BURMA RELATED NEWS – JANUARY 15-17, 2011
Jan 17th, 2011
Sun Jan 16, 5:53 pm ET YANGON (AFP) – Politicians within and outside Myanmar Sunday called on Western nations to lift sanctions against the country, whose new parliament is preparing to convene for the first time this month.
The Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) called for the lifting of the punitive measures enforced by the United States and European countries, echoing a joint declaration by major ethnic political parties in Myanmar.
The ethnic groups’ statement said sanctions “are causing many difficulties in the important areas of trade, investment and modern technologies for the development of ethnic regions”.
“We ethnic parties together request that the United States and European countries lift sanctions,” the parties said of the measures imposed by the West in response to the junta’s poor human rights record.
The declaration was signed by the Shan Nationalities Democratic Party (SNDP), the Rakhine Nationalities Development Party, the Chin National Party, the All Mon Region Democracy Party and the Phalon-Sawaw Democratic Party.
All five groups won seats in Myanmar’s controversial elections in November, with the largest ethnic winner being the SNDP, which will take a total of 57 seats when parliament and regional legislatures convene on January 31.
The government-backed Union Solidarity and Development Party claimed an overwhelming majority in the polls, winning 882 out of around 1,160 seats amid allegations of fraud and intimidation, plus the exclusion of opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi.
Despite major Western criticism of Myanmar’s first poll in 20 years, ASEAN had welcomed November’s “conducive and transparent” elections, Indonesia’s Foreign Minister Marty Natalegawa said at a retreat hosted for the bloc on the island of Lombok.
ASEAN also welcomed the release of Nobel laureate Suu Kyi from more than seven years under house arrest in Yangon shortly after the vote. She had spent 15 of the past 21 years in detention.
“ASEAN leaders again urge, especially after the release of Aung San Suu Kyi and the elections, that the policy on sanctions against Myanmar be reviewed as they have an impact on development in Myanmar,” Natalegawa said.
Myanmar is a member of ASEAN, which has a policy of non-interference in members’ domestic affairs and has engaged with Myanmar’s government rather than imposing sanctions.
Myanmar remains one of the world’s poorest nations following decades of mismanagement by successive military regimes, and some areas have also been wracked by decades of civil conflict between the junta and ethnic rebels.
The United States bans trade with companies tied to the junta in Myanmar, also known as Burma. It also freezes such firms’ assets and blocks international loans for the state.
US President Barack Obama’s administration launched a dialogue with Myanmar’s military rulers in 2009, but it has said it will lift sanctions only in return for progress on democracy and other concerns.
After years of espousing punitive steps against the junta, Suu Kyi has shown signs of softening her stance, writing to junta chief Than Shwe in September 2009 to offer suggestions on getting sanctions against the country lifted.
Since her release, Suu Kyi has told AFP that she does not see sanctions as a “bargaining chip” to secure concessions from the regime, but she has not publicly spoken on the issue in detail.
In December, during the first high-level visit to Myanmar by a Washington envoy since her release, she discussed the economic measures with Joseph Yun, US deputy assistant secretary of state for East Asian and Pacific affairs.
Sun Jan 16, 4:18 am ET
SENGGIGI, Indonesia (Reuters) – The Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) wants the U.S. and Europe to lift sanctions against member Myanmar after its recent elections and release of pro-democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi, it said on Sunday.
The moves by Myanmar, a politically isolated state that has often been an international embarrassment to the region, have given it a veneer of democracy but have not loosened its military rulers’ firm grip on power.
ASEAN will keep pushing Myanmar to build on the release of Suu Kyi by including her in the political system, but countries which uphold sanctions against the country should recognize progress made so far, said Marty Natalegawa, foreign minister of Indonesia and ASEAN chair this year.
ASEAN advocates “the immediate or early removal or easing of sanctions that have been applied against Myanmar by some countries,” Natalegawa told reporters on the sidelines of a meeting of ASEAN foreign ministers on Lombok island in Indonesia.
The release of Suu Kyi should act as springboard for greater progress toward democracy, Natalegawa told Reuters.
“She is some part of the solution not the problem,” Natalegawa told Reuters during a meeting of Southeast Asian foreign ministers on Lombok island in Indonesia. “Developments must not be allowed to dissipate.”
The Association of South East Asian Nations (ASEAN), whose 10 members include Myanmar, has a policy of non-interference in member’s domestic affairs and has tried engaging with Myanmar rather than imposing sanctions as the West has done.
Myanmar’s November election, resulting in a landslide win for an army-backed party after allegations of fraud, left Suu Kyi with no political role, though analysts say she may now be more of an asset for the generals in efforts to ease international sanctions.
Indonesia, chair of ASEAN in 2011, wants progress this year, Natalegawa said, after the topic was among the first to be discussed at the three-day meet.
Regional ASEAN summits, aimed at building an economic community by 2015 that would encompass some 500 million people and some of the world’s fastest growing economies, have often been overshadowed by controversy over the Myanmar junta.
“We have been promised that Myanmar will cease to be a problem for ASEAN in its engagement with the international community,” said ASEAN Secretary General Surin Pitsuwan, after talks between ministers. He said ASEAN was seeking greater access to Myanmar’s leaders.
Pitsuwan said Myanmar would like to take the chairmanship of ASEAN in 2014, though for that to happen there would need to be international confidence in its stability.
Greater integration with Myanmar would also lead to investment, he said, with the group eyeing areas such as a road link to India, food production, energy generation, and tourism.
2 hours, 2 minutes ago
SINGAPORE, Jan 17 (Reuters) – A proposal to stage the World Cup finals in southeast Asia in 2030 is being considered by members of ASEAN, the Assocation of Southeast Asian nations (ASEAN), the Singapore FA said on Monday.
Zainudin Nordin, the president of the the Singapore FA (FAS) said in a statement that the proposal had been made at an ASEAN Foreign Ministers meeting.
“It is possible for ASEAN to jointly host the event in 20 years time and to possibly meet the football standards then due to the aggressive football youth development programmes of ASEAN member nations,” he said.
“A joint bid by ASEAN will raise the international profile of the region and will also unite citizens of the member nations.”
The ASEAN group comprises 10 countries: Brunei, Cambodia, Indonesia, Laos, Malaysia, Myanmar, Philippines, Singapore, Thailand and Vietnam.
In 2007 four Asean countries—Indonesia, Malaysia, Thailand and Vietnam—hosted the 16-team Asian Cup, the continent’s top soccer tournament.
Indonesia were also briefly involved in the bidding process for the 2022 World Cup finals before withdrawing their candidature in March last year.
Although any decisions for the 2030 finals will not be made by FIFA for more than a decade, the ASEAN nations are the second party to show an interest, following an announcement last year that Argentina and Uruguay could also consider a joint bid.
The 2014 finals are set to be staged in Brazil, followed by Russia in 2018 and Qatar in 2022.
By KATHARINE HOURELD, Associated Press – Mon Jan 17, 7:39 am ET NAIROBI, Kenya (AP) – Somali pirates hijacked a Greek-owned bulk carrier on Monday after releasing a Greek-owned tanker the day before, the European Union Naval Force said.
The cargo ship MV Eagle was hijacked early Monday by pirates who had fired small arms and grenades, according to a press statement from the EU Naval Force. There are 24 Filipino crew onboard, it said.
The attack occurred in the Gulf of Aden, 490 miles (790 kilometers) southwest of Salaam, Oman. The EU said there has been no contact with the ship since the attack.
On Sunday, the MV Motivator and its crew of 18 Filipinos was released from pirate control, another press statement said. An EU ship had assisted the crew, and “according to the ship’s Greek owners, the crew are reported to be as well as could be expected given the circumstances.”
The MV Motivator was taken on July 4 and released on Sunday. The average period of captivity is getting longer as pirates negotiate for higher ransoms.
In a separate development, South Korean officials said that 21 crew members aboard a South Korean-operated cargo ship hijacked by Somali pirates have been confirmed safe.
Somali pirates seized the chemical carrier Samho Jewelry in the Arabian Sea on Saturday. Eight South Koreans, two Indonesians and 11 Myanmar citizens were aboard.
Two South Korean Foreign Ministry officials said Monday that all the abducted sailors were confirmed safe. They spoke on condition of anonymity citing the issue’s sensitivity and gave no further details.
Last year saw a record number of pirate attacks. The weak U.N.-backed Somali government is too busy fighting an Islamist insurgency to tackle the pirate gangs. Somalia, an arid nation perched on the Horn of Africa, has not had a functioning government for 20 years.
