Question: How much of a priority will Burma be for you?

Answer: I arrived in Bangkok with clear directions to engage actively on Burma. I intend to pursue an active dialogue with the fullest range of stakeholders involved­ in Canada, in Thailand and in Burma, to communicate Canadian values and to understand and closely track evolving developments.

Q: Your last posting was in Afghanistan, a country high on Canada’s foreign policy agenda. How high is Burma on that agenda? What level of attention do you think Burma warrants from Canada and the international community?

A: You’re right that I just left the role of ambassador for Canada’s highest political, development and military priority in the world, but I also know that this new set of relationships remains important to my country and carries with it some profound challenges and complexities. Canada’s foreign minister, the Honorable Lawrence Cannon, during his speech to the UN General Assembly in September, reaffirmed the pre-eminence of human rights, democratic development and the rule of law as priorities for Canada, and Prime Minister Stephen Harper expressed his strong personal support for these values to me on a recent visit to Afghanistan. I believe Burma will be a major pre-occupation in the period ahead for any country that adheres to these principles.

Q: In late 2007, after the “Saffron Revolution,” Canada imposed tougher sanctions on Burma. Do you think that sanctions have been effective in influencing the Burmese regime? Under what conditions would Canada lift its sanctions?

A: Canada believes that its robust sanctions regime is not only of major symbolic importance, but it has also had some tangible impact in reducing Burma’s access to investments and trading partners. For these reasons, coupled with the lack of progress on human rights and democratic development thus far, Canada intends to keep its sanctions in place for the foreseeable future. But we, like others, are also acutely aware that our tough stance on sanctions alone has not made the kind of difference we had hoped. The frustrating and sad reality is that countries like China and India, in particular, are investing heavily in Burma and undermining much of the effect sanctions could have.

Q: The Obama administration recently announced that it would engage in direct talks with the Burmese junta while maintaining sanctions. What do you think of this approach?

A: Well, I think it’s important that the Obama administration realizes that sanctions still have some role to play. It’s still valuable, I think, that the Burmese regime isn’t rewarded until its words are matched by meaningful, and enduring, deeds. But I also think that the new US administration has come to a reluctant but important conclusion that the tough line taken by principled countries has ultimately made little real difference. Canada will be examining closely the US decision to apply a more multi-faceted approach.

Q: There is some controversy about whether aid should be channeled into Burma through Rangoon or across the border, primarily from Thailand. What is Canada’s policy on providing aid to Burma?

A: Canada has generally heeded the advice of Burma activists inside and outside the country who have asked us not to provide development assistance through channels inside Burma. Cyclone Nargis was an exception, when Canada worked through NGO and UN channels established inside the country to provide some US $25 million of emergency aid, while ordinary Canadians donated another $11.6 million. But I’m struck by the number of credible anti-regime players who are starting to believe that space may be emerging to work with domestic nongovernmental actors and local NGOs, at least selectively.

I plan to look very closely at this question in the months ahead. In the meantime, we feel that Canada’s work with groups based in the border region of Thailand has had a significant positive effect to improve lives within Burma itself.

Q: A Burmese delegation including Dr. Sein Win, the prime minister of the Burmese government in exile, and Dr. Cynthia Maung, founder of the Mae Tao clinic on the Thai-Burmese border, was warmly received by Prime Minister Stephen Harper and other Canadian political leaders during a recent visit to Ottawa. Over the years, how much support has Canada given to Burmese exiles?

A: You’re right that Canada has highly valued its dialogue with Burmese exiles, and my country will continue to engage this constituency very closely. We also recognize, however, that we need to strengthen relationships with all stakeholders, including those still struggling against the military regime from within Burma and who are positioned to play a direct role in possible future elections.

Q: In the ongoing military offensive against ethnic minorities and ethnic rebels in Karen and Shan states, there have been numerous reports of systematic human rights violations, including wanton killings and rapes. The regime is trying to pressure the armed ethnic groups to transform themselves into a border guard forces. How do you view these ethnic issues?

A: Canadians are deeply disturbed by the human rights abuses we have been hearing about and are highly concerned over the prospect of continued, or even intensified, military offences against ethnic minorities leading up to possible elections next year. It’s vital that we step up our discussions with neighboring affected states, especially Thailand, but in this case even China, to urge more united and forceful pressure on the Burma regime to behave responsibly and respect the human rights of those involved.

