By Taisamyone

By holding the reins of government by force, the military junta effectively prevent any positive change occurring in Burma. The country cannot adopt a constitution that it wants, but only one that the junta want. No political activity is allowed without the control and approval of the junta. Expatriate groups outside Burma who express views freely are demonised by the junta. Anyone inside Burma who opposes the junta are ridiculed, bullied, abused and ostracized. Is it any wonder that no progress has been made towards a civilian democratic government?

The junta continues to manipulate any event to its own ends. Its bungled attempt to murder DASSK becomes a reason to place her under house arrest for her own safety. A crushing defeat at a fair election becomes an excuse for redefining the meaning of ‘an election’ into something that keeps them in power for years more.

‘Constitution drafting’ becomes a process of gathering together all those willing to try and work with the regime and then to bully them into submission – those who refuse to go along with the intimidation have little option but to refuse to continue to participate in the charade. But what then? With no voice in the so-called road-map process of transition, there is little impact that the NLD, NCGUB, ENC and other groups working for democracy can actually do. At least there is little that they can do inside Burma.

It is through the work of expatriate groups, groups based in liberated areas on the borders, and those brave enough to remain under the oppressive regime and communicate with the rest of the world that the message gets out. Democratic nations and those who champion democracy and human rights around the world hear the call and press for change through ASEAN, AIMPC, UNSC and elsewhere. Without these groups who are impotent inside Burma, the outside world would not hear the message directly from the people of Burma. Foreign nations who call for an end to the suffering caused by the junta are accused of interfering in internal affairs – whereas we know that when that message is reinforced by the voice of the people of Burma is has added authority. These calls for change are not a matter of interference, but one that calls upon the regime to listen to the will of the people of Burma. The world at large knows of DASSK and the NLD - they are held up as a beacon of freedom in the midst of oppression; their relevance to the future political life in Burma is not as important as their great iconic value of galvanising world opinion and a focus for international efforts to bring about Freedom, Democracy and Human Rights to Burma.

One could well voice the opinion that the 1990 election results are now no longer valid – in seventeen years several elections should have taken place! However, they reflected then, as now, the voice of the people and, as with the 1960 election results, demonstrate that the people of Burma do not want a military government – they want a freely elected civilian government. The 1990 election results are still valid in that sense. If an election were to be held today, within the context of a civilian government appointed to reinstate civilian rule and set about a dialogue to produce a constitution through open discussion of all parties, using as a basis the 1947 constitution, then the military toadies would not win – civilian political groups opposed to military rule would win because that remains the wish of the people.

Whether the NLD would win an election today is not actually material to the case, nor is the question as to their relevance to politics in 2007. What is important is that they were and they remain the symbol of independence and civilian government. No one but those army officers who benefit from the power and corruption and their civilian toadies would vote for a political party that supported the military rule and their constitution.

Enough has already been written about the National Convention to discredit the resulting constitution as a means by which the military intend to enslave the people and rescind any kind of freedom. But without enough pressure from both outside and inside Burma, the regime will carry out their plans to implement the results of the National Convention – and as Dr. Sein Win puts it “…if the incumbent military regime decides to go ahead with its plan to write a constitution which will make the entire civilian population subservient to the military, the current issues concerning democracy, rights of ethnic nationalities, and the socioeconomic and political crisis can only worsen beyond salvation…” (2007 May 22, Japan)

The junta continue to proclaim that their roadmap will lead to a ‘discipline-flourishing democracy’ and what friends they have echo this message, whether they believe it or not – China, Russia and India have other agendas to follow that seem to them more important than democracy in Burma. The regime have managed to sweet-talk many opposition groups and erstwhile armed resistance groups into going along with the road-map – but many groups don’t believe a word they say. The regime will manipulate all who listen into a position in which they find it hard to extricate themselves, without being bullied or intimidated; those that do retract are then declared irrelevant! If they don’t like the result of any election or discussion in the future, the regime will impose their own will, by force if necessary. Accommodating the will of the people is the last thing they want to do, as it will inevitably deprive them of the power and the opportunities for personal wealth that they cling on to with an iron fist.

We may disagree with the policies of the plethora of expatriate opposition groups; we may think that they have been ineffective in bringing about change in Burma; we may think that they are too old to take over the leadership of a government that will have a very difficult job in bringing peace and prosperity to Burma - but they do represent one of the hopes for Burma. There are a number of new generation organisations in Burma today with new ideas on how to move forward from the stalemate of the last 45 years – they will play an increasingly important role in the political life of Burma’s future. But for now, the old hands are still around – and their mere presence and their actions continue to represent a threat to the continued power of the illegitimate regime. For that we should give them credit and support, even if our own actions and sympathies and hearts are with other pro-democracy freedom groups – “my enemy’s enemy is my friend”. In the fight against the tyranny of the SPDC, all opposition forces should be united to overcome the regime; as Ho Chi Minh put it; “Unity is Strength, Great Unity is Great Strength.”

For further information

¨       National Coalition Government of the Union of Burma (NCGUB)

¨       Forum for Democracy in Burma

¨       National Council of the Union of Burma (NCUB)

¨       Ethnic Nationalities Council (ENC)

¨       Former world leaders call for Aung San Suu Kyi’s release

¨       US first lady, women senators, push for Suu Kyi release

¨       Women US Senators Ally To Highlight Burma Rights Abuses