Sunday, January 16, 2011
VIENNA: The UN nuclear watchdog has written to Myanmar seeking information about its activities, diplomatic sources said on Friday, suggesting the agency wants to send inspectors to the military-ruled southeast Asian state.
One source said he did not believe Myanmar, which has rejected allegations by an exile group it was trying to develop atomic bombs, had responded to the letter sent late last year by the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA).
“The IAEA letter asked Myanmar to provide information about reports suggesting it was engaging in suspicious nuclear activities,” the source said.
Most analysts believe the isolated, impoverished nation remains well short of any goal to acquire nuclear capability.
A Norwegian-based exile group said last June that Myanmar had a secret programme dedicated to developing the means to make nuclear weapons, following up on similar allegations by defectors from the reclusive state.
The IAEA, which declined to comment on its letter on Friday, said at the time that it was looking into the report.
Myanmar is a member of both the nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT) and the Vienna-based UN nuclear agency.
Myanmar told the IAEA in September that the allegations were unfounded and that its nuclear activities had solely peaceful purposes.
The country, formerly known as Burma and under long time military rule, has been under Western sanctions for two decades and analysts say a nuclearised Myanmar could trigger an arms race in the region.
U.S. Secretary of State Hillary Clinton said in 2009 that she was concerned about the possible transfer of nuclear technology to Myanmar from North Korea, which has left the NPT and tested two nuclear devices.
US diplomatic cables published by WikiLeaks last month showed that Western diplomats are alarmed at cooperation between Myanmar and North Korea, but have not confirmed fears Pyongyangis sharing nuclear technology.
A series of cables from the U.S. embassy in Yangon showed diplomats have been monitoring the mysterious activities of North Koreans in Myanmar for years, particularly at a site nearthe town of Mimbu rumoured to be a planned nuclear facility.
But the former head of the IAEA’s inspections worldwide, Olli Heinonen, has voiced doubt at the allegations that Myanmar was trying to develop atomic bombs. He told Reuters in November, three months after he left the IAEA, that available evidence did not support the claim.
Gireesh Chandra Prasad
Posted: Monday, Jan 17, 2011 at 2222 hrs IST
Disagreement over trade settlement has now come in the way of state-owned Oil India’s plan to export refined petroleum products to Myanmar from its 2.7 million tonne Numaligarh refinery. The RBI, SBI and the finance ministry have rejected the Myanmar military government’s offer to pay for refined petroleum products in rupee. India wants the payment to be in dollar.
Oil India, which wants to enter the global markets, has been in talks with the South Asian neighbour for a long-term fuel supply contract.
The disagreement with Myanmar has added to the uncertainty gripping India’s oil trade. As the world’s fourth largest oil consumer, India is already facing the grim prospect of disruption in crude oil supply from Iran, its second largest crude supplier after Saudi Arabia. India imports about 80% of crude oil and exports about 30% of its refinery output, the largest exporter Reliance Industries.
“The finance ministry did not agree to Oil India accepting payment for fuel in rupee as a permanent option as it was not sure how Myanmar would get enough rupee to make long-term payments. India wants payment in dollar,” said a person, who is closely associated with the negotiations with the Myanmar authorities. “Now, Oil India is trying to export refined petroleum products to Bangladesh,” said the person. But the governments are yet to make a headway in finalising a trade settlement mechanism with Bangladesh either, another official involved in the talks told FE.
Now, Oil India’s entire output from the Numaligarh refinery goes to the domestic market, mainly to Bharat Petroleum Corporation and to Indian Oil Corporation. The losses from selling fuel at government fixed price in the local market is incurred by oil marketing companies and not refineries. Refineries get payment in India at trade parity price (80% import price and 20% export price) for petrol and diesel, while they get paid at import parity price for LPG and kerosene. Refineries like to have a presence in the global refined products market as it raises the standing.
Officials from Indian government are in Tehran trying to find a solution to the uncertainty over paying for crude oil supply from that country. India exported 50,974,000 metric tonne of refined product in 2009-10, 38% more than the previous year.
Bangkok Post – Asean leads charge to end Burma boycott
Published: 17/01/2011 at 12:00 AM
Newspaper section: News
LOMBOK, INDONESIA : The Association of Southeast Asian Nations has agreed unanimously to call on the international community to end its boycott of Burma.
The grouping backed its call by citing Burma’s election late last year and the release only a few days later by the military junta of pro-democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi.
Foreign Minister Kasit Piromya raised the issue for talks with other Asean foreign ministers.
He said Asean should tell the world that democracy has returned to Burma.
The US placed a ban on all imports from Burma in 2003, while the European Union has placed a raft of sanctions against the country for the past 15 years.
Criticism of the junta has centred on alleged human rights abuses and the placing under house arrest of opposition leader Suu Kyi for 15 of the past 21 years until after last year’s general election, Burma’s first, in 1990.
Mr Kasit said Asean should encourage support for Burma’s new democracy. The regional grouping should also help bring about national reconciliation, elevate its people’s quality of life and promote trade, investment and tourism, he said.
“When Burma becomes a democratic society, it is not the duty of the international community to set up a committee to manage the conflict, like in the past. We have to be confident that Burma can resolve its problems by itself,” said Mr Kasit at the Asean Ministerial Meeting, which ends today.
Indonesian Foreign Minister Marty Natalegawa, who is Asean chair this year, said the bloc advocated “an immediate or early removal or easing of sanctions that have been applied against [Burma] by some countries”.
“We believe that the international community needs to respond to recent developments to ensure that economic development in Burma can take place,” Mr Natalegawa said.
Mr Kasit said Asean would encourage the Burmese government to talk with Ms Suu Kyi to help the national reconciliation effort and would seek to persuade Burma’s ethnic minority groups to stop fighting with the junta.
Asean will ask Indonesia to send a delegation to Burma later this month to meet with the elected government and to observe its development.
Information obtained from the trip will be used in talks with the international community, the minister said.
Renewed registration of Ms Suu Kyi’s political party, the National League for Democracy, is among the issues to be raised with the Burmese government, he said.
“Asean should not act as a defendant but it must point out the positive developments in Burma to the world because Asean has set a target to become a single [economic] community in the next four years,” Mr Kasit said.
Discussions regarding the Asean Plus Three forum, which encompasses the 10 Asean member nations and China, Japan and South Korea, were headed by tensions on the Korean peninsula.
Mr Natalegawa said the Asean countries had agreed to help find ways to contribute more on the issue.
Mr Kasit said the Asean Regional Forum could serve as an agency to discuss the Korean conflict.
On the South China Sea territorial disputes, Mr Kasit said Asean had agreed to set guidelines for the claimant states – which include four Asean countries – to negotiate with China.
“Asean should work with China to prevent the interference of the outsiders,” Mr Kasit said. Asean also has agreed to promote investment among the 10 member nations to achieve its goal of becoming a single economic community in 2015, he said.
Published: 17/01/2011 at 12:00 AM
Newspaper section: Business
The government should consider establishing a steel industrial estate in neighbouring countries at a cost of up to 100 billion baht for infrastructure including a deep-sea port, says the Iron and Steel Institute of Thailand.
The institute would recommend Burma and Cambodia as potential locations for a complex covering 15,000 rai, said president Wikrom Vajragupta.
Koh Kong is considered the most appropriate location in Cambodia for the estate, which will house integrated steel manufacturing including upstream smelting facility, while Dawei is recommended in Burma, as it is the site of a planned industrial and port complex worth tens of billions of dollars.
The institute hopes to propose the plan to the National Industrial Development Committee chaired by Deputy Prime Minister Trairong Suwannakhiri within the first quarter for submission to the cabinet later.
“The development of a steel estate in a neighbouring country will help strengthen Thailand’s capacity as the centre of Asean Economic Community (AEC),” said Mr Wikrom.
“The Thai steel industry, meanwhile, will be able to tap an abundant workforce as well as growing steel demand in the neighbouring countries if the steel estate is operated.”
The master plan for the industry also envisages another option of developing the steel estate with an eco-town concept in Thailand, with five recommended locations including Songkhla, Pattani and Prachuap Khiri Khan.
The institute has pushed for Thailand to establish a steel smelting plant to lower the cost of existing mid- and downstream steel manufacturers but the plan has faced heavy opposition from environmentalists.