Q: Last year, Canada hosted a conference in Quebec City on how the international community can support United Nations efforts in Burma. Do you think the UN has been effective in promoting political reform in Burma? Why has it had so little success in getting the generals to listen?

A: As with many issues, the UN can only be as strong as its membership allows it to be, and in this case, the membership is divided. Several of its agencies have been doing courageous work on the ground, improving the lives of hundreds of thousands of ordinary Burmese. On the diplomatic level, I personally think the high-level engagement, notwithstanding the risks involved, has still had a net positive impact. Many NGOs I’ve been speaking with agree.

Q: The appeal by opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi against her extended term of house arrest was rejected by a Rangoon court. What is the Canadian response to that court decision and has Ottawa any suggestions on how greater pressure can be brought on the regime to release her and the country’s more than 2,000 political prisoners?

A: Canada has consistently demanded the immediate and unconditional release of Aung San Suu Kyi as well as the other 2,000-plus political prisoners. The rejection of Aung San Suu Kyi’s appeal was disappointing but not surprising. I believe that Canada and like-minded countries, including the United States, need to ensure that their collective voice is as united and unambiguous as possible, especially in the lead-up to possible elections in 2010.

Q: Most Burmese activists, political prisoners and those in hiding or living as refugees along the Thai-Burmese border remain very skeptical about the possibility of change in Burma. How do view their skepticism?

A: I think the skepticism of many refugees is deeply felt and understandable. They have seen their lives destroyed and loved ones harmed, with little meaningful improvement in conditions within Burma for many, many years. I hope that the world’s vocal support and tangible help to improve lives of those affected will at least give some comfort and hope to them.

Q: Can you share your perspective on the 2010 election in Burma? What kind of role can the international community, especially Western countries, play in ensuring that the elections are fair, credible and inclusive?

A: I think our message to the Burmese leadership needs to be two-fold, namely to encourage it to see its commitment to elections as an opportunity to end its “pariah” status, but also that any elections will not be considered credible while political prisoners are still detained and opposition forces disenfranchised. If the Burmese regime delivers on its own commitments, then the international community should also be ready to acknowledge and further encourage their actions.

Q: How do you view Burma’s post-election political landscape?

A: The post-election political landscape in Burma is going to be conditioned by the nature of the election itself and the degree to which opposition to the regime can participate. If there are real choices for the Burmese people, reflecting meaningful participation by opposition parties and candidates, then it could be a significant step forward for the country. These elections, even in a best-case scenario, are still going to be less than ideal by virtue of the new Constitution’ s guarantee of a continued role for the military or its appointees in government, but activists are also telling me that it could at least be a step in the right direction by creating more openings for change in the future.

http://www.irrawadd y.org/article. php?art_id= 17099
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Security threats in eastern Burma ‘increasing’

Oct 30, 2009 (DVB)–The fallout from conflict in eastern Burma is likely to deteriorate in the coming year as greater militarization causes further unrest in the region, an aid agency said.

The Thai government has expressed concern about an exodus of Burmese across the border in the run-up to elections next year, while a humanitarian organization warned last month that Thailand faces a “wave of refugees”.

The prediction was reinforced yesterday with the release of a statement by the Thailand Burma Border Consortium (TBBC) that said that conflict in eastern Burma was not being given due attention.

“After 25 years of responding to the consequences of conflict in eastern Burma, it is tragic to see the causes remain unaddressed and the situation is likely to further deteriorate during the next twelve months,” said TBBC executive director, Jack Dunford.

“A recent influx of refugees into Thailand and monitoring reports from internally displaced communities indicate that violence and abuse in eastern Burma are increasing.”

Government pressure on ceasefire groups to transform into border guards prior to the elections is a key reason for the unrest and further uprooting of internally displaced persons (IDPs), said Duncan McArthur, emergency relief coordinator at TBBC.

“Of the numbers of IDPs in eastern Burma, around half of them are in ceasefire areas,” he said. “If the tension with the ceasefire groups escalates…it’s going to make those IDPs in ceasefire areas a lot more vulnerable than they have been previously.”

More than 3,500 villages and “hiding sites” have been forcibly relocated or destroyed since 1996, according to TBBC. Around 120 communities were affected between August 2008 and July 2009 alone.

It warns that the situation regarding village relocation is “comparable to the situation in Darfur and has been recognised as the strongest single indicator of crimes against humanity in eastern Burma”.

A report released in July by a panel of leading international jurists also alleged that human rights atrocities in Burma that are comparable to both Darfur and the former Yugoslavia were being underreported.

