Austria, is pushing for the European Union to pursue a more proactive engagement towards Myanmar. Many anti-sanction advocates are increasingly vocal in highlighting what they claim as overall failures in the numerous statutory and non-statutory sanctions, which include an investment ban, prevention of financial assistance from global financial institutions, consumer boycotts and a comprehensive import ban by the US.

The non-statutory sanctions regime includes limitations on developmental aid. Despite being one of the poorest Asian countries, Myanmar’s ODA per capita is a mere fraction of that given to Cambodia and Laos, which enjoy higher standards of living. Anti-sanctions advocates argue that although the malaise inside the country is mainly due to decades of administrative mismanagement, lifting certain sanctions would definitely help the wider populace, while keeping ‘smart’ sanctions in place.

Many exiled and opposition groups vehemently oppose the lifting of any sanctions, maintaining that they are working. Lobby groups based in Western countries have reacted fiercely to the anti-sanction statements, even insisting that existing sanctions should be expanded to include members of the new government. They also lambast the anti-sanctions groups as being fronts for business interests, killing possibilities of dialogues between the two camps. The UK, with a strong pro-sanctions lobby, has pushed for existing sanctions to be extended till next year. It is supported by Denmark, the Netherlands and the Czech Republic.

Internal Politics

It seems that democracy is treated as a panacea for all of Myanmar’s woes — from ethnic grievances, religious persecution, to economic dilapidation and infrastructure breakdown. Democracy may bring about greater opportunities for development and the cessation of human rights abuses, but most activists and groups lack clear goals beyond regime change. Ethnic tensions flared even during U Nu’s administration, the only period of electoral democracy. The stance of many opposition groups is solely to oust the ruling regime from power, often resulting in a confrontational approach to politics.

Politics is treated as a zero sum game, where both sides perceive compromise as a sign of weakness. Real debate between political groups is lacking, as many stubbornly adhere to their principles while exchange of views usually degenerates into ad hominem arguments and acrimony. Both the junta and the traditional opposition consider themselves as knowing the best for the people — an attitude rendering political dialogue almost impossible.

Criticism or disagreement with the official stance is seen by both sides as naïve at best, treasonous at worst. People harbouring differing opinions are quickly denounced as either regime cronies or in the payroll of ‘neo-colonialists’. Such lack of depth and dimension in the Burmese political arena means that even if there is agreement on advancing democracy and economic development in Myanmar, many of the country’s long-standing issues would persist for a long time.

Prospects

All sides are firmly entrenched in their respective views and are equally intolerant of differing opinions. The sanctions debate is the latest embodiment of the Burmese political crisis and offers a depressing glimpse into the workings of Myanmar’s political players. As Myanmar’s junta de jure relinquishes power, it remains to be questioned how the people of Myanmar can achieve a better future.

Kyaw San Wai is a Research Analyst at the S. Rajaratnam School of International Studies (RSIS), Nanyang Technological University. A Myanmar national, his research interests include ethnic politics and civil society in modern Burmese politics. He has been involved in community welfare projects in Myanmar.

BP News – Myanmar quake claims Baptist worshippers
Posted on Apr 4, 2011 | by Susie Rain

KYAKUNI, Myanmar (BP)–A three-day Baptist meeting in eastern Myanmar turned fatal March 24 when an earthquake struck near the Laos and Thailand border. Twenty-three people were killed and 50 others injured when a Baptist church building in Kyakuni, Myanmar, collapsed.

Yet, in the midst of their grief and distress, Myanmar Baptists — with some assistance from Southern Baptists — are looking past their own troubles to help their neighbors.

The Baptists were in the middle of a worship service when the ground began to shake violently. Screaming, church members scrambled outside as the building cracked and came crashing down. One worshipper said it looked as if the “earth swallowed the buildings.”

The 6.8-magnitude quake was felt as far away as Bangkok and in Hanoi, Vietnam. The town of Tachileik and surrounding villages in Shan state bore the brunt of the damage and fatalities.

Official counts list 74 dead. There are fears the death toll could be much higher, once reports are received from remote areas. An estimated 3,152 people are homeless. Nearly 90 villages have been moderately or severely damaged, encompassing more than 18,000 people.

The village where the Baptist church was located was destroyed. Not one building or structure was left standing. Government officials told survivors that they will not rebuild this village. Some have moved to neighboring communities. The majority, however, moved a short distance into the jungle, using tents as their new homes.