Mr Wikrom said Thailand last year overtook Vietnam to regain its position as the largest steel market in Southeast Asia. Consumption totalled 14 million tonnes, up 40% from 2009.
This year, conservative demand growth is projected at about 6-8% to 15 million tonnes.
The automotive industry, which is expected to produce nearly 2 million cars and pickup trucks, will lead the demand growth in the manufacturing sectors along with electrical appliance and machinery makers.
The construction industry is also forecast to have strong demand for steel, thanks to planned government infrastructure projects and more private-sector work, he said.
“Steel prices are projected to surge sharply and be volatile in the first half of this year, mainly pushed by rising coal prices due to the severe floods in Australia,” said Mr Wikrom.
By admin, on 17 January 2011
While scores of western countries continue their economic pressure on military-ruled Burma, its Asian friends, however, are anxious to explore investment opportunities offered by the country, reports Chinland Guardian.
Profitable returns in oil and gas production are an irresistible temptation that have drawn more and more firms eyeing business offered in the golden land.
Recently, the Malaysia External Trade Development Corporation (Matrade) said it had identified major business opportunities offered by Burma in the oil and gas industry.
After sending a trade delegation to Burma in December 2010, Matrade said that the biggest country in mainland Southeast Asia offered long-term and profitable business opportunities for Malaysians.
“Fast-path development in the oil and gas sector in Burma has offered long-term opportunity to Malaysian businessmen. Burma is a place for Malaysian industry players to show their expertise,” a Matrade spokesperson was quoted as saying by a Malay daily.
According to Matrade data, Burma is the 40th and 77th largest gas and oil reserves country in the world.
International companies that are involved in inshore and offshore activities in Burma include Rimbunan Petrogas and Petronas (Malaysia); MPRL E & P Limited (British Virgin Islands); CNOOC, CNPC, North Petro-Chem and Sinopec (China); Essar and ONGC Videsh (India); Silver Wave (Singapore); Daewoo International (South Korea); PTTEPI (Thailand); and PetroVietnam (Vietnam).
Source: chinlandguardian.com
By Zin Linn Jan 17, 2011 7:57PM UTC
The Burma military regime is reportedly destined for putting up a brand new town and three more battalions in Mongton Township in Eastern Shan State bordering with Thailand’s Chiang Mai district, where the United Wa State Army (UWSA) and the Shan State Army (SSA) ‘South’ are active, quoting local sources Shan Herald Agency for News (S.H.A.N.) said.
The position of the new town will be at Monghta village tract, west of Mongton, 44 kilometers north of Chiangmai’s Wiang Haeng district. This project was exposed when Commander of the Triangle Region Command, Brig-Gen Than Htun Oo visited the areas on 12 January, said Mongton residents. According to the Commander, a plot of land will be sold at Kyat 45,000 (U $ 50).
A Thai-Burma border observer forecasts on the ‘Monghta project’ that the military junta is likely to block the communication means of the UWSA troop since ‘Monghta’ is positioned between areas of UWSA’s 778th and 772nd Brigades. It also serves as the doorway to the anti-junta Shan State Army (SSA) ‘South” base Loi Taileng.
A comparable project was also reported to be constructed in Shan State South’s areas between the Shan State Army (SSA) ‘North’ bases in the west and United Wa State Army (UWSA) bases in the east, in December. It was the installation of artillery and infantry units in areas where SSA ‘North’ and Wa are in dispute with the junta. At present, the growth of Burma armed forces in the ethnic states, particularly in armed groups controlled areas, has enlarged.
Although, many consider that there is no sign of a maneuver so far, military actions may take place after a new government is installed. The first session of Burma’s new parliament will be convened on 31 January.
Burma’s is one of the biggest military powers with a 400,000-soldier army in Southeast Asia, despite the country has no external threats. Anyhow, the ruling junta relentlessly continues to expand its numbers of brigades, and the new draft law will snatch any male between 18 and 45 and any female between 18 and 35 for two years of service. Draft dodgers could come to terms with 5-year imprisonment.
Currently, the junta’s new draft law, which was not passed by any parliament, is a subject of hot debate among the young citizens. Most grown persons do not agree to this new draft law. This law seems to be an important cause for more brain drain as many adults have been preparing to leave the country. No one wants to fight against each other as they live in the same land and depend upon each other. The worst is that the junta is creating more ethnic wars and the new soldiers recruited under the said draft law have to participate in widening civil-war in order to kill their own citizens. So, the fact is that people hate ethnic wars created by the incumbent junta and as a result they do not want to be junta’s soldiers.
On the other hand, in early November ahead of election, a military alliance accord was made at a meeting in Thailand. The signatories are the Karenni National Progressive Party (KNPP), the Karen National Union (KNU), the Mon New State Party (MNSP) and the Shan State Army-North (SSA-N). The alliance could get together at least 30,000 fighters.
The ethnic alliance that refused to comply with the regime is part of 17 ethnic ceasefire groups signing peace agreements with the military regime since 1989. The peace pacts did not include the adaptation of the ethnic armed forces into border guard forces. When the ceasefire groups asked for their political rights in the 14-year long national convention, the junta’s authorities had answered to discuss the issue with the incoming parliamentary government.
But, the junta broke its promise and pressured the ethnic ceasefire groups to abide by the BGF Program. Now, the military junta has been strengthening its armed forces and neglecting the political aspiration of the ethnic people.
So, the ruling junta’s expansion of its armed forces and the making of a new draft law indicate its negation of autonomy toward the ethnic minorities.
TAN Network – Fighting in Myanmar Panics Thai Border Villages
UPDATE : 17 January 2011 As fighting continues near the Thai-Burmese border, stray mortar shells and bullets have landed on the Thai soil, causing fear and panic among locals in nearby border towns.
Fighting between the Burmese junta’s troops and two Karen factions, the Democratic Karen Buddhist Army, or DKBA, and the Karen National Union, near the Walay army camp has spilled onto Thai territory with an M-79 grenade landing near the Mae Sot Task Force base at a village in Tak’s Pobphradistrict.
Neither side has claimed responsibility for the stray grenade and Mae Sot Special Task Force Commander Colonel Suphachoke Thawatpirachai has dispatched teams to inspect the area where it landed.
More than 300 Karen refugees have fled the fighting and crossed into Thailand.
Some have sought shelter at the homes of relatives or acquaintances while others set up camps on the border line at Walay and Morkeryang villages.
At the Walay village, more than 100 residents have gathered to discuss with subdistrict chief Chalerm Boonpromwong and military personnel the possibility of making the refugees leave.
Villagers complained numerous robbery cases and sanitation problems have been brought on by the refugees.
Locals have urged responsible parties to move the refugees from the village or set up a temporary camp for them.
Teachers at the the Walay School said the recent border clashes have reduced school attendance by half as many students must return across the border with their parents while others fear for the safety of their children crossing the border to attend classes.
Malaysia Star – Man horrified to find wife and maid murdered at rented house MALACCA: The husband of a Myanmar woman was shocked when he discovered the bodies of his wife and maid at their house in Taman Malim Permai here.
The bodies of Nyat Nyat, 35, who runs a restaurant in Melaka Sentral Terminal, and her maid Taw Taw Neo, 31, were found with multiple stab wounds yesterday.
It is learnt that Nyat’s husband, identified only as Sithu, 35, arrived home at 12.45pm but found the door locked. He then called his brother-in-law who arrived promptly.
Nyat’s younger brother Nanda, 30, said both of them managed to pry open the kitchen window and were horrified to see the maid lying in the kitchen and his sister’s body in the living room.
Nyat and her husband have been renting the house for the past six years. Besides running the restaurant, they also worked as agents bringing Myanmar migrant workers into the country.
The police found Nyat’s five-month-old daughter alive in one of the rooms of the two-storey house.
The bodies have been sent to the Malacca Hospital for post-mortem.
A neighbour, who only wanted to be known as Wan, said he heard a commotion from Nyat’s house.
“The argument stopped shortly afterwards and I saw two men calmly walking out the house and leaving on foot about an hour later,” he added.
State CID chief DCP Raja Shaharom Raja Abdullah said police were investigating the motive for the killings as the house was not ransacked and none of the valuables was missing.
Death Of Myanmar Women, Four Countrymen Detained
MELAKA, Jan 16 (Bernama) — Four men have been detained to assist police investigation into the death of two Myanmar women in a house at Taman Malim Permai near here yesterday.