“[The situation] hasn’t had the same political support from the UN security council in regards to Burma, and eastern Burma in particular,” said McArthur.

In June around 5000 Karen civilians fled into Thialand to escape fighting between the government and opposition Karen National Union (KNU), while an offensive against an ethnic Kokang army in northeastern Shan state forced some 37,000 into China.

“The breakdown of 20 year old ceasefire agreements reflects how the Burmese junta’s ‘road map to democracy’ offers no political settlement for the ethnic minority groups,” said the statement, adding that there is an “urgent need to address ethnic grievances”.

Reporting by Francis Wade  http://english. dvb.no/news. php?id=3004
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Burmese satirists could face death sentence

Oct 30, 2009 (DVB)–Comedians and performers who poke fun at Burma’s ruling junta could face the death sentence, an article written by Burmese police has warned.

Performances which could sow “public hatred against the government” are prohibited under Burmese law, said the article, published recently in the Crime News Journal. The journal is the mouthpiece of the state’s Criminal Investigation Department.

“Equipment used in such an act will be seized while those who violate the law can face arrest and be sentenced from three years to lifetime imprisonment or execution,” the article said.

According to Burmese central court lawyer Khin Maung Shein, the threat relates to Act 124(A) of the penal code, which deals with defamation of the government.

“Public performers have made remarks about the rulers since the times of monarchy in Burma, and none of them were punished under the Act,” he said. [The government] is changing the law the way they want it.”

The renowned Burmese comedian, Zarganar, is currently serving a 35-year sentence after being convicted in 2008 of ‘public order offences’. The sentencing came after he had given interviews to foreign media critical of the government’s slow reaction to cyclone Nargis last year.

Zarganar was recently awarded the prestigious PEN/Pinter award, which honours international ‘imprisoned writers of courage’.

He is currently detained in Myintkyina prison in Burma’s eastern Kachin state, and was earlier this year reported to have been denied adequate healthcare despite suffering from hypertension and jaundice.

Political satire is popular in Burma, where outright criticism of the government carries heavy penalties.

“We comedians only make jokes to bring certain issues to the attention of the senior government leaders so they can fix them for the sake of the people,” said Lu Maw, from the Mandalay-based comedy group, Moustache Bros.

“That is neither national treason nor an armed-revolution. The only tool we have is our mouths.”

The government is expected to crack down on dissent in the run-up to elections next year, with arrests of activists already said to be on the rise.

Reporting by Ahunt Phone Myat http://english. dvb.no/news. php?id=3003
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Nationality Verification of Burmese Migrants: A Meaningful Debate
By Andy Hall
Published on October 30, 2009

The Thai Government recently reiterated its policy to formalise the status of around 2 million migrants from Burma working here. Nationality verification (NV) is apparently required because these migrants left Burma without permission and entered Thailand “illegally”.

What with an abundance of brokers assisting them, and the fact that wide swathes of the Thai economy remain reliant on them, it’s easy to get in at a cost. Once registered to work “legally” in the most dangerous jobs Thailand has to offer, migrants’ status remains “illegal, pending deportation”. Refused work accident compensation, the right to ride motorbikes and travel outside a province of registration, migrants live in a grey hole where insecurity and exploitation thrives.

So something apparently needed to be done to solve this unjust situation. NV means that migrants become both “Burmese” and “legal” at the same time. They also receive a “temporary” passport, which entitles them to benefits in Thailand they were previously denied.

Since NV involves working with the junta, difficulties were always going to arise. While Cambodia and Laos sent diplomats to complete NV for their workers in Thailand, Burma insisted its workers return home to complete the process. NV for Burmese workers ground to a halt – only to reawaken last year when Thailand allowed the process to be completed on Burmese soil.

Many observers, including political groups engaged in a sixty-year political struggle against the junta, sensed NV was not a magic solution to Thailand’s irregular migration challenges. Instead, it seemed a tad fishy. So is NV a win-win process? If not, the lives of millions of migrants are potentially at stake.

Migrants currently send their biographical information to the Burmese authorities and then travel to Burma to complete NV. Since August, six NV centres have become operational on both sides of three main Burma-Thailand border crossings. Two more centres are planned. Once the process is complete, migrants return with “temporary” passports and two-year visas.

However, for many, NV remains a migrant’s worst nightmare and should not be attempted.

