The ’88 Student Leaders’ answers for Burma’s future

_ by May Ng

Ko Ko Gi, a student leader who was arrested in August, said that dissatisfaction over the present economic hardship is trivial in comparison to the smoldering political crisis, because, the military authoritarianism has been the root cause of bloody political unrests and widespread ethnic rebellion in Burma, since 1962.

In the following excerpt roughly translated from various Burmese language interviews, given prior to their arrests, which were aired on RFA, DVB, BBC, and VOA, the student leaders bravely and openly expressed their views on the political situation in Burma and junta’s roadmap to democracy.

Ko Htay Kywe’s view:

The spirit of ‘88 is not kept alive by only a few individuals; the movement is being carried on by the entire ‘88 generation political activists and the new generation political leaders.

We will continue to stand up to injustices with courage and determination, and we will continue to struggle for democracy in Burma. Clearly, totalitarianism is no longer acceptable to our people. Burma’s political and economic problems can be solved only if the government is willing to work peacefully together with the people.

(As the military thugs continued to hunt him down, Ko Htay Kywe said the following while still in hiding.)

Government is not the master, or the people its servants. It is the government which must defend and serve the needs of its people, not the other way around.

The five fold increase in fuel prices by the government, while selling abundant natural gas to China and Thailand cheaply, is devastating the lives of ordinary people in Burma. If the government fails to address the present economic crisis, people will not be able to tolerate the junta’s violent oppression much longer

As witnessed time and again in history, violent oppression cannot deter people’s desire for justice, truth and freedom, forever. We are deeply committed to make profound sacrifices to attain genuine democracy in Burma.

Ko Ko Gi’s view:

Military totalitarianism in Burma will leave the future generation with no other choice but a violent path. The people will have to face bloody struggle whenever there is a need for political change.

The new constitution being drafted by the military calls for a full participation by the people. But one of the provisions being proposed stipulates that 25 percent of the seats in the new government must be set aside for the military.

The most troubling clause in the proposed law specifies that only the majority above 75 percent of total votes can decide the outcome of the government. Since the military will hold 25 percent of the seats, in addition to all other seats the junta might win from the remaining 75 percent; even when all elected politicians vote together, the people will still not be able to determine the fate of the future government without the express approval of the military.

Under the military’s new version of totalitarianism, the political situation will again revert back to pre-1988 condition, and the future generations of Burma will again be left with no other choice but violent uprising to change their government.

The 1990’s free and fair election had led us to hope for a true and peaceful democratic political transition. But after losing the landslide election to the NLD, the military decided that a new constitution must be drawn, before the parliament can be convened.

By the time the first national convention took place in 1992, the seats of elected representatives were already reduced to one eighth of the total seats in the government, even though they won over 80 percent of the votes in 1990 general elections. But the elected politicians still persevered and tried to resolve the political differences with the junta through legitimate political processes while their shares of the seats were further reduced to less than five percent.

After the Depayin incident in 2003, when common criminals hired by the military junta attacked Aung San Suu Kyi and her convoy, the government reconvened the latest National Convention in 2004; and this time all elected representatives were excluded. Even at this stage, the remaining 92 elected representatives continued to look for a peaceful end to the political conflict in Burma.

The people do not hope nor ask for a transition to democracy overnight. And even though the promises made to them have been broken and their trust betrayed many times before, the people continued to look for a peaceful political solution between the army, the ethnic nationalities and the political leaders.

(The seven-step roadmap to disciplined democracy announced by Gen. Khin Nyunt on 30 August 2003

(1) – Reconvening of the National Convention that has been adjourned since 1996.

(2) – After the successful holding of the National Convention, step by step implementation of the process necessary for the emergence of a genuine and disciplined democratic system.

(3) – Drafting of a new constitution in accordance with basic principles and detailed basic principles laid down by the National Convention.

(4) – Adoption of the constitution through national referendum.

(5) – Holding of free and fair elections for Pyithu Hluttaws (Legislative bodies) according to the new constitution.

(6) – Convening of Hluttaws attended by Hluttaw members in accordance with the new constitution.

(7) – Building a modern, developed and democratic nation by the state leaders elected by the Hluttaw; and the government and other central organs formed by the Hluttaw.)

Ko Ko Gi continued………..

It is possible that even after step 1 of the political roadmap; people are willing to make compromises with the military during step 2 and 3.

As in the past, the military is insensitive to the wishes of the people and is unable to comprehend the courage and determination of the people, who may again reject the military’s long term political ambition.

The people unequivocally rejected totalitarianism in 1988 and voted for democracy in 1990. In another free election, the people of Burma will again undoubtedly express their preference for freedom and democracy and reject the junta’s authoritarian rules

There are no backup plans for step 5, 6, and 7 of the junta’s roadmap if the people decide to reject them; and it is entirely possible that the military is planning to push through their political agenda with the use of violence.

Since the members of armed forces are sworn to protect the national constitution with their lives, the future generations in Burma under this new constitution will inevitably have to face even bloodier confrontations to regain their political rights.

We cannot look on passively as the SPDC continues to use brutality and violence to further their political ambition, while sweeping aside the wishes of fifty million people.

Min Ko Naing’s conclusion:

Nothing is permanent, especially the seat of government power obtained without the consent of its people.

Even a government elected by people cannot remain in power indefinitely; when their term expires the elected politicians will have to make way for a new generation.

The people are disillusioned with social, political and economic conditions in Burma and they have unequivocally expressed their wish for democracy and freedom. The government can no longer deny the promise of democracy and freedom made to the people in 1988.

In 1988, the people ended the one party system under the 1974 constitution that perpetuated military dictatorship of 1962.

People must also find courage in unity and must participate actively in making decisions affecting their future. They must be brave, and the elected representatives must help the people understand the gravity of the constitution being drafted. The people must be ready to reject constitutional proposals that will not serve their interests.

Under junta’s seven-step roadmap to democracy, members of the military will enjoy a double advantage over ordinary citizens. They will be able to compete and vote in the 75 percent of the seats allotted to the people, as well as the 25 percent of the seats being set aside for the military.

We are not trying to undermine the military, for we too have friends and families in the army. But without a free and fair political system that guarantees peace and prosperity for its citizens, future generations will continue to face violence and bloodshed.

We are risking everything including our lives, by speaking up; but it is extremely important to attain a genuine democracy through peaceful political means in Burma.