Information about the true scale of the disaster has been slow to emerge given the region’s mountainous terrain, linguistic barriers and security concerns. Communication systems and infrastructure are also poor in this area.

Officials in Myanmar, which is also known as Burma, are not allowing foreign relief workers into the affected areas. However, Myanmar Baptists are responding by taking collections in their churches and distributing simple supplies such as: noodles; plastic sheeting for temporary tents; sleeping mats; cooking oil; etc.

“From what we hear, the Lahu villages are the worst hit,” a Baptist worker on the Thai border said. “Myanmar Baptists are using their own funds to try to help — at least with this initial response.”

One of the greatest needs the local assessment team found was for safe drinking water. When the quake hit, sand spewed up and the water level rose, resulting in a sulfur smell and taste. Baptists are trucking in 20-liter bottles of water across the border from Thailand. Pastors are then loading the big bottles onto the backs of their motorcycles and driving through muddy, near impassable roads to deliver the water to remote villages in need.

Baptist pastors in the area say they have never experienced anything like this disaster. Three-story buildings were flattened to one. The roads have fissures and gaps, making them impassable for buses and large vehicles.

Warnings squawked over loudspeakers about staying out of homes until they can be checked. A Baptist pastor said buildings in the hardest-hit areas are no longer safe because of cracks in the foundations and walls. No evacuation centers have been formed. People made their own temporary shelter from the plastic sheets and local grass.

The damage was so overwhelming that Baptists from four associations broke through strict cultural barriers, reaching out to help people who were not part of their own community.

“In Myanmar, people interact within their own people groups. The Shan people help the Shan. The Wa people help the Wa,” a Baptist representative in Thailand explained. “It’s just how it is. People stick with their own.”

Several Baptist leaders from the different people groups crossed over into Thailand to receive a crash course on disaster relief, learning how to assess and respond to the massive devastation. They were encouraged to look beyond their own people and to reach out to the needs of others.

“I’m encouraging [local believers] to work together,” said the Baptist worker in Thailand. “We can cover more ground in a shorter amount of time [if we work together].”

Southern Baptists want to be sure assistance gets to people in remote villages, which often fall between the cracks in disaster relief situations.

“A number of community-based organizations appear to be responding to the situation,” said Pat Melancon, global disaster relief coordinator for Baptist Global Response. “We want to be sure that the needs of people off the main road, away from the main distribution venue, are properly assessed. If people are being overlooked in a crisis situation, they are in special need of a demonstration of God’s love for them.”

As the Myanmar pastors trained for disaster relief, they spent time in prayer and sharing experiences. One Lahu leader cried as he talked about the devastation and loss of life. Another spoke of how they had to bury so many people in one day, without doing the proper ceremonies or grieving.

“It is not in their nature to cry or to tear up,” the Baptist worker said. “I cried just watching and listening. I could feel his pain. These Baptist leaders really need our prayers for strength.”

The Baptist worker encourages Southern Baptists to join her in praying for Myanmar Christians who will be working together for the first time in this disaster relief effort:

– Pray that they will be able to supply safe drinking water and figure out how to fix the problem. Pray that until the problem is fixed, the government will continue to allow water to be trucked in from Thailand.

– Pray for the spiritual and emotional health of people in the affected areas. Many lost loved ones and/or their homes. Pray that the Christians will remain hopeful and show it through the actions. Pray for opportunities to not only share but show Jesus’ love.
–30–
Susie Rain is an International Mission Board writer living in Southeast Asia. Ivy O’Neil contributed to this article. Baptist Global Response is on the Web at www.gobgr.org.

Apr 5, 2011
The Straits Times – Bangladeshi jailed, caned for molesting maid in lift
By Khushwant Singh

BANGLADESHI Jakir Abdul Khaleque, 36, was so taken in by a maid from Myanmar that he hugged, kissed and fondled her in a lift in Tampines at 6.45pm on March 3 this year.

The construction worker pleaded guilty and was sentenced to two years in jail and six strokes of the cane on Tuesday.

Jakir told police he was attracted to the 23-year-old maid, who was returning from a nearby provision shop. He was then delivering construction materials to another unit.