Firstly, NV is potentially dangerous, especially for migrants from the plethora of ethnic groups in Burma who are still at war with the Burmese. They are being asked to deal directly with the junta, which for many is a scary prospect that brings fear of persecution and imprisonment for themselves and their families.

Secondly, NV is complex and non-transparent. Thailand has mounted no public awareness campaign. Officials simply tell migrants to complete NV before February 28, 2010 or be deported. A Burmese government leaflet is the only official information released – claiming the process is “risk free, cheap and friendly”. The reality is that few migrants believe the junta.

Thirdly, NV is costly. The current price is Bt3,000 to 10,000. Brokers remain unregulated and are fleecing migrants, given that someone needs to guide them through the 13-step process. The costs are inappropriate, given that a previous migrant registration process just ended, and migrant incomes are so low.

With such a secretive process, there has been much talk: Land confiscation for families of migrants attempting NV; migrants from Bangkok arrested on arrival in Myawaddy and sent to Insein Prison; widespread extortion by junta officials; migrants committing suicide to avoid the process. Few can ascertain whether these rumours are true, but Thai and Burmese officials denied them outright when they met the media in Bangkok recently.

Migrants have many serious questions about NV, but receive few answers. How is nationality verified? How long does it take? Why are Muslims excluded? What are the actual benefits? Why does Burma refuse to allow NV to take place in Thailand? Is NV related to the 2010 Burmese election? No official answers. So migrants simply dismiss statements that deny the risks.

The number of migrants completing NV is still low – only around 2,000 of an eligible 1 million have been issued temporary passports. But for advocates of migrant rights, should we accept NV as a beneficial reality and move to discuss how it can be undertaken most effectively and safely? What are the alternatives?

Since the early 1990s, Thailand has implemented a piecemeal migrant registration policy that has neither protected rights nor effectively managed flows. The standard procedure has been yearly Cabinet resolutions to allow registration of migrants for 30 days, or occasionally granting an amnesty to all aliens in the country. Costs are Bt3,800 for a work permit and health insurance. Often no change of employer is allowed. Due to lack of awareness, it’s not rare for officials to learn about registration policies after they have been implemented, while employers seem to miss the processes altogether before they end for another year.

So on balance, NV appears a more viable system for managing irregular migration in Thailand than anything. It can at least potentially formalise entry and exit from the country in a way that could reduce exploitation, smuggling and even perhaps trafficking. But if a migrant’s home country is Burma, does something change?

Of course, the root cause of Burmese migrants’ problems is Burma itself. But until that problem can be solved, Thailand cannot deny its responsibility to regulate Burmese migrants and support their access to rights and welfare in the most effective way it can. Activists too should share this heavy burden.

The Thai government’s new NV policy, whatever its ulterior motive may be, should be welcomed. For it has started a meaningful debate. When one of the most vulnerable workforces in the world is faced with systematic exploitation – characterised by one country that refuses to acknowledge its benefits and another that refuses to respond to it – the debate will eventually expose the serious predicament faced by Burmese migrants currently toiling in Thailand.

These migrants are usually passive victims of a situation they were not involved in creating. To be the subjects of intense discussion – which may eventually find a lasting solution to their sad predicament – is surely the least they deserve.

Andy Hall is director of the Human Rights and Development Foundation’s Migrant Justice Programme.   http://www.nationmu ltimedia. com/2009/ 10/30/opinion/ opinion_30115498 .php
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Govt allows OVL to invest USD 174 mn in gas blocks
29 Oct 2009, 2032 hrs IST, PTI

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NEW DELHI: The government on Thursday permitted ONGC Videsh Ltd, the overseas arm of state-run Oil and Natural Gas Corp (ONGC), to invest about
USD 174 million more in two gas blocks off Myanmar.

The Cabinet Committee on Economic Affairs (CCEA) approved OVL’s share of investment of USD 173.85 million in prolific gas blocks A-1 and A-3 in the Bay of Bengal, an official statement said.

OVL holds 20 per cent interest in the blocks and the investment is for developing the gas reserves found in the blocks. The company would meet the investment requirement from its own resources and/or borrowings.

South Korea’s Daewoo is the operator of the blocks where state-run gas utility GAIL India also holds an additional 10 per cent stake.

“The investment is expected to provide additional reserve accretion of hydrocarbons and facilitate production and marketing of natural gas from the blocks A-1 and A-3 having participating interest of OVL and GAIL,” it said.