Melaka Criminal Investigation Department chief ACP Raja Shahrom Raja Abdullah said the four suspects, all Myanmar nationals aged between 19 and 34, were detained in Malim between midnight and 3am today following a public tip-off.
The suspects will be remanded for seven days to facilitate police investigations, he said when contacted here Sunday.
Yesterday, two Myanmar women in their 30s were found dead, believed murdered, in a house at Taman Malim Permai.
Police, who received a call at 2.15pm, found the wife of the owner of the house dead in the sitting room and the body of the housemaid in the kitchen.
By Simon Scott
5:30 AM Monday Jan 17, 2011 Burma is hoping to build tourism but Aung San Suu Kyi wants to be sure it benefits the people. Photo / AP
Political leaders much talked about in their own time are, with a few notable exceptions, largely forgotten by history.
Their influence and fame begin to expire as soon as their hold on power does and often their lives never seem to live up to their words.
They frequently become just a name in a book on a library shelf, a paragraph, perhaps, in a student’s history notes or the answer to a tricky question at a pub quiz night.
Aung San Suu Kyi, on the other hand, seems destined to outlive her time.
More than just a spokeswoman for Burma’s struggle for democracy, “The Lady”, as her people affectionately call her, is the embodiment of that struggle itself.
Like a modern Gandhi, she lives those timeless and universal notions which have always appealed to humans – freedom, sacrifice, endurance, peace, courage, forgiveness and most of all, hope, when there is little reason for it.
At 65 years of age, she has spent 15 of the past 21 years under house arrest in Rangoon for speaking out against the country’s repressive ruling regime and yet still remains fearless.
Released from house arrest only two months ago, she is already risking her freedom by speaking publicly about the troubles in Burma.
Although Suu Kyi has been released, more than 2000 political prisoners remain behind bars in Burma.
The daughter of Burma’s famous independence leader General Aung San and a Nobel Peace Prize recipient, Suu Kyi became involved in politics in Burma in 1988 and led the National League for Democracy (NLD) to victory in the 1990 elections – a victory that was denied her by the ruling military regime which refused to give up power.
She is a mother of two and recently met her youngest son Kim Aris for the first time in 10 years after he was finally granted a visa to visit her in Burma.
Herald: Looking ahead in 2011, what is your vision for the future of Burma and what kind of a role do see yourself playing in that future?
Suu Kyi: Well, what I see for 2011 is the need to try to make the people understand that we have the capacity to bring about change. What I want most of all is to empower the people and make them understand ‘we are the ones who can bring about change in this country’.
Herald: It seems that the Burmese people have pinned their hopes on you. Do you feel that it is realistic for them to see you as the saviour of Burma?
Suu Kyi: I think they should pin their hopes on themselves. I always tell people, that they can’t hope without endeavour. If they have any hopes, they have got to work towards the realisation of their hopes. I’ll do everything I can to help bring about the realisation of the hopes of our country, but they also have to do their part.
Herald: At the end of 2010 two key events occurred in Burma, the November elections and your own release from house arrest. Do you think these events can be seen as being a sign of positive change?
Suu Kyi: My release from house arrest had to do with the fact that my term of detention was over anyway and they could not legally have kept me under dentition anymore. Of course, if they wanted to they could have done anything at all, but I think that they decided that it was much better to be legalistic. So I don’t think that this was anything out of the ordinary. As for the elections, it was part of the road map that they had written out – that they had blueprinted some years ago. So, I don’t think it was a new development. It was just another step in the road map they had marked out.
Herald: Critics say the November vote was a charade aimed at preserving the current rule in Burma and giving it legitimacy in the eyes of the international community. Do you agree? Can you think of one positive thing that came out of the election?
Suu Kyi: I think it did make some people understand what elections should not be about, or how elections should not be conducted. I think that is positive, if people can start to get an understanding of what should not be done if elections are supposed to be democratic.
Herald: It seems that the ruling generals are in a bind of sorts. Even if they really do decide they want to move the country towards democracy, they will no doubt be fearful that by handing more power to the people they will be putting themselves at risk for retribution, such as being put on trial for crimes against humanity. Is there any way to get out of this bind?
Suu Kyi: I think that we need a new kind of thinking on both sides. The people need to be more confident of their ability to change things, and at the same time, I think those in authority have to learn to think that they should not see the people as the enemy.
Herald: Many people in New Zealand support you and your struggle for democracy in Burma. Do you have anything you would like to say to them? Is it really possible for the average New Zealander to make a difference in Burma?
Suu Kyi: Oh, yes, of course. Anybody who supports our movement gives us some strength, helps us in some way however small it may be. And I’m immensely grateful to the people of New Zealand for the interest they have taken in our movement. After all, New Zealand is far removed from us and it is a completely different sort of society and yet, the fact that they care enough, about the rights of the people in Burma, is a great boost to our morale, it does strengthen us. I have been trying to build up a network for Democracy in Burma and would like to think the people of New Zealand would be a strong and very active part of the movement.
Herald: In January 2010 the Australia and New Zealand Free Trade Area was established. This was a trade agreement between Australia and New Zealand and Asean member countries, including Burma. Do you think countries like New Zealand should sign these kinds of agreements which facilitate economic co-operation and trade with Burma?
Suu Kyi: We would very much like to be certain that whatever business activities [or] economic activities New Zealand undertakes with regard to Burma, [that they] keep in sight very, very clearly the need for certain policies in this country with regards to the rights of workers and with regards to accountability and transparency and other necessary democratic values.
Herald: What is your current advice to New Zealand tourists wanting to visit Burma and why?
Suu Kyi: We are going to work out a policy on tourism as to what kind of tourists and what way we would welcome tourists to come. How they should come and how they should go about the country. What kind of hotels they should use and what kind of facilities they should use and what they should look out for.
Herald: Do you mean doing things in such a way so that money gets directed towards the people rather than the regime?
Suu Kyi: That’s right. In such a way that tourism would benefit the people rather than the powers that be.
Herald: Your youngest son Kim was recently able to come to Burma to visit you for the first time in a decade. What was it like seeing him after all that time?
Suu Kyi: Oh, it was lovely. I think the loveliest thing of all was that we didn’t feel we had been apart for 10 years. It was very nice. We felt very close to each other, as close as we have ever been.
Herald: Was there any one moment or time during your son’s visit that was especially memorable?
Suu Kyi: Just being together, I think, and he cooked breakfast for me one day which was very nice. I didn’t have time to cook for him at all.
Herald: What did he cook?
Suu Kyi: He made me a mushroom omelette. [It was] very tasty. He is a good cook.
Herald: What are your hopes in terms of seeing him again? Do you think he will be able to visit you again?
Suu Kyi: We hope so – both of us hope very much that he will be able to come again soon. But it depends on many, many things, because he has other commitments as well.
Herald: Now that you have been released from house arrest, are you concerned about your own safety and security? Are you fearful your life is at risk or that you may be re-arrested?
Suu Kyi: Actually, I have to admit, I don’t think about it very much. People keep speaking about my security, but I believe it is the duty of the Government to look after the security of all its citizens including myself.
Saturday 15th January, 2011
Dramatic changes may be afoot for the Burmese economy, according to reports by local news media, which say the government is planning to privatise 90% of state-owned companies in the country.
The Burmese government, a former military junta, recently won re-election in November, a process whereby the military ceded power to civilian puppet officials in what was internationally condemned as a sham.
The elections, the first in 20 years, were also part of a project to revamp the country’s image and attract new investment in the limping economy, which relies heavily on China.
For the last two decades, the Burmese economy has been one of the most tightly controlled in the world, after North Korea, so the rumours are significant in their scope, though their validity is hard to asses as real information on economic policy is impossible to obtain in Burma.
However, the leading local business magazine, Biweekly Eleven, itself state-controlled, quotes deputy minister for industry, U Khin Kyaw, as saying that 90% of state-owned enterprises will be sold and privatised by the end of the year.
But the move is likely to be more political than economic, according to observers, who point out that those leaving power need a parachute, while the government will seek to retain as much control as possible, even if assets are privately owned.
“I think what’s really going on is there’s going to be a bit of a firesale, if you like, of these assets to people closely connected to the current regime,” said Sean Turnell, a professor of economics at Macquarie University in Sydney, Australia when speaking with the BBC.
(philstar.com) Updated January 16, 2011 12:00 PM YANGON (Xinhua) – Myanmar and Cambodia have agreed to boost cooperation in tourism industry and planned direct flight between the two countries, the official daily New Light of Myanmar reported Sunday.