The Irrawaddy – The Role of the Third Force in the Junta’s Diplomatic Offensive
By AUNG LYNN HTUT Tuesday, April 5, 2011

After listening to a commentary about Burma’s election and new Parliament written by Dr Thant Myint-U, the grandson of the late UN Secretary-General U Thant, on the Voice of America, I was reminded of a comment given by Snr-Gen Than Shwe when I was serving at the Burmese Embassy in Washington, D.C. The junta chief, who used to be part of the military regime’s Psychological Warfare Department, said, “Your organizing efforts should target family members of prominent people in order to compare with that woman.” “That woman” was, of course, Aung San Suu Kyi.

Linn Myaing, the then Burmese ambassador to the US, through his brother Kyaw Myaing and a female professor who emigrated to the US, was able to get in touch with U Thant’s family members and sons of a minister who served for a previous government led by the Anti-Fascist People’s Freedom League in the 1950s. He could also contact Aung San Oo, Suu Kyi’s elder brother, and his wife living in San Diego, California. The regime has used them in launching its diplomatic offensive against the international community and psychological warfare against Suu Kyi.

The senior general knew that those aforementioned people might not have forgotten their golden age in Burma, and so he brought them and their family members to Rangoon and treated them well. In return, the generals gained even more support from them than they expected. We smiled at them because they did not know they were being lured by the regime, which made them think that they were actual heroes who could save the country.

I would like to touch on the subject of how those family members were exploited by the regime at the UN. Actually, the regime’s leaders did not understand much about international relations until 2000. They just did whatever they wanted in their county and didn’t care what anyone else thought. They didn’t pay attention to the international community or the image of their government in the international arena.

Than Shwe, whose way of thinking about such matters was particularly crazy, often pushed his fellow generals into tight corners. There were a number of cases in which regime officials were put in an awkward situation because of his lack of international knowledge. Than Shwe did not understand that the recruitment of child soldiers, forced labor and forced relocation of villages were prohibited by international conventions. He did not know which UN treaties the successive Burmese governments had signed and/or ratified. The then foreign minister, who was aware of those treaties, tried to explain these things to him, but he did refused to listen.

Since around 1997, Burma’s human rights situation has attracted increasing attention at the UN. It was around this time that the senior general also started to think about how to tackle this problem. Consequently, a strategy for a diplomatic offensive was developed with advice from Joseph Verner Reed, a famous US politician and senior official, in order to garner support within the international community.

According to the plan, prominent Burmese people living abroad became major targets of the regime, followed by young Burmese intellectuals and non-Burmese scholars with an interest in Burma.

Family members of U Thant were considered the first target of the offensive. At the beginning, the regime was worried that it would not be welcomed easily by U Thant’s family because they had actively worked for pro-democracy activists following the nationwide pro-democracy uprising in Burma in 1988, and the army had killed innocent civilians when U Thant’s funeral turned into an uprising known as the “U Thant Affair.” The regime, however, did not face much difficulties in dealing with the family of the late UN secretary-general.

After the regime complimented members of U Thant’s family on their significance in Burmese politics and in the pursuit of democracy, each of them reportedly visited Burma as guests of the state. It seemed that the regime thoroughly won them over, because on their return they did not appear to have any hatred towards the army. Indeed, ever since then, they have been speaking for the regime almost as if they have become its overseas representatives.

Following Reed’s advice, since around 1997, Burmese ambassadors to the US, UK, Canada, Switzerland and France have been spending several months each year in New York, lobbying foreign diplomats on behalf of the regime during the UN General Assembly period from August to November.

However, there was a suggestion that lobby efforts for a government by non-government actors could be more effective, so the regime began to establish a “third force” around 2002 by combining its first, second and third targets.

Using U Thant’s name was beneficial to the regime in its diplomatic offensive and advocacy efforts.

Likewise, his family members were very useful for the regime in international relations.

The efforts of the so-called third force stopped temporarily following the purge of Gen Khin Nyunt, the former Burmese prime minister and military intelligence chief, in October 2004. Later, Than Shwe allowed the elements of the third force within and outside the country to resume their work after U Thaung, a former Burmese ambassador to the US, told him that the regime should lobby the administration of US President Barack Obama.

One third force group that has steadily taken shape since the ouster of Khin Nyunt is Myanmar Egress. In early 2000, an ambassador from a Western country in Burma played a key role in the emergence of the third force in the country.