As per operator Daewoo, the likely expenditure till March 2010 is about USD 869.25 million in the two blocks. Of this, OVL’s share of expenditure at 20 per cent shall be USD 173.85 million.
http://economictime s.indiatimes. com/news/ news-by-industry /energy/oil- gas/Govt- allows-OVL- to-invest- USD-174-mn- in-gas-blocks/ articleshow/ 5177479.cms
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Fascinating rhythms
New book explores the traditional musical cultures of the Golden Triangle

* Published: 30/10/2009 at 12:00 AM
* Newspaper section: Realtime

Chiang Mai resident Victoria Vorreiter spent four and half years travelling through Laos, Burma, China and Northern Thailand, visiting more than 130 different tribal groups in mountain villages. As a violinist and music teacher, she became increasingly interested in the musical cultures she was exposed to during her travels, so she started collecting instruments and she began to record and film tribal songs and rituals.

Songs of Memory – Traditional Music of the Golden Triangle features the

The end result of this journey was an impressive mixed-media exhibition at the Jim Thompson Art Centre that ran from May to June this year. The exhibition featured a stunning array of traditional instruments, handmade textiles, photographs and films of ceremonies and rituals from six major tribal groups.

But the exhibition could only cover a fraction of the material Vorreiter collected, so she decided to publish a book to provide more details on the fascinating musical cultures she had encountered.

Songs of Memory – Traditional Music of the Golden Triangle (Resonance Press, Thailand) features the music of six major mountain-dwelling tribal groups: the Karen, Hmong, Mien, Lisu, Lahu and Akha.

In the introductory section to the book, Vorreiter explains the importance of the oral tradition in tribal culture, as well as animism, the central role of ritual and ceremony and how music is woven into the fabric of earth, life and daily cycles. Oral poetry in the form of vocal music is also important – in particular courting songs and verbal jousts similar to lam tad and mor lam.

Instrumental music varies widely among the tribes and accounts for the astonishing array of instruments – pipes, flutes, percussion, zithers, gongs, horns, just to mention a few – shown in the book (see the appendix for even more instruments) . The musical instruments of a shaman, for instance, looked to me more like a set of ancient dental drills and bits.

Pipes and flutes are common and many tribes have a version of the reed pipe that features across Southeast Asia and of which the Laotian khaen is the most well-known. But the reed pipes here are of all sizes and shapes. For me, the most amazing instrument in the collection is the Karen te ne folk harp. Vorreiter says that harps were much more common centuries ago but now only the Karen and the Lahu Nyi play folk harps, while the Burmese national instrument is the Burmese classical harp. The Karen harp is a beautiful instrument that reminds me both in its shape and sound of West African single-neck harps.

Each of the six groups and their respective musical cultures are discussed in individual chapters and illustrated with some lovely photographs. I particularly liked the photograph on page 115 which shows a shaman playing an instrument that has transfixed a cat.

The book comes with a set of 39 field recordings of the six tribal groups. I found the funeral chants and shaman chanting spectacular and one song Shaman Soul-Calling Ritual deeply moving. The courtship dances are fun, as they should be, while a Karen song Song of Loneliness must be the equivalent of the tribal blues.

One thing I did miss though was the names of all these fabulous musicians. I’d like to know more about the performers, certainly their names and who they are and what they think about the music they perform. Detailed liner notes would also be useful.

Vorreiter makes the point that many of these musical cultures have survived for centuries but despite this they remain fragile and some are fast disappearing as globalisation and “development” impinge on their environments. Certainly documenting the music will leave tribal peoples with a record of this (as many are oral cultures little is written down) and the writer is to be commended for all her hard work in documenting and presenting the music to a wider audience. There is little available on tribal music for the general reader; Vorreiter’s book certainly plugs a gap. Recommended.

The book is available at most major book stores.

A book launch for Songs of Memory will be held on Sunday, Nov 1 at The Surawong Book Centre, Sridonchai Road, Chiang Mai, along with a photo exhibition of different tribal people in traditional dress, “People With Hats – Traditional People of the Golden Triangle”, which runs from Nov 1-15.

More information can be found at the new website: http://www.tribalmu sicasia.com, which includes video clips and photographs.

This column can be contacted at: Clewley.john@ gmail.com
http://www.bangkokp ost.com/entertai nment/entertains coop/26570/ fascinating- rhythms
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ENERGY TECH
Groups petition against Myanmar pipeline
by Staff Writers
Yangon, Myanmar (UPI) Oct 29, 2009
Human-rights groups urged China to halt its investment in a Myanmar gas project over fears of abuses and unrest.