The discussions were made between a Cambodiam delegation, headed by Secretary of the Office of the Council of Ministers Takreth Samrach and their Myanmar counterparts, headed by Deputy Minister of Hotels and Tourism U Aye Myint Kyu and Deputy Minister of Transport U Nyan Tun Aung.
The report did not disclose further details of the outcome of the discussions.
Myanmar and Cambodia have planned to launch direct flight between Siem Reap and two Myanmar ancient cities – Bagan and Mandalay.
The plan of introducing Siem Reap-Bagan-Mandalay air route was prompted by the 4th Ayeyawady Chaophraya-Mekong Economic Cooperation Strategy (ACMECS) summit and 5th CLMV Summit in November last year, which was aimed at developing tourism industry in the subregion.
Prime ministers of Myanmar and Cambodia U Thein Sein and Hun Sen last met in Phnom Penh in the month expressing wishes to initiate direct flight between the two countries to boost cooperation in tourism.
Since 2007, Myanmar and Cambodia have been working in collaboration for realization of direct air link and visa exemption, aiming to promote tourism industry between the two countries.
The work plan includes diverting more tourists from Cambodia’s Siem Reap to Myanmar’s Bagan, both of which are tourist destinations of the two countries, as Siem Reap has developed a tourism market enough for such diversion.
About 500,000 world tourists visited Siem Reap annually from where more than 100,000 could be induced to Bagan, tourism officials said.
Myanmar and Cambodia signed three agreements in October 1996 on tourism cooperation, air services and establishment of sister cities between Bagan (Myanmar) and Siem Reap (Cambodia).
Myanmar signed bilateral air transport accord with Cambodia in 1995 among others with Laos and Vietnam.
Utpal Parashar, Hindustan Times
Kathmandu, January 15, 2011
Last Updated: 00:06 IST(16/1/2011)
US tactics pressing Nepal’s last king to take “right steps” on multi-party democracy could turn the country into another Burma, Nepal’s foreign minister felt at the height of civil war. A US diplomatic cable dated December 15, 2005 following a meeting between former foreign minister Ramesh Nath
Pandey and US Ambassador to Nepal James Moriarty states this.
The cable released by whistleblower website Wikileaks mentions how Pandey urges US to support King Gyandendra Shah to prevent the country being taken over by Maoist rebels.
Instead of using tactics that “could result in Nepal becoming another Burma”, the US should “encourage” the King to move towards multi-party democracy, the cable mentions Pandey as telling Moriarty.
The minister felt that rather than using pressure to force the King to restore democracy, the US should “change course” and use engagement.
Stating that Nepal’s long-term interest was in a relationship with US, not China or India, Pandey stressed there should be “total understanding between the US and the King” to get rid of problems.
The minister said if the King knew he could depend on the US, “things would be completely different”.
Moriarty responded that the “US would be there for Nepal” if the King took the right steps of declaring a ceasefire with international monitoring and reach out to political parties in a “right way”.
Complaining that leaders of political parties were a “major problem”, Pandey had proposed that the King bypass top leaders and encourage middle tier leaders to join the government.
But the US Ambassador felt that Pandey’s proposal would “essentially involve decapitating the parties and was unacceptable”.
He warned that attempting to manipulate internal warnings of the political parties would not prove a “successful strategy”.
Written by: IPCS
By Panchali Saikia
As divergence continues over river-water sharing between China and lower riparian countries in the Mekong subregion, a new concern has emerged over the Longjiang dam on the China-Myanmar border. With a considerable increase in trade and Chinese infrastructural developments in Myanmar in recent years, will this hinder their cross-border trade? What are the likely implications and how will China and Myanmar manage this river and maintain regional stability and peace?
What are the major issues?
The Longjiang River (Shweli) forms the border between China and Myanmar in Ruili before it flows through Shan State in Myanmar into the Irrawaddy River in the Saigaing region.
The hydropower dams on the river have been a bone of contention between the two countries. The Chinese are rapidly expanding development projects in those areas of Myanmar where ethnic minority groups reside and which see active conflicts. These dams will provide an opportunity for the growing Chinese cities in the border areas to acquire cheap electricity while leaving negative social and environmental impacts on Myanmar. It remains to be seen whether much of the electricity generated will be for the Myanmarese. Billions of dollars in investments and the benefits from these projects will flow to the Chinese and Myanmar’s government. Therefore, it is very unlikely that the government will support the issues of the ethnic minorities of Myanmar.
Moreover, the implementation and decision-making of these projects are not transparent; neither the social impact assessments (SIA) nor adequate and timely environmental impact assessments (EIA) regarding these dams are available. The World Commission on Dams, OECD’s Guidelines for Multinational Enterprises and the UN Global Compact outlines the requirement of EIAs, public participation, and consideration of the rights of indigenous people. China too includes these policy measures but none have been applied in these hydropower projects. Agreements have been signed without considering these assessments, most of the construction has been completed and many more are on their way.
What are the likely implications?
Cross-boundary impacts of hydropower projects on transnational rivers are imminent in relation to water sharing in Mekong, Irrawaddy, Salween and Paunglaung rivers. With three dams already on the Longjiang, the new dam has not only affected cross-border trade but also laid the grounds for conflicts between the two countries and within Myanmar.
A large part of Myanmar’s trade with China is carried out through the main highway linking Ruili and Muse over the Longjiang River and through river water transport. The unusually low level of Shweli River has affected the water transport businesses of the local community in the northern Shan State causing them to lose some two-thirds of their income. With Myanmar’s current internal disputes, these hydropower investments can bring about enormous political and economic risk. The dams will compound more negative consequences for displaced, ethnic communities which might also lead to violent upheaval leading to instability and increase in refugee flow into China and Thailand. A major concern also is for the Yunnan province in China, as the flow of refugees might lead to illegal trade affecting its economy. Another major concern involving the Myanmar junta is the illegal use of the benefits flowing from these projects in either arms acquisition or military operations.
How should the issue be managed?
Most Chinese hydropower corporations in Myanmar are still in their initial stages, although some of them are progressing rapidly, It is at this stage a crucial step is needed from the Chinese government to put its policy of ‘peaceful development’ into practice by incorporating relevant international standards within their projects. The Chinese investment companies have countered allegations of two nongovernmental organizations, the Shan Sapawa Environmental Organization and the Shan Women’s Action Network of Myanmar about Chinese dams affecting the lower riparian countries. Nevertheless, it is important that the Chinese government involves itself in monitoring and regulating the operation of foreign hydropower by its corporate sector. It is very important that these businesses follow and maintain international norms of transboundary water-sharing, ensuring the participation of local people in decision-making and accountability.
It is also important to note that involvement and intervention from the Myanmar government might bring about a negative impact on the local communities rather than positive. Therefore, cooperation cannot be forced through international laws and legal tools alone; it should be promoted by joint projects and cooperation among local groups. What is necessary is development of sustainable transboundary water agreements including the principle of equity that is also sustainable for the environment. Impacts which are indicative of the outcome of the negotiations should be assessed and disseminated. Basin-wide cooperation with benefit-sharing must be utilized. Public participation in the dam-affected communities in Myanmar is very rare, and therefore more interactions and involvement of the local communities is necessary to understand the problem well and find equitable solutions.
Panchali Saikia
Research Officer, SEARP, IPCS email: panchali@ipcs.org
Deutsche Welle – Call to lift sanctions against Myanmar sparks controversy
ASEAN foreign ministers have called for sanctions against Myanmar to be lifted, given the junta’s steps towards political reform. The call comes as parliament is due to meet for its first session later this month.
The demand by Association of South East Asian Nations (ASEAN) foreign ministers for the international community to lift economic sanctions against Myanmar has been led by Thailand and Indonesia. The two countries’ foreign ministers told a regional meeting on the weekend that democracy had returned to Myanmar.
Their call came just two months after military-ruled Myanmar held elections for a national parliament for the first time since 1990.
The release, one week later, of opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi from house arrest underscored efforts by the junta to have the sanctions lifted, especially those imposed by the United States, Canada and the European Union because of human rights violations.
Lifting of sanctions could boost economy
The bans on imports to the US as well as financial transactions and restrictions on foreign investment have had a negative impact on Myanmar’s garments and textiles industry that was very focused on exports to the US. Businessmen are also backing ASEAN’s calls.
“We would like to see the US lift its sanctions,” said Cambodia-based US businessman Douglas Clayton, a managing partner of the regional investment fund Leopard Capital.
“This would be a catalytic step towards facilitating foreign investment because at the moment multinationals are unable to deal there – they have problems if they deal there.”
Rights groups warn against ignoring human rights abuses
However, rights groups have said it would be premature to ease restrictions considering over 2,000 people remain in detention in Myanmar.
They have also raised questions over the validity of the November vote, citing fraud. Military-backed parties won around 80 percent of the seats. Under a constitutional quota, 25 percent of seats are automatically allotted to the military.
Activists say the parliament, which is due to meet at the end of the month, will do little to end the military’s tight control over government in Myanmar, also known as Burma.
“It’s just a procedural formalization of the military’s domination in Burma and that’s it,” said Sunai Pasuk, a representative in Thailand for Human Rights Watch.
Some even fear the start of the new session of parliament will lead to a new crackdown against pro-democracy activists, including Aung San Suu Kyi.
Mixed views about privatization plans
In recent days, the junta has also announced that it is pressing on with a program of privatization, viewed by analysts as a step in reforming the country’s inefficient economy.
Almost 400 state-owned businesses, buildings and infrastructure, have already been sold.
Human rights groups are also skeptical about these reforms. “We’ve seen a huge wave of privatization that’s transformed public assets into the personal property of the top generals and their cronies,” said Debbie Stothardt, the spokeswoman for the Alternative ASEAN Network.
“It’s actually concentrating ownership of the main economic opportunities of the country,” she added.
But Clayton said the program was a positive step because “by spreading ownership of the economy more broadly you will have more vested interests, so there will be more impetus for further reform.”
A delegation of ASEAN foreign ministers is due to travel to Myanmar to assess the new parliament as well as to encourage the military to start a dialogue with Aung San Suu Kyi and the opposition.
Burma Wants Freedom and Democracy (Weblog)
WHAT IS BURMA’s NATIONAL RECONCILIATION?
By: Roland Watson,
January 16, 2011 What is National Reconciliation?
In Burma, there is now a lot of talk about “national reconciliation.” An underlying question is: What does this mean?
There has been terrible conflict and tragedy in the country since the military took over. But, this has not been standard interracial or interethnic violence, where one group engages in widespread, grassroots subjugation of another, such as the slavery and racism of blacks by whites that has dogged the U.S. In the U.S., many whites are still racists, and they speak and act with bigotry against African Americans again and again across the country.
It’s different in Burma. One cannot say that large numbers of the country’s different ethnicities hate each other. There may be some mistrust, but it is not open hate. Instead, Burma is characterized by centralized, command driven subjugation, by the military junta. But, while the SPDC’s repression extends to all the people of the country (excluding its cronies), it is disproportionately imposed on the ethnic minorities, in particular the Karen people.
The reason for this is clearly racist. The current dictator of Burma, Than Shwe, a member of the largest group in the country, the Burmans, hates the other ethnic groups, starting with the Karen. He is pursuing a program of ethnic cleansing targeted against these groups, with all manner of associated war crimes and crimes against humanity.
What this means is that national reconciliation for Burma is not just a matter of the SPDC relenting in its overall repression of the general
public: Allowing the people the freedom to speak their minds and to develop their communities such that they can escape poverty. Instead, the most pressing element of national reconciliation is that the SPDC must end its tyranny of the ethnic minorities, and that these groups receive justice and peace.
The core issue in Burma therefore is racial politics. National reconciliation for the country must begin with ethnic reconciliation. In the present day, we must end the SPDC’s institutionalized racism. If and when Burma becomes free, the challenge will then shift to finding ways for the many different peoples of the country to cooperate together in a democratic society.
How to achieve national reconciliation in Burma
This understanding of national reconciliation implies certain conditions for how it can be accomplished. Foremost, Than Shwe and his fellow racist Burman generals must be removed from power. Only then can there be any real hope of reconciliation. Further, this means that any “solution” that proposes power-sharing with the generals is not in fact a solution. If they remain in power, they will continue their racist crimes.
In addition, the majority of the Burmans, who are not racist, must speak out against the minority that are; and similarly, the majorities in the other ethnic groups must oppose their own members who are racist against Burmans.
Looking at the U.S. again, most whites are not racist against blacks (or blacks against whites), and oppose and seek to educate those who are.
To ordinary Americans, negotiating with Than Shwe would be like talking to a slave owner – completely unacceptable.
The evidence
In December, two ethnic teenage women were killed in Karen State. They had been raped and murdered by Burma Army soldiers. One was beheaded.
This continues a long-standing and well-documented pattern of the SPDC using rape as a weapon of war, which also includes the element of racism, since the rapes are inevitably perpetrated by Burman soldiers against ethnic minority women.
There was no outrage expressed about these latest atrocities. In fact, other than by the women’s relatives and friends, they were quickly forgotten. The Burma pro-democracy community as a whole continues to ignore the underlying and highest priority issue in the country: The SPDC’s violence against the ethnic groups. There may be attention to the news aspect of this subject, such as the current status of the SPDC’s conflict with Brigade 5 of the DKBA. But there is no outrage, no: “Burma Army attacks against the ethnic groups have to end! Tatmadaw units must withdraw from the ethnic areas and let the villagers and townspeople live in peace!”
Daw Aung San Suu Kyi
Daw Aung San Suu Kyi is now out of house arrest, and acting as a leader of Burma. She is developing a record of statements, which can be analyzed, to try to determine what she intends. For example, she is the principal promoter of national reconciliation.
Unfortunately, from the many interviews that she has conducted, it appears her definition of the term is limited to having the SPDC relent in its overall repression. While she has supported the call for a second Panglong conference, she has not made any specific mention of the ongoing conflict in the country, nor of the Tatmadaw’s war crimes. She further has said that while she also supports a United Nations Commission of Inquiry, she does not want the generals to feel fear. Many ethnic people responded to this statement with the question: What about our fear? How much are you willing to forgive in your desire to initiate a dialogue? And, she restated her belief that the only solution for Burma is through non-violent action, no matter how long it takes. Again, her patience is not matched by the ethnics, who in the face of Tatmadaw attacks have been compelled to self-defense, and who would like Burma to be free as soon as possible.
(One is reminded of the Dalai Lama saying that climate change is more important than freedom for Tibet.)
In the Burma struggle, there are two goals: Freedom and Democracy. Freedom must be achieved first, after which the objective will be to establish a well-functioning federal democracy. From Daw Suu’s statements, it appears that she is relenting on the goal of freedom. Her perspective on national reconciliation goes beyond power sharing, to allowing the generals to stay in charge, with pressure for them to reform. The idea is no longer to force Than Shwe to allow democracy, such as by implementing the results of the 1990 election. It is simply to get him to ease up in his overall repression.
The end of the Burma Pro-Democracy Movement?
The big unknown is if Daw Suu is censoring herself, to avoid renewed house arrest, or if her goals really have changed. It the answer is the latter, this is a disaster. The Burma pro-democracy movement is over. All of the different pressure mechanisms that the movement works to organize, including economic, financial and arms embargo sanctions, legal culpability for war crimes, Security Council action, expulsion from the General Assembly, etc., are dead in the water. If Daw Suu doesn’t lead on this, no one will act.
This underlines the importance of her role. Daw Suu appears to view herself as one of Burma’s many pro-democracy leaders, which is in a sense true. The movement comprises at least one hundred different groups, and many of these have valiant and determined leaders.
But in another sense, Daw Suu is the pro-democracy leader. This is especially the case with people living outside of the country, including the leaders of many of the aforementioned groups. These groups are paralyzed now. They have been pressing for change for years and now their leader, finally released, appears to want to end the pressure. What should they do?
Even if Daw Suu is undeterred, and is simply speaking softly to avoid arrest, she should understand the consequences of this. If the pressure stops, there is no chance that Burma will ever be free – Than Shwe will start a North Korean-style family dynasty. No amount of non-violent activism will ever be enough.
Daw Suu and Bogyoke Aung San
A revealing analysis, which other commentators are making as well, is to compare Daw Suu to her father, Bogyoke Aung San. While this is not a value judgment, certain differences are evident.
Aung San was absolutely committed to freedom from colonial rule for Burma, to the extent that he struck an alliance with the fascist Imperial Japanese Army. He no doubt found this relationship distasteful, but accepted it as a necessary step to achieve his goal.
Daw Suu, though, has had minimal relations with the ethnic resistance forces of Burma, even though their armed struggle is in the cause of self-defense (not aggression like the Japanese), and they view themselves as her partners in the struggle for freedom and democracy. One imagines the reason for this lack of contact is twofold. Open support for the armed groups would give the junta a justification to arrest her, and, she apparently believes it would undermine her commitment to nonviolence.
One similarity between Daw Suu and her father is their willingness to accept any personal cost. This unlimited courage is the source of their inspiration and strength. But Aung San, as a military commander, understood that sometimes you must order your followers into situations where they may be called upon to make the ultimate sacrifice. The justification for such orders is the knowledge that they openly accept the risk.
One suspects that Daw Suu lacks this readiness, and that her devotion to non-violence is linked to her unwillingness to accept the deaths of her followers. She is, in effect, a reluctant commander. At any time during the last twenty years, she could have called upon the people of Burma to rise up, and for the soldiers of the Tatmadaw to turn against the generals. She could do this from within the country, or leave and do it from outside. But, she hasn’t. She has even said that she thought the Saffron Revolution in 2007 was a mistake.
A final difference is that, at least during his life, Aung San was not an idol. Daw Suu, though, definitely is. Her followers express blind obedience. She is above reproach. Further, everything she says instantly becomes policy. If her statements suggest a relaxation in pressure on the SPDC, this restricts such followers’ freedom of action.
Conclusion
People have noted that there is a lack of unity within the Burma pro-democracy movement. This is an understatement. The movement has two components, which are separated by a huge chasm. On the one hand are the “democracy” groups, starting with the NLD, which profess non-violence; which express little concern for the problems of the ethnic minorities; which act like an opposition party that lost a election, not one that boycotted it and rejects any and all of its outcomes out of hand; and which, amazingly, is unwilling even to criticize the ruling generals. On the other hand are the ethnic groups, who are fighting for their lives, and who so want the junta gone that they would kill the generals in an instant given the opportunity.
This split appears irreconcilable. Until Daw Suu becomes more forceful in her approach, and addresses Burma’s underlying ethnic issues, including by sending envoys to those groups that she cannot be seen to contact publicly, Than Shwe’s release of her is a master stroke. Burma’s pro-democracy movement is finished. There will never be freedom, or democracy, or national reconciliation.
The ethnic groups believe that Daw Suu is the only Burman leader who can hold the country together, once it is free. The paradox is that unless she changes her goals and style, Burma never will be free.
Monday, January 17, 2011
Burma’s opposition party, the National League for Democracy (NLD), said it would continue to support targeted sanctions against the country’s ruling regime while the party is reviewing other trade sanctions, according to a senior party official.
“We have consistently supported the targeted sanctions against the regime leadership and its cronies, and we will continue to do so. But as we have said, we will review trade sanctions to find out if they are hurting the people,” said Win Tin, a senior NLD leader.
His comment followed calls by the foreign ministers of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (Asean) and also by an alliance of five ethnic political parties in Burma for an end to Western economic sanctions against Burma.
“Such calls are dishonest and those who made them are merely toeing the line of the military regime,” said Win Tin, adding that the sanctions have hurt the junta and its cronies and helped the opposition in its struggle for democracy.
On Sunday, the Asean rotating chair, Indonesian Foreign Minister Marty Natalegawa, said that the international community should respond to recent developments in Burma, such as last year’s general election and the release of NLD leader Aung San Suu Kyi, by removing or easing sanctions against the country’s ruling regime.
The calls from the regional body came a day after an alliance of five ethnic minorities parties that participated in the controversial Nov. 7 election issued a joint statement urging an end to the sanctions, saying that they “are causing many difficulties in the important areas of trade, investment and modern technologies for the development of ethnic regions.”
“We want to see the end of sanctions against economic investments in our country because they are hurting the people,” said Sai Saung Si, the deputy chairman of the Shan Nationalities for Democracy Party, one of the five ethnic political parties which issued the declaration on Saturday.
Since her release from house arrest late last year, Suu Kyi has expressed a desire to review the sanctions, saying she was prepared to work together with Burma’s military rulers to remove sanctions that were hurtful to the people.
While the Obama administration has initiated a senior-level diplomatic dialogue with the Burmese military leadership, sanctions continue to be an important tool of US policy.
The Washington Times recently quoted a US Congressional source as saying that the Obama administration would not lift sanctions until the Burmese regime releases all political prisoners, ends attacks against ethnic groups and establishes a meaningful dialogue with opposition groups.
More than 2,000 political prisoners remain behind bars in Burma as the country prepares to convene its first session of Parliament in 22 years at the end of this month. The Parliament will be dominated by pro-military lawmakers who won in last year’s polls.
Meanwhile, the National Democratic Force, a party that broke away from the NLD last year to take part in the election, said that it plans to submit a bill to the Parliament that would grant a general amnesty to all political prisoners and exiled dissidents.
By SAI ZOM HSENG Monday, January 17, 2011
The Burmese army is continuing to use heavy artillery fire against a breakaway faction of the Democratic Karen Buddhist Army (DKBA) and its allies after more than a week of intensifying clashes near the Thai border, according to DKBA and Karen National Union (KNU) sources.
Speaking on condition of anonymity, a DKBA officer told The Irrawaddy on Monday that skirmishes between the armed group’s renegade Brigade 5 and Burmese troops have continued amid the shelling in Manerplaw, Kasawah Lay, Nuday, Waw Lay and Phaluu.
Manerplaw is the former headquarters of the KNU, whose armed wing, the Karen National Liberation Army (KNLA) has joined DKBA Brigade 5 in the fighting, along with troops from the All Burma Students’ Democratic Front.
“Refugees in the Mae La Oo refugee camp [in Thailand] could hear the heavy artillery exploding very close to the border between 9:30 and 10:30 last night, but I heard that nobody was injured,” a Karen source said.
“The refugees from the camp are so frightened that they have started to collect their belongings in case they have to flee,” he added.
According to a KNU source, DKBA Brigade 5 has requested reinforcements from the KNLA, which has agreed to send its Brigade 5 to the area.
The source also said that the number of dead or wounded in the latest fighting is still not known, but added that there were reports of injured Burmese troops being carried from the combat zone through the Thai border town of Mae Sot to Myawaddy in Karen State.
Meanwhile, a resident of Phaluu in Karen State’s Kawkareik Township told The Irrawaddy that the DKBA ambushed a Burmese military convoy in the area on Sunday. The attack targeted two trucks carrying ammunition and equipment to Burmese troops on the front line, the source said.
According to a source close to the Burmese army’s Southeast Regional Command, troop reinforcements have been traveling to the front line since late last week.
“About 50 army trucks were sent to Kawkareik Township last Thursday from battalions based in Arakan State. They are under the command of the 44th Infantry Division,” the Burmese military source said.
A KNU officer said that it was unclear if the Burmese army is increasing its troop strength in the area or just sending in replacements.
“We will have to wait and see if they are sending in extra troops to try to wipe us out, or if they’re just rotating their troops. Either way, the fighting will continue,” he said.
Fighting started in the area on Nov. 7, when DKBA Brigade 5, led by Col Saw Lah Pwe, clashed with Burmese troops in Myawaddy on the day of Burma’s first election in 20 years.
The rest of the DKBA, which has long been a key ally of the Burmese junta, has joined a border guard force (BGF) under Burmese military command. According to an unconfirmed report, the regime’s troops have taken control of the Manerplaw area with support from the BGF.
Saturday, January 15, 2011
RANGOON — Domestic and international nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) in Burma, including the UN, will be subject to the military regime’s newly introduced system of Withholding Tax, according to sources in Rangoon.
An official from the Internal Revenue Department (IRD) told The Irrawaddy that the new tax system, which took effect on Jan. 1, encompasses both NGOs and INGOs working inside the country.
“International organizations such as the UN, and domestic agencies such as the Free Funeral Service Society are subject to this new system. All organizations registered under the existing law will have to pay Withholding Tax at the IRD office when they purchase goods or implement activities,” said the IRD official.
When purchasing goods inside the country, importing goods or asking business companies to take care of development projects on their behalf, NGOs and INGOs will reportedly have to pay Withholding Tax.
“In fact, when buying goods from companies or asking them to implement development projects, the NGOs and INGOs are effectively paying tax for those companies,” explained the IRD official. “For example, if a social organization buys rice worth 10 million kyat [US $12,000] from a company, the organization has to pay the tax at the IRD office before it settles its account with the company. Since the tax is 3 percent, the organization will only have to pay 9.7 million kyat to the company together with the tax receipt.”
He said that, on the other hand, if a private company initiates a deal with an NGO or INGO to purchase goods or implement a project, that company has to pay the Withholding Tax.
The Withholding Tax rate will reportedly be between 3 and 20 percent of the value of the goods or services.
A Rangoon-based news reporter told The Irrawaddy that this new tax system will not only disturb NGOs and INGOs in their implementation of development projects, but will also hinder their emergency relief efforts.
“Let’s say an INGO buys 100 tonnes of rice from a company to be transported urgently to the Cyclone Giri-affected area. That INGO has to run to the IRD office to pay Withholding Tax, fill out documents and following other unnecessary steps. It will delay the distribution of aid to victims. I think there should be exceptions for NGOs and INGOs, so they can accelerate their social activities,” said the reporter.
According to the regime’s official statement, only 1.09 percent of a population of more than 50 million people in Burma pay tax.
Business companies close to or founded by the military generals’ relatives and children reportedly enjoy either tax exemption or the right to avoid paying tax.
The Union of Myanmar Economic Holding Limited, a military-owned conglomerate, is one such business company that reportedly enjoys tax exemption.
Monday, 17 January 2011 19:55 Aung Myat Soe
Bangkok (Mizzima) – Young National League for Democracy activists have opened a free elementary school in Hlaing Tharyar Township, a poor area in Rangoon Division.
The school, named ‘Mom’s Home’, is located on Maykha Street in Ward 13, in Hlaing Tharyar, in a compound owned by a memer of the National League for Democracy (NLD).
NLD chairman Tin Oo, a central executive committee member, along with fellow members Win Tin and Phyu Phyu Thin, attended the opening ceremony on Monday.
‘The school has been opened for poor children and any child who cannot read and write well in Hlaing Tharyar Township’, school organiser Phyo Min Thein, a former chairman of the United Democratic Party, told Mizzima.
‘Today, more than 100 students in the area registered for classes. Not only poor children but also children who can attend government primary schools’, he said.
NLD members have volunteered to teach the students in accordance with the national curriculum on subjects including the Burmese language, English and mathematics.
The school will offer morning and evening classes. Students who have to attend government schools in the evening can attend the morning class, which starts at 9 a.m. The school’s evening class is intended for students who attend government schools in morning.
The school will open preparatory classes for 10th grade students when their exams are near and also provide special English language classes during the summer holidays, according to Phyo Min Thein.
Explaining the motivation behind opening the school, Phyo Min Thein said, ‘Aung San Suu Kyi told us to work for people in need’.
Most people in Hlaing Tharyar, located across the Hlaing River from downtown Rangoon, are poor and many children in the area do not attend school.
Monday, 17 January 2011 23:11 Ko Pauk New Delhi (Mizzima) – Local authorities have forcibly relocated the houses of 26 families in Monywa to build the Sagaing Region State Assembly here, according to local residents.
It was learned that 26 families (about 70 persons) were forcibly relocated from their 42-acre plot in Obo South, a satellite town in western Monywa on November 13 by oral orders given by local authorities.
‘There are many such cases in Monywa despite residents having a leasehold grant. For instance, the plots near Chindwin Bridge have been sold to the people but they were seized by authorities later. The owners of these plots lost everything except the lease grants in their hands’, lawyer Saw Tun of Monywa told Mizzima.
‘They sent two trucks from the Irrigation Department and two army trucks when these families were relocated but the electricity is not yet available’, another Monywa resident told Mizzima.
The plots were first allotted to servicemen and the civilians bought from them. The authorities gave them a 40’x80’ plot each in compensation for the lands seized from them.
The relocated houses are built of bamboo and thatch. Residents were given only one plot in compensation and authorities did not provide cash compensation in rebuilding their houses, the local residents said.
Among those plots seized by authorities, some are farmlands growing wheat, beans and pulses. Seven land owners of the farmlands were given 80’x80’ plots each in compensation, but they are for residential use only and not agricultural use.
Similarly, 18 families were evicted from their land for road construction, but they have not yet been moved from their houses.
‘This is the age of arbitrary seizure of land by claiming that all lands are owned by State. We have not yet heard any complaints against these seizures’, lawyer Saw Tun said.
The government offices in the Sagaing Region were shifted to the new capital city of Monywa 10 years ago, the home of the new State Assembly building.
The building of the State Assembly is just starting. The upcoming Assembly will be convened on January 31 in a temporary building such as Town Hall, Saw Tun said.
There will be a total of 100 representatives in the Sagaing Region Assembly of which 74 will be elected representatives, 25 army personnel as appointed representatives and one representative of an ethnic group.
Sixty-two representatives are from the junta-backed Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP), 11 representatives are from the National Unity Party (NUP) and another representative from the Chin Progressive Party (CPP).
Among the 14 Region and State local assemblies, the Sagaing Region Assembly is the third largest in number of representatives.
The first ever local assemblies in Burmese history will be convened on January 31 simultaneously with the two national legislative bodies, the House of the People and the House of Nationalities.
By KHIN HNIN HTET
Published: 17 January 2011 A young reporter arrested following the Rangoon bombings in April last year and sentenced to eight years in prison is being tortured on a daily basis, a prison source claims.
Sithu Zeya, 21, was last week moved to an isolation cell in Rangoon’s Insein prison after apparently failing to abide by prison customs.
“He is taken out of his cell every 15 minutes and forced to do squats and crawls for not knowing the prison customs,” said the source, adding that this had stretched over nine days and was being sanctioned by the prison’s deputy chief, Thein Myint.
Seventeen other political prisoners in Burma’s most notorious jail have called on authorities to cease ill treatment of Sithu Zeya, a DVB reporter who was arrested after being caught photographing the aftermath of the bombings.
Continued refusals by prison staff to accede to the requests have resulted in demonstrations by the 17 political prisoners, who share the same ward as Sithu Zeya.
“The political prisoners…are now refusing to stand to attention, a daily routine in the prison every dusk and dawn,” said the source. “If their demands are not met in the next three days, they will shave their heads in protest, which is against prison regulations. They have informed the prison authorities that if shaving their heads doesn’t work, then they will go on hunger strike.”
Torture is rife throughout Burmese prisons, particularly among wardens looking to extract information from political prisoners.
Sithu’s father, Maung Maung Zeya, was arrested alongside his son on 23 April and is still awaiting a verdict. He has reportedly been told that he could walk free if he passes over information about other DVB reporters working inside Burma.
According to their lawyer, Aung Thein, the 21-year-old confessed to his charges of illegal border crossing and holding ties to an unlawful association whilst under torture.
Meanwhile, political prisoners in Insein’s Ward 5 are calling on authorities to look into issues such as lack of blankets, poor food rations and poor medical assistance.
By MOE AYE
Published: 17 January 2011
A new unit ostensibly charged with protecting the interests of journalists and issuing guidelines for media practice has been formed by Burma’s draconoian censor board.
Media freedom in the Southeast Asian pariah is amongst the world’s lowest – all material in the various domestic news journals and magazines in circulation has to be vetted by the Press Scrutiny and Registration Division (PSRD) prior to publication.
The PSRD’s role in establishing the new body, the Committe for Professional Conduct (CPC), has thus worried interested parties. It was the PSRD that last year forced newspapers to report that the pentalty for calling for a boycott of the 7 November elections was 5 to 30 years’ imprisonment.
”We really want the sort of committe which can protect and promote us,” said one Rangoon-based journalist, speaking on condition of anonymity. ”But we are disappointed because the committe is established by the PSRD.”
The PRSD has however said that it will not interfere with the workings of the 25-strong CPC, which includes 15 journal editors and two members of the censor board. Some, however, are not so sure.
”We hoped that the CPC would be independent from the PSRD and that censorship may also be loosened,” said another journal editor. ”It is now obvious that everything we had thought is totally wrong. The PSRD will be taking a leadership role in the CPC, and it is questionable if free press will emerge in the near future, despite a new government being formed.”
Another journalist likened the new body to the elections last year, which have been shrouded in controversy.
”Some politicians said the election was a big chance and that they will fight for changes in the parliament,” said a veteran Rangoon journalist. ”Some say they will boycott it because the election will not bring any changes. Indeed, we do need such a committe but it should not be like this.”
Burma was recently ranked as the world’s fourth biggest jail for journalists by the New York-based Committee for the Protection of Journalists (CPJ). It also came 171 out of 175 countries in Reporters sans frontieres’ Press Freedom Index last year.