The stance of the third force was questioned by domestic and exiled pro-democracy groups because they openly lent their support to last year’s November election. The meeting between Htay Oo, the general secretary of the Union Solidarity and Development Party, and  Thant Myint-U in Bangkok was reportedly co-organized by Myanmar Egress.

When Vijay Nambiar, the special envoy of UN Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon, visited Burma for two days in November last year, members of the third force reportedly managed to meet with him and share their views on different situations.

Before Ibrahim Gambari, the former UN special envoy to Burma, made his first trip to the country in May 2006, there was a secret meeting on Burma held at the UN office in New York. Most of those present were non-Burmese so-called “Burma experts” and UN officials. Thant Myint-U also joined the meeting. The significance of the meeting was that some participants urged others to forget the role of Aung San Suu Kyi in Burmese politics. The UN envoy, however, reportedly said at last that it was impossible to do so.

The military regime has changed its approach a bit. It held the election and now wants international recognition of its new Parliament and government. One thing that hasn’t changed, however, is that the regime still attacks Suu Kyi and the National League for Democracy, and continues to oppose economic sanctions. And everyone is still dancing to Than Shwe’s tune.

What I would like to request of the members of the third force, both within and outside Burma, is that they, as intellectuals and respected people, should be very careful about being exploited by Than Shwe. They should listen to the views of ordinary civil and military personnel, instead of what high-ranking officers and wealthy people are saying. If they really love Burma, they should be brave enough to criticize not only the democracy forces, but also the regime. If they just speak for the regime, I will say they are only making trouble for the country.

Aung Lynn Htut is a former major who served as a counter-intelligence officer and deputy head of mission at the Burmese embassy in Washington, D.C. He sought political asylum in the US in 2005.

Australian journalist Ross Dunkley appears at seventh hearing
Monday, 04 April 2011 17:00 Te Te

New Delhi (Mizzima) – The cofounder of the Myanmar Times, Australian journalist Ross Dunkley, and his attorney attended a hearing in Kamayut Township Court in Rangoon on Monday.

Last week, Dunley, charged with violation of the Immigration Act and criminal assault against a woman, was released on bail.

The court set another hearing for April 11.

The judge read the charges against Dunkley and then set the new hearing date, Wai Lwin, a spokesman the Myanmar Times, told Mizzima.

After his release on bail, Dunkley resume his editorial duties on the English-language newspaper. Australian diplomats attended the hearing, during which only Dunkley and his attorneys appeared.

On March 29, Dunkley was released on US $11,780 bail, which was guaranteed by Dr. Tin Tun Oo, the chief executive officer of the newspaper; and Wai Lwin, who is also the operations manager of the newspaper.

Dunkley has been charged under the Immigration Act. He is also accused of giving the plaintiff, a Burmese woman, drugs, assaulting her and holding her against her will.

Corruption in Burma: Part II, hospitals and ‘tea money’
Tuesday, 05 April 2011 18:34 Myo Thein, Hein Min

Chang Mai (Mizzima) – When Soe Myint opened the car door and gave his pregnant wife a helping hand in front of the emergency department at Rangoon Hospital, a hospital employee took a wheelchair, helped his wife get seated, and wheeled her inside.

He stopped in front of a desk in the Intensive Care Unit, and Soe Myint was grateful for the warm hospitality of the staff.
Then, one of the hospital staff asked for ‘tea money’, a euphemism for a bribe, so he gave him 1,000  kyat (US $1.20).

Then the couple was taken to fill out hospital forms, where another employee asked for ‘tea money’. Soe Myint gave her 500 kyat.

A joke suddenly popped into Soe Myint’s mind: the hospital staff was addicted to tea. He found himself handing out little bribes continuously during the three days his wife was in the maternity ward.

In almost all government hospitals in Burma, if a patient wants a room with, say good ventilation, or cleaner facilities, or more blankets, or other conveniences, it will usually require bribes. And family members or friends who come to the hospital to take care of patients––they too find themselves handing out bribes to get basic services.

Even aides in operating rooms often expect bribes, say patients, of at least 5,000 kyat. Nearly everyone finds it necessary to smooth the way for medical treatment with bribes.

Khin Lay New recalled her experiences with her brother, which led her to believe that government hospitals are rife with corruption.