The 609-mile Shwe gas pipeline project runs from Myanmar’s Arakan state to China’s Yunnan province. State-owned China National Petroleum Corp. holds a 50.9 stake in the project in partnership with the Myanmar Oil and Gas Enterprise.

The Shwe pipeline construction was scheduled to begin in September.

Voice of America reports that more than 100 groups and political parties across 20 countries participated in the Shwe Gas Movement petition Wednesday to China’s President Hu Jintao, presented to Chinese embassies in Asia, Australia and Europe.

“There are already reports of human-rights violations in Arakan state connected to the project’s exploration phase, including arrests and beatings of fishermen, and abuses will escalate as the project progresses,” the petition states.

Based on previous experiences in Myanmar, the petition points out, partnerships with the MOGE on infrastructure development projects “invariably” lead to forced displacement, forced labor and loss of livelihoods.

Myanmar was formerly known as Burma.

“The escalation of abuses around a project when Burma army soldiers provide security is well documented” by the United Nations and other NGOs, the petition says.

Rights groups say they expect the Shwe gas project would provide Myanmar’s military with at least $29 billion over 30 years.

The petition notes that the country’s 2007 uprising was ignited by sudden massive increases in fuel prices.

While the United States and other countries have imposed economic sanctions on Myanmar’s government because of widespread rights abuses, China, India and Southeast Asian nations such as Thailand continue to invest in the country.

According to the petition, the pipeline would create a situation in which Chinese corporations and the partnering Myanmar army operating on the ground “will be responsible for rights abuses and uprooting livelihoods” in exporting huge amounts of oil and gas to China, while Myanmar’s per capita electricity consumption is less than 5 percent of China’s.

“This is a dangerous combination which could further fuel serious conflicts and anti-Chinese sentiment in Burma,” the petition says.

Economist Somphob Manarangsan of Bangkok’s Chulalongkorn University said Thai and Chinese investment has aided the country’s military government, Voice of America reports.

“Frankly speaking the Burmese government has become stronger economically on the foreign exchange they obtain in selling the natural gas to Thailand,” said Manarangsan. He added that it is obvious that China has been aggressive in moving to invest in Myanmar, particularly in energy. http://www.energy- daily.com/ reports/Groups_ petition_ against_Myanmar_ pipeline_ 999.html
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Refugee swell sparks clinic funding crisis

Oct 30, 2009 (DVB)–Increasing numbers of refugees crossing from Burma into Thailand have placed extra strain on a border clinic that treats thousands of Burmese each year, the director of the clinic said.

The Mae Tao Clinic, in Thailand’s border town of Mae Sot, is “struggling with a major funding crisis”, said Dr Cynthia Maung.

“This year, attacks on ethnic areas in Burma added even more patients to our ever growing caseload and forced a stream of displaced people, including orphans and unaccompanied children, over the border in search of food, shelter and education,” she said in an open letter.

Speaking to DVB today, she said that “around 99.9 percent” of patients were Burmese who are unable to find adequate healthcare in their own country.

According to medical aid group Medicins Sans Frontieres (MSF), the Burmese government spends an estimated $US0.70 per person each year on healthcare.

A World Health Organisation (WHO) report in 2000 ranked Burma’s healthcare system second worst in the world, one place above Sierra Leone.

“Each year the number of patients from Burma seeking treatment at the clinic increases by 20 to 30 percent,” said Cynthia Maung.

She added that the clinic’s child protection and education programme was also being put under strain as more young people crossed the border.

“Higher numbers are dropping out of school, and so have little chance to find employment and therefore come to Thailand,” she said.

“Also, a lot of children near the border are afraid of being recruited into the army so they try to get resettled in Thailand.”

A United Nations report released earlier this month found that education and health support in Thailand way surpassed that of Burma.

A person who is born in Thailand “can expect to live seven more years, to have almost three times as many years of education, and to spend and save eight times as much as someone born in neighbouring Myanmar [Burma]”, it said.

Heavy fighting in June this year between government troops and the opposition Karen National Union (KNU) forced around 5,000 civilians across the border into Thailand, many of whom found only rudimentary medical assistance in refugee camps.

The Thailand Burma Border Consortium (TBBC) warned yesterday of further unrest in eastern Burma in the run-up to elections next year. The Thai government has voiced concern about another wave of refugees crossing the border.

Reporting by Francis Wade   http://english. dvb.no/news. php?id=3005