She said:  “After a car accident during the water festival, my younger brother, who is a medical student, was taken to a government hospital. He was basically ignored by the doctors in the emergency room for three hours. At first, they didn’t know that he was a medical student.

‘We complained to the nurses and doctors. Later, a senior doctor learned he was a medical student, and he scolded the nurses and junior doctors for ignoring him and they immediately began giving him treatment’.

She said she believed many people in the emergency room just assumed that most patients in accidents during the water festival were drunk, and they didn’t provide professional treatment. Another problem, she said, is that doctors seem to recommend private laboratories and pharmacies that are very expensive, in many cases because they get a commission from the sales connected to their treatment.

‘They recommended those laboratories and drug stores because they earn money in commissions’, she said. ‘If  a patient chooses to go to a different, cheaper place, then they might show their dissatisfaction’, Khin Lay Nwe said.

Under Burma’s current health care system, the government does not provide free, full health care services and patients are required to pay a proportion of their health care costs. But, the proportion is frequently not clear, which leads to confusion and problems in getting the necessary treatment, and is often a factor causing more corruption and asking for bribes.

As Khin Lay Nwe said, ‘In some government hospitals, patients pay only as much as they can pay’, but if they need more services they’re required to pay more bribes, and hospital staff can ask for as much as they want.

They call the bribes ‘tea money’, said Khin Lay New, but ‘it cost much more than the price of tea’.

KNU calls on new government to negotiate cease-fire
Tuesday, 05 April 2011 20:50 Kyaw Kha

Chiang Mai (Mizzima) – The Karen National Union (KNU), which has fought the Burmese army for more than 60 years, has called for the new government to negotiate a cease-fire and hold a political dialogue with ethnic armed groups.

‘The KNU strongly urges the government to order the army to leave ethnic areas, to end the violence against civilians and to hold a serious political dialogue with the opposition’, said a  KNU statement issued on Monday, April 4.

The statement called on the United Nations to put pressure on Burma’s government to negotiate a cease-fire and to engage in reconciliation dialogue.

Last year, there were 1,083 military engagements  between the Burmese army and the KNU, in which 618 Burmese soldiers were killed, 1,304 were injured and 16 were captured by the KNU,  according to the KNU annual report published in late 2010. Nine KNU soldiers were killed and nine were injured, the report said.

DVB News – NDF leaders at loggerheads, party splits
By AHUNT PHONE MYAT
Published: 5 April 2011

The opposition National Democratic Force has announced it has split into two factions following months of acrimony amongst senior party leaders.

The party born out of Burma’s iconic National League for Democracy (NLD) had been in existence for only nine months before yesterday’s decision to break apart. One faction will now be led by deputy chairman Thein Nyunt, and the other by Khin Maung Swe, the party leader.

Relations between the two had soured following the elections last year after the NDF requested permission from the Union Election Commission to dismiss Thein Nyunt as a member. The party alleged that he had shared sensitive policy details with the media.

Thein Nyunt appears to have spearheaded the split, and has rebranded his faction as the Thingangyun NDF after the Rangoon township that he won a parliamentary seat in. His group contains five NDF members who were victorious in the November 2010 elections.

He told DVB that the new group would “work separately” to Khin Maung Swe’s but held back on more specific details, saying only that the announcement was made after fellow MPs questioned the status of the party in parliament.

The split appears to have been far from amicable, with Thein Nyunt asserting that “in no way will we get back together with them, personally, organisational-wise or politically”.

But Khin Maung Swe was more affable. He said that the splinter group “had the right to make their own choice” and wasn’t attempting to stop them.

“They are free to take part in politics and set up the party of their preference. However, they should not forget they were [elected] as representatives in the People’s Parliament under the Hkamaut [bamboo hat] flag,” Khin Maung Swe said, referring to the NDF’s symbol.

He added that his faction would “happily forgive” Thein Nyunt’s.

Following the NDF’s criticism of Thein Nyunt last year, the deputy leader responded that the party had failed to carry out a financial audit it had promised. Khin Maung Swe said at the time that he had also accused the party of using foreign funding, a practice that is illegal under Burmese law.

Thein Nyunt’s future in the party was then put to a vote, with 12 out of 15 NDF leaders deciding he should be expelled.

The NDF broke away from the NLD in May 2010 following the latter’s decision to boycott the polls. It fielded nearly 80 candidates in the 7 November vote, winning 16